Democracy In Ukraine Research Articles

Чи завершилась інституціоналізація демократії в Україні?

Чи завершилась інституціоналізація демократії в Україні?

Characteristics of the negative impact on democracy in Ukraine

Characteristics of the negative impact on democracy in Ukraine

Конституційне право громадян на скаргу як форма прояву народовладдя

У статті в процесі обґрунтування конституційного права громадян на скаргу як форми прояву народовладдя; вказані на такі його основополагаючі складові як правовий та соціальний зміст; а також його функції – правоохоронну; соціального контролю; можливість висловити власну думку по тому чи іншому питанні. Мета та завдання статті: Ст.3 Конституції України стверджує; що людина; її життя і здоров’я; честь і гідність; недоторканність і безпека визнаються в Україні найвищою соціальною цінністю. Права і свободи людини визначають зміст і спрямування діяльності держави.. Це означає; що особистість людини є цінністю не тільки для себе; але і для всього суспільства. Надані Конституцією права та свободи людини і громадянина є проявом народовладдя в Україні. Метою даної статті є спроба вказати на основоположні напрямки вирішення проблем конституційного права на скаргу як форми прояву такого народовладдя. Методи: порівняльно-правовий; соціологічний; історичний; логічний; діалектичний. Результати: проведений аналіз показує; що діюче законодавство; встановлюючи право громадян на скаргу; передбачає різні правові режими його забезпечення; знання і розуміння яких дасть можливість на практиці реалізувати дане конституційне право. Обговорення: в даній статті автори пропонують до обговорення основних положень щодо проблем загальної і спеціальної скарги та критеріїв їх розмежування.

Democracy in Ukraine and Its Current Struggles

This study analyses the issue of democracy in Ukraine and major factors which determine the prospects for democracy in the one of the largest European countries. The research question is as to how Ukraine fares in terms of common democracy criteria. The related question is as to which factors or obstacles affect democracy in Ukraine, specifically after the “Euromaidan.” The major measures of democracy, such as the Polity and Freedom House indexes, show that Ukraine did not turn into a democracy as a result of the “Euromaidan.” The Polity index and various evidence, specifically concerning the violent political transition during the “Euromaidan,” suggest a relative movement towards greater authoritarianism. Such development contrasts with relative democratization of Ukraine after it gained independence following a collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and after peaceful mass protests and an additional round elections during the “Orange Revolution” prevented an attempt to seize power with help of falsification of election results. However, the changes in the state of democracy in independent Ukraine and the application to Ukraine of various factors, which previous studies identified as promoting or hindering democracy, indicate that consolidated liberal democracy or consolidated autocracy are unlikely to take root in Ukraine. Such factors include the economic development level, semi-democratic political values, historical legacies, political institutions, political leadership, civil society, and European Union integration. The effect of Ukrainian diaspora on democracy in Ukraine is a factor that requires further research.

TRENDS AND PROSPECTS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF DEMOCRACY IN THE MODERN WORLD

The article studies modern problems of the development of democracy. The reasons for rejection of Euro-American democratic principles in the world and future scenarios for the development ofdemocracy in the context of world development are analyzed. The prospects for global democratization are greatly complicated by the current transformation of the structure of international relations and the asymmetry of its processes in various regions of the world. It is revealed that from the theoretical standpoint different “scenarios of the future of democracy” are possible: fundamentally new phases of the democratic process in some regions and its stagnation in others; interweaving and mutual enrichment of its various vectors. The key factors that will in the future determine the stability and spread of democracy are economic development and political management. The trends and prospects of the future of Ukrainian democracy in the global world are also examined.

EUROPEAN VALUES AS LANDMARKS FOR UKRAINIAN STUDENTS

ORSHANSKYI Leonid – Doctor of Pedagogical Sciences, Professor, Head of the Technological and Vocational Education Department, Drohobych Ivan Franko State Pedagogical University, Ivan Franko str., 24, Drohobych, 82100, Ukraine (orshanski@i.ua)ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9197-2953ResearcherID: http://www.researcherid.com/rid/E-2108-2018KOTYK Iryna – PhD of Pedagogical Sciences, associate professor of the Technological and Vocational Education Department, Drohobych Ivan Franko State Pedagogical University, Ivan Franko str., 24, Drohobych, 82100, Ukraine (kotyk16@i.ua)ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4490-4998ResearcherID: http://www.researcherid.com/rid/D-6220-2018DOI: https://doi.org/10.24919/2313-2094.6/38.119524To cite this article: Orshanskyi, L., Kotyk, I. (2018). European values as landmarks for Ukrainian students. Liudynoznavchi studii. Seriia «Pedahohika» – Human Studies. Series of «Pedagogy», 6/38, 255–266. doi: 10.24919/2313-2094.6/38.119524 [in English].Article historyReceived: 4 October 2017Received in revised form: 1 December 2017Accepted: 15 February 2018Available online: 5 April 2018 Abstract. Today, our country has made its civilized choice, which has become a strategic reference point for the aspirations of most Ukrainians – integration into the European Union. Historical experience shows that the strength ofEurope depends on the inviolability of the basic European values that have a united potential, because their unity is the value basis for European nations, regardless of cultural traditions and national identity. Therefore, in the context of understanding that the student youth is as an important social resource ofUkraine, the problem how to form a set of values inherent to Europeans in particular, is the most topical from a prognostic point of view.Based on the analysis of the results of empirical and sociological research, we have identified the dynamics and peculiarities of the influence of various political, social and economic factors on the formation of European values in the student youth, taking into account the transformations taking place in the life of modern Ukraine – the country, which has chosen the European integration vector of development.The results of the study indicate that the consciousness of Ukrainian students is often dominated by the values of personal well-being (health, success, prosperity, happy family, etc.) and paternalistic direction (high-quality free education and medicine, sufficient pensions, social benefits, job security, economic stability, etc.). At the same time, modern students support the implementation of democratic principles and wish to be part of the process of building a European democracy inUkraine. True European values and worldview are recognized as a lofty ideal to follow, a necessary condition for the effective functioning of a democratic society.The study confirmed that most students strongly support the integration ofUkraineinto the European Union (over 76 %). Therefore, there are all the preconditions that the current students will soon become the main driving force behind the reforms and the implementation of the principles and values shared by the European community – Ukrainian «ambassadors» of its kind in all the spheres of European social, economic and political life. Declaration of Conflicting Interests. The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.Acknowledgments. Sincere thanks to pedagogical staff at Drohobych Ivan Franko State Pedagogical University, in particular Lilia Ovcharenko, for her linguistic assistance.Funding. The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: Funding from Union of Designers of Ukranie permitted this research completion.

Ukrainian nationalist parties and connective action: an analysis of electoral campaigning and social media sentiments

ABSTRACTThis paper combines human- and computer-mediated content analysis to advance the understanding of how far-right parties are using new media to mobilize their supporters in the transitioning Ukrainian democracy. This study’s theoretical approach employs the framework of connective action logic; results suggest that young and challenger parties are more adoptive of this logic, and provide opportunities for personalized engagement to their supporters. Moreover, use of interactive technologies by the studied parties also goes hand in hand with a smaller proportion of opinionated messages in their Twitter network, in spite of the inherent polarizing nature of these parties. Implications of these findings for research on future political campaigns conclude this paper.

Electronic Democracy in Ukraine: Institutional Analysis

The paper focuses on the differences in interpretation of the institutional theory main terms – «social institution» and «social institute» in Ukrainian and world sociology language. In accordance with the requirements of the sociological methodology (systemic understanding of all social phenomena) and the etymology of these terms, social institutions are treated as balanced systems of component institutes. It is stressed that electronic democracy is a relatively autonomous institute, which is a part of democracy institution structure. In line with this approach, the institute of e-democracy is considered as an integral part of the social institution of democracy, which arises in the modernization process of the institution, its adaptation to the requirements of modern computerized society, and performs certain functions in it, partial tasks in the system of public appointment of the institution of democracy as a whole. E-democracy formation serves not only as a formal sign of the institutional modification, but at the same time it is a qualitative change, a significant transformation of the essential filling of institution. This contributes to the more effective achievement of democracy main purpose: the expansion of citizen participation in the power decisions adoption, and thus stimulate the formation of civil society in modern conditions. At the same time, electronic democracy in Ukraine, which is at an early stage of institutional development, is rather vulnerable, and thus generates a many problems and threats for the institution of democracy and modern society as a whole. They relate primarily to the inadequate accessibility of this tool for the citizens (the socio-cultural dimension of the problem), the complication with effective protection of information dissemination channels (the technical side of the problem), and the counteraction to the consequences of unauthorized interference with the course and direction of democratic procedures (the socio-technical dimension of the problem), and therefore require a proper response from society for these threats.

ENSURING OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF CIVILIAN POTENTIAL IN UKRAINE

It has been established that a democratic state (as opposed to an authoritarian state) does not manage society, but administers public and state affairs (and these are fundamentally different concepts). “Effectiveness” can only be considered such interaction of the institutions of power with the institutions of civil society, as a result of which an agreement (consensus) on all the issues raised was reached on the basis of mutual compromises, as well as jointly produced and agreed projects of specific power or managerial decisions that can resolve the existing the problem. That is why each of the participants in such a dialogue should not only deeply understand the essence of the problem, but also listen to other people’s opinions and suggestions, comments of other participants, as well as try to identify common features of various positions and work out a solution acceptable to all about how to solve the existing problem. It is substantiated that the mandatory principle of effective cooperation and the establishment of effective interaction between the state (in the face of specific public servants) and civil society should be the understanding by both parties of their equal rights and responsibility in managing public and state affairs, because the right of public servants and the right of members of the public on the same constitutional right of every citizen to participate in the management of public affairs and (Art. 38 of the Constitution of Ukraine). Participation in the activities of the third sector is also becoming increasingly important to protect democracy in Ukraine. Especially considering the fact that almost all over the world the level of public participation in the elections is decreasing. In Europe, despite the fact that until recently the main initiator of the process of concluding an agreement on cooperation was the non-profit sector, the state is no less interested in the agreement. For example, one of the main reasons for preparing a treaty in England was the inability of the government to solve a rapidly growing number of tasks and to provide the necessary services to the population efficiently and economically.

REQUIREMENTS FOR THE POSITION OF JUDGE OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT: COMPARATIVE LEGAL ANALYSIS (BASED ON THE EXPERIENCE OF EU MEMBER STATES)

The article draws attention to the widely discussed in society, however superficially analyzed by experts, constitutional justice reform issues at the present stage of development of the Ukrainian state. As a basis for the study of actual problems of constitutional justice and a precondition for the implementation of national reforms in this area, the article focuses on the experience of countries that are members of the EU. The main subjects of the study were the requirements to the candidates for judges of specialized bodies of constitutional justice in democratic countries and the prospects for their implementation in Ukraine. The article also deals with analyzing the dynamics of the changing role of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine to limit state power to ensure individual rights and freedoms of man and citizen, the collective rights of communities and societies, and all Ukrainian people. It is emphasized that although universal ideas of constitutionalism have been certainly recognized in Ukraine at a theoretical level after independence proclamation, these concepts have not found their proper practical implementation. Having been established to maintain the Constitution’s of Ukraine supremacy throughout the state, to ensure the Basic Law legal protection and provide within its competence human and civil rights protection and the balance in the separation of powers system, the Constitutional Court not only failed to outperform public expectations, but became a disappointment for many lawyers and concerned citizens. It is asserted that current situation should encourage all active lawyers and scholars to develop new approaches to the analysis of the causes and consequences of failures in the universally recognized constitutional and legal principles practical implementation in Ukraine, including in the constitutional justice field. The conclusion is made, that if we could organize the most apolitical organizational and legal mechanism for quality appointment (election) of judges of the Constitutional Court, the original problem of inefficiency of constitutional justice in Ukraine would be resolved without much difficulty. And unjust decision, and insufficient activity of the Constitutional Court, and improper organization of its work, would cease to be a constant obstacle to the development of the constitutional control in Ukraine. The article contains arguments that prove the objective connection between constitutional justice problems and difficulties of the domestic state in general. In fact, awareness of importance and special responsibility for the appointment of each CCU and its subsequent impact on constitutionalism and the establishment of real democracy in Ukraine is a sign of a mature statesman (official). Therefore, the arrange a proper operation of the constant renewal of the membership of the sole body of constitutional jurisdiction in Ukraine will not succeed until it is recognized and eliminated direct real cause of the problem. In our opinion, it is, above all, lack of political will to conscious existence in Ukraine of an independent constitutional arbiter, the denial of the idea of constitutional review.

Громадянське суспільство як один із вирішальних факторів консолідації українства постколоніального періоду

Стаття присвячена дослідженню громадянського суспільства як згуртувального чинника сучасного українського соціуму. Авторка доводить, що саме громадянське суспільство стало головним фактором впливу на консолідаційні процеси в постколоніальній Україні, яка опинилась у стані загрозливої державності через агресивні дії з боку Росії. Також розглянуто історичні приклади демократичних перетворень, що впливали на процес виникнення та розвитку громадянського суспільства на етнічних українських землях. Наголошується на тому факті, що в українській історії було чимало викликів, які сприяли зародженню громадянського суспільства на цих територіях. Одним із найяскравіших прикладів стало утвердження у цілій низці міст на автентичних українських землях магдебурзького права. Акцентовано увагу на тих дослідженнях українських філософів, які розглядали вплив магдебурзького права на формування громадянської активності та світогляду вільної особистості. У статті також проаналізовано основні концептуальні моделі громадянського суспільства, вироблені на сьогодні світовою філософією. Наголошується на значенні філософсько-світоглядної компоненти у процесі розвитку та функціонування громадянського суспільства в Україні. Робиться висновок, що найефективнішим консолідуючим чинником для сучасного українського соціуму є функціонування громадянського суспільства та його інституцій.

КОНЦЕПТУАЛЬНІ ЗАСАДИ ФОРМУВАННЯ МЕХАНІЗМІВ Е-УРЯДУВАННЯ В УМОВАХ ЦИФРОВІЗАЦІЇ

The necessity of research of fundamental bases of formation of e-government in Ukraine in the conditions of digital transformation and informatization of a society is substantiated. The aim of the study is to determine the conceptual foundations of the formation and development of the mechanism of e-government in Ukraine in the context of digital transformation. The factors of influence and goals of e-government are generalized. The peculiarities of e- government as a set of tactics and actions of the government (openness of government, temporal and spatial independence, focus on consumer needs, reducing the level of bureaucratization in the provision of services, etc.) are identified. The stages of formation of mechanisms-e-government in the world and key legislative acts in the normative-legal provision of Ukraine concerning formation of mechanisms of e-government are investigated. E-government in Ukraine is systematically developing in accordance with the regulations of the President of Ukraine, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine. Based on the analysis of the regulatory framework, the shortcomings of the existing regulatory framework for e-government in Ukraine are highlighted: fragmentation, incompleteness, vagueness, vagueness, inconsistency, inconsistency of some documents and opacity of procedures, non- adaptation to international acts, low quality of preparation of regulations ( acts are developed without a thorough analysis of the problem, without taking into account the risks of their implementation; without analysis of interaction with other acts), low quality of socio-economic and legal expertise, lack of public discussion. It is proved that a prerequisite for quality governance and further development of democracy in Ukraine is the introduction of legal procedures and practices of public involvement in public law decisions at the level of public authorities and local governments in the field of e-government. It is determined that the system of normative-legal documents should correspond to the dynamics of development, emergence of new and modernization of existing documents, establishment of new connections and priorities between them.

