Democracy In Ukraine Research Articles

The Attitude of Ukrainian Student Youth Towards Democracy in Ukraine

The young generation is often overlooked in scientific discourse, although it is the youth (students) who often play a leading role in political and social change in the country. One such case is Ukraine, where it is the young people who started the largest protests in the country's thirty-year independent history. The presented article is an attempt to characterize the Ukrainian generation of «freedom» (Marzęcki, 2020) (youth people born during the period of Ukrainian independence, that are not impact of authoritarian regime socialization) from a socio-political perspective. The main research goal of this article is an endeavour to fully understand, describe and explain the attitude of the young generation (students) towards democracy (the article also includes comparisons to polish youth). This specific objective was achieved by analysing survey data. On the other hand, specific issues and problems identified at the quantitative research stage were examined based on data collected during in-depth interviews with sixteen students in Ukraine. In this sense, a second important specific goal has been achieved, i.e. diagnosis, description and explanation of behavioural patterns (political activity) dominating the social consciousness of students, which are considered justified and effective in relation to the world of politics. Author himself, conducted qualitative (IDI – 16 respondents) and quantitative research (1043 surveys) on a representative group of youth respondents in Ukraine. Quantitative research has been conducted in fourteen universities, preserving the territorial diversification. The results contained in the summary of the article, however, are not very optimistic. It is safe to say that the democratic system is in crisis, and the revolutionary cycle is still probably not completed in Ukraine.

CONSTITUTIONALIZATION OF THE INSTITUTE OF THE PEOPLE`S RULE THROUGH THE PRISM OF THE RULE OF LAW IN THE CONDITIONS OF GLOBALIZATION

The modern researchers are increasingly beginning to address the issue of constitutionalization of public relations, noting that this process is inextricably linked with the activities of constitutional courts, which in one way or another affect the process of constitutionalization of public relations, legal family, national and other features is noted. The issue of constitutional modernization of the institution of democracy in the context of the national ground of awareness of the rule of law through the prism of domestic philosophy, literature, culture, highlights the decisions of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine as the main external form of interpretation of constitutional provisions democracy as a product of the system of state bodies, the actualization of attention to constitutionalism as the main mechanism of this institution. Constitutionalism is seen as a socio-political system that limits the arbitrariness of power and determines the guarantees of human rights and fundamental freedoms. In the narrow sense, constitutionalism is embodied in the activities of constitutional justice bodies to verify the legal acts of public authorities for their constitutionality. It is such properties of constitutionalism as the restriction of arbitrariness, the definition of guarantees of human rights and fundamental freedoms through the Constitutional Court of Ukraine's review of legal acts of the authorities for their constitutionality allows to include constitutionalism in the main mechanism of building democracy in Ukraine, ensuring its forms and mechanisms.
 Proved matched constitutionalism as a phenomenon and as a process konstytutsionalizatsiya a priority mechanism construction in Ukraine democracy that is provided, including verification of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine acts of the authorities for their compliance with the general postulates of the rule of law.

Smartphoneware of the country

Now in Ukraine it is necessary to introduce new philosophy of management. It should be administered at most from upstream, and at least from top down activities. It sounds a little absurdly, but that is how the management is organized in wildlife. We believe that with that management philosophy it is possible to reach the situation, when in the first place there will be the requirements of a common man, rather than oligarchs needs.
 In biological systems the mechanisms of self-regulation, self-management and self-preservation have been generated for millions of years.These mechanisms are based on phenomena of a system of negative and positive feedbacks through upstream signals from cells to the brain. For human society an effective upstream management system can be direct democracy, when the people in the Territories by voting determine how to solve any particular problems of there local life. Referendums and face-to-face interviews with residents are the ways of introducing direct democracy.
 In the society the formation of new delibarative and executive structures that would be confirmed by law is necessary for implementation of upstream governance mechanisms. The major purpose of new governing bodies should be the fulfillment of objectives for satisfaing the needs of common people. They could be informed above these needs in an electronic format through smartphones.
 So basically, smartphones can became those nerve fibres that connect an individual with public authorities. The useful function of "smartphoneization" can be associated with the fact that with its help it is possible to bring into force the mechanism of direct democracy in Ukraine, and through it an upstream management system.

STATE OF SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH ON THE RIGHT TO RESISTANCE AS A FORM OF REALIZATION OF REAL DEMOCRACY

Under the current conditions of democracy in Ukraine, the issue of realization of real democracy, in particular the right to resist, has become extremely important. This scientific investigation is the author’s attempt to find out the state of research on the right to resist as a form of real democracy in Ukraine. This will help to identify theoretical gaps and fill them with a scientific understanding of the practice of implementing various forms of real democracy in order to further regulate and legitimize these forms. The formation and forms of real democracy are uneven in both legislative support and legal practice. Ukrainian researchers studied a retrospective of foreign and domestic research on real democracy.The rapid development of society, digitization, the emergence and spread of new forms of real democracy and opportunities for the realization of the right to resist require updating the theoretