According to a study recently conducted by Samdahl and Kelly (1999), leisure research is intellectually isolated, not only from what they call and relevant bodies of (p. 10), but scholars in this area are also isolated from each other and each other's work. This troubling finding about our intellectual isolation conjures up the image that we are an isolate on a sociometric map that is comprised of important and relevant bodies of literature and fields of study. The problem with our position on this map, our isolation, is self evident-by being isolated we are out of the intellectual mainstream where ideas are exchanged, research agendas are set, and theories are tested. From our position at the margins of intellectual life, we have limited visibility and little to no ability to exert influence on the agenda that is set, the ideas that are exchanged, or the theories being tested. We lack important linkages to other areas of knowledge such as the social or behavioral sciences or management sciences and we are neither informed by, nor do we inform those relevant bodies of literature and fields of study. Lacking these linkages, we initiate few conversations beyond and among ourselves and when we do engage in conversations, our audience is very small, indeed. If Samdahl and Kelly's findings accurately capture our position, then one of our most important challenges is to change our position on this map; to become more centrally located, and presumably then, more connected with important bodies of knowledge and other scholars who examine leisure. The authors offer us a glimpse at an important reason why we are intellectually isolated. When they discuss outside research on leisure (research conducted by non-leisure scholars), they state that this research addresses leisure and recreation within the context the family, health, urban planning, culture, and the economy O but most [articles] have little relevance to leisure (p. 10). This statement infers two crucial indictments of leisure researchers and practitioners; first, that leisure researchers do not examine leisure as a part of those important contexts, and that perhaps, as a result, we examine leisure from a non-holistic, compartmentalized perspective. To understand leisure better, we take it out of its context and hold it up to the light to examine its parts and systems and possible meanings. In doing so, all of the relationships and intricacies between leisure and its context are torn or altered. What we end up with, then, is an understanding of leisure in isolation of context and meaning; stripped bare of the family, of health, urban planning, culture, and the economy. The second indictment inferred in Samdahl and Kelly's statement is that practitioners also view leisure in that same mechanistic, discrete way. When societal factors such as family, health, and environments in which people live have little relevance to a practitioner, is not the practitioner viewing leisure as separate from other pertinent community and societal factors? While I do not believe that this second inference is true, perhaps what Samdahl and Kelly mean is that practitioners are looking for technical assistance when they read journals. The study conducted by Jordan and Roland (1999) offers some insight to this question and is discussed in the next section. Jordan and Roland (1999) report equally troubling findings from their study of differences that exist between academics and practitioners on the frequency of reading research and attitudes toward research. Their findings show that between 61% to 86% of all respondents in their study, both academics and practitioners, rarely or never read a research journal. While this finding may be influenced by a small sample that does not represent the population from which it was drawn, it tells us that leisure research exerts little to no impact on advancing the profession or influencing professional practice, at least via research journals. …