ГРОМАДЯНСЬКЕ СУСПІЛЬСТВО ЯК ГОЛОВНИЙ ДРАЙВЕР СТІЙКОСТІ ГРОМАД В УМОВАХ ДЕЦЕНТРАЛІЗАЦІЇ

The article considers a set of issues related to the formation of sustainability in the state at different levels of government: national, regional and local, with an emphasis on the sustainability of territorial communities. The concept of "sustainability" is defined, the criteria of sustainability for national security and its components at the local level are analyzed, in particular, in the formation of affluent communities. Sustainability is considered in various aspects: as a component of national security and defense of the state, in relation to the concepts of "cohesion" and "national security". Financial stability is justified as an important sign of the viability of local communities. The role of civil society in shaping the sustainability of communities is revealed, as well as different views of scientists on the impact of civil society on sustainability are analyzed. The foreign experience of implementation of the basic principles of sustainability in the life of communities is studied. The most important component of sustainability is the ability of the community to consolidate to counteract harmful and dangerous external and internal influences. Open partnership of public authorities with business structures and the public should be a prerequisite for this. It is proved that in the conditions of decentralization and various internal and external challenges, civil society (active citizens and civil society institutions) can and should be a driver of community sustainability. It is assumed that the implementation of state policy to promote the development of civil society should create a solid foundation of democracy in Ukraine as a component of national sustainability. Since the systemic mechanisms for ensuring national sustainability in the Ukrainian state at both national and local levels are not yet fully formed, the development and implementation of comprehensive strategic decisions in this area requires proper scientific substantiation, which is why the author’s contribution to this topic.

The 'Euromaidan,' Democracy, and Political Values in Ukraine

This paper examines the political system, attitudes towards democracy, and their determinants in Ukraine before, during and after the “Euromaidan.” The research question is as follows: What type of political system has emerged in Ukraine since the “Euromaidan?” The related research question is to what extent political values in Ukraine are supportive of democracy. This study is based on theories of democratic, semi-democratic, and authoritarian political systems, democratization, and political culture. A number of major survey-based academic studies, conducted primarily before the “Orange Revolution,” concluded that mass political values in Ukraine were generally supportive of democracy, and that they did not preclude emergence of a consolidated democracy. Many previous studies presented the “Orange Revolution” as a democratic revolution that transformed Ukraine from semi-democracy or competitive authoritarianism to democracy. Democracy was often regarded as the most likely future path of political development of this post-Soviet state. The Western and Ukrainian media, the Western governments, and the Maidan government in Ukraine also generally presented the “Euromaidan” as a democratic revolution that overthrew the authoritarian government as a result of mass peaceful protests. However, there is lack of academic studies of the political system and democratic values in Ukraine since the “Euromaidan.” This paper compares political systems in Ukraine before, during and after the “Euromaidan.” It uses data from different waves of the International Foundation for Electoral Systems surveys, the Pew Global Attitudes surveys, and the World Values Surveys to examine public attitudes towards democracy in Ukraine before and after the “Euromaidan.” It also compares democratic and authoritarian preferences in Ukraine with those in Poland and Russia, two similar post-communist countries with differing political cultures and divergent trajectories of democratization. Finally, this study implements multiple regression analysis of the determinants of attitudes towards democracy. It analyzes effects of political party preferences, regional historical legacies, religion, ethnicity, and other factors on pro-democracy views. The study also discusses implications of its findings for the prospects for liberal democracy in Ukraine and for the conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine.

Recommendations for Ukraine on Introduction of Information Democracy

The paper researches the optimization process of information democracy in Ukraine. The problems, which can be solved by information democracy include: increasing public confidence in the government, the legitimacy of the government and public understanding of power, the interests of citizens and public services, equal access to the political process, effective representation in the decision-making processes in political and administrative matters, and participation of citizens through their involvement in policy-making through public consultation and debate. The experience of implementing IT tools of democracy in Ukraine shows that through the use of Internet technology people gain new opportunities to participate in the political process, in particular, increasing their awareness on important political issues of the state and local authorities.

Dancing with the devil: explaining the European Union’s engagement with Ukraine under Viktor Yanukovych

Viktor Yanukovych’s ouster from power in 2014 was widely celebrated in Europe as a step forward for democracy in Ukraine. What is now somewhat forgotten, however, is that the European Union (EU) was closely engaged with the Yanukovych regime, offering it a favorable Association Agreement even as the country regressed with respect to democracy. This article examines the EU’s policy toward Ukraine during Yanukovych’s presidency (2010–2014), highlighting the disconnection between the EU’s rhetorical commitment to democracy and events in Ukraine. It explores the attempt by the EU to impose conditionality, arguing that EU frustration with Ukraine eventually led it to water down its demands in the hopes of claiming success in furthering EU–Ukraine ties.

Demokracja partycypacyjna – szansa czy zagrożenie dla Ukrainy?

The article presents an analysis of the participatory democracy concept as a form of the citizens’ involvement in the social life of Ukraine since the state independence. Text contains examples of the citizens’ participation in the governance process that can be considered as a realization of the idea of direct democracy in Ukraine. It also describes the problems that Ukrainian state met in connection with the rise of civil activity after Euromaidan events. Further, it claims that ordinary citizens who were not able to stand apart to these problems started to execute the functions of the official state bodies. Finally, it presents some recommendations related to the regulation or revision of the forms of the citizens’ political participation, provided by the Ukrainian legislation.

Mykola's Shlemkevich philosophical system and its relevance to Ukrainians outlook formation

The philosophical inheritance of Mykola Shlemkevich remains small worked out for today. In part because his works have been scattered, published in various publications under pseudonyms, in part, because of the fact that he has long been is attached the label "nationalist" and sometimes "nationalist fascist. Mykola`s Shlemkevich works fold the philosophical system and it is an obvious fact. They are incorporated by structural and methodological community. It is important to consider the Shlemkevych`s philosophical system it in its fullness and integrity, as in his writings thinker pointed not only to the problems faced by Ukrainian, but also on ways to overcome them. Mykola Shlemkevich always marked practical character of philosophy, he considered that philosophy must be added to practice. He also mentioned this in his work "The essence of philosophy", for which in 1926 got in the Viennese university rank of Ph.D. Slemkevich defines philosophy as the inner essence symbolic systems of science, religion, art, culture. He calls philosophy "the queen of sciences.""Lost Ukrainian man" published in New York in 1954 is a perfect example of deep understanding of the social, political, cultural and philosophical problems faced man of modern times. Thinker notes that everyone naturally seeks happiness, but Ukrainians believe that happiness is oblivion. Shlemkevich emphasizes that it is not true.He notes that there is no oblivion for Ukrainians. He sees solution in leadingout of all complexes on a surface. Solving these problems is the responsibility of the elite, because that philosophers, politicians and artists should be support for people.Also a philosopher investigates the question of the political system that would answer the necessities of Ukrainians most. In his "Ukrainian synthesis or Ukrainian civil war" published in 1946 philosopher considers the title of "creative forces" (polity). They are: Ukrainian autocracy - the monarchy, Ukrainian democracy - democracy and the Ukrainian leadership. Contrary to the creative forces are the forces of anarchy. Creative forces can not overcome force of anarchy because operate separately. Also creative forces argue among themselves. One`s of creative forces victory is undesirable because will result in totalitarianism, and it unusual to Ukrainians. Thus a thinker talks about a necessity to find a consensus, because only together they will be able to bringUkraineover to prosperity.

Bachmann, Klaus and Lyubashenko, Igor (eds) The Maidan Uprising, Separatism and Foreign Intervention: Ukraine's Complex Transition Sakwa, Richard Frontline Ukraine: Crisis in the Borderlands (review)

SEER, 93, 4, OCTOBER 2015 790 the traumatic collapse of Yugoslavia. She strongly implies that the continuing appeal of an epistemological approach which enshrines universal doubt and the impossibility of establishing accurate knowledge of past events not only promotes superficiality and obfuscation but may lead to the loss of historicity itself. A set of often insightful chapters show how particular disciplines, such as sociology and cultural anthropology, are struggling to develop critical scholarship against the background of funding and societal constraints. These constraints emerge in sharp relief in a chapter on post-Miloşević Serbia in which Hilde Katrine Haug focuses on the hostility encountered by the Serbian Truth and Reconciliation Commission as it sought unsuccessfully to come to terms with the controversial recent past. She quotes the baleful verdict of the Serbian historian Nikola Samardžić that ‘the local humanities are not able to openly and competently discuss the most important issues of the past and future, leaving insteadopenmanycontroversiesrelatedtotheprocessofYugoslavdisintegration’ (p. 113). Local power-holders, often beneficiaries of the war, who Armina Galijaš argues, are managing the lives of citizens with new bureaucratic orders, have no wish to see the past re-opened. There is a battle to find neutral space for research focusing on civic, anti-nationalist and conflict related themes and this wellproduced volume on the current state of scholarship about the ‘Yugospshere’ shedsawelcomelightoncurrentdebatesaswellasrevealingtherangeandquality of the scholarship that is seeking to overcome various post-war constraints. University of Bradford Tom Gallagher Bachmann,KlausandLyubashenko,Igor(eds).TheMaidanUprising,Separatism and Foreign Intervention: Ukraine’s Complex Transition. Studies in Political Transition, 4. Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main, 2014. 523 pp. Figure. Tables. Notes. Timeline. Bibliography. List of geographic names. £49.00. Sakwa, Richard. Frontline Ukraine: Crisis in the Borderlands. I. B. Tauris, London and New York, 2015. xx + 297 pp. Maps. Tables. Notes. Select bibliography. Index. £18.99. After a year of turbulence, with more undoubtedly to come, there will be many books on all aspects of the crisis surrounding Ukraine. Bachmann’s and Lyubashenko’s volumne, mainly consisting of contributions from German and Polish specialists, is more academic; Sakwa’s is also for the general market. The Maidan Uprising has useful chapters of pre-2014 political narrative by Andrzej Szeptycki and Maciej Wapiński. Lyubashenko provides a more up-todate analysis of the changing character of the Maidan protestors. Paweł Kowal REVIEWS 791 looks at the rise of the Ukrainian oligarchy and argues that its level of wealth and influence is unusual even in the post-Soviet world. Bachmann and Lyubashenko analyse the role of media and ‘digital communication tools’, and are particularly interesting on the exact mechanisms of Russian internet propaganda; though they are more circumspect about the actual effect of such efforts, especially in the key German media market. The Maidan was in large part a protest against the shortcomings and perversions of Ukrainian democracy. Bachmann talks about the paradoxes of ‘façade’ institutions (p. 414), but the chapter on Svoboda and Right Sector is marred by the failure to include any discussion of the role of political technology — or just exposure on oligarch TV — in their rise. The factor is also underplayed in the chapter on the mainstream political parties Batkivshchyna and UDAR — the reader needs to know more about the covert oligarch sponsors that led many of the Maidan protestors to dismiss the two as simply satellites of the Yanukovych ‘system’ — which was also a big part of the reason why the two failed in the 2014 election campaigns. Bachmann’s claim that the protestors ‘decided to launch an attack on the parliamentbuilding inorder to coercethemembersofparliament toreinstate the 2004constitution’(p.405)onthekeydayofbloodshed,18February2014,ishighly questionable. On the other hand, his statement that political ‘dysfunctionalities were the result of processes on the highest level of political decision making between the Rada , the government and the president and — behind the curtain of domestic politics — key actors of the oligarch system. They were not the result of dysfunctional interest aggregation or unsurmountable social, ideological, regional or ethnic divisions’ (p. 410) is much more persuasive and an important counter to arguments that Ukraine is somehow simply an unviable nation or state. Adam Balcer goes beyond the usual stereotypical discussion of...

The EU and Russia's conflicting regime preferences in Ukraine: assessing regime promotion strategies in the scope of the Ukraine crisis

This paper evaluates the competitiveness of the European Union (EU) and Russia's regime preferences in their foreign policies towards Ukraine in the scope of the on-going Ukraine crisis. It is argued that the underpinning geopolitical environment Ukraine currently resides in, wedged between two much larger powers (the EU and Russia), renders it a vulnerable target state for regime promotion from both sides. Indeed, since the 2004 Orange revolution in Ukraine, both the EU and Russia have had discernible regime promotion strategies in their foreign policies. The EU's regime promotion has focussed on facilitating democracy in Ukraine, along with more material interests (trade and strategic aims) while Russia has reacted with increasingly zero-sum policies which pursue its preference for having a loyal and Russian-facing regime in Ukraine. Ultimately, the increasing competitiveness of the EU and Russia has been a key factor in the onset of the Ukraine crisis, which offers important insight into the relationship between large powers and the smaller third states which lie in their overlapping spheres of influence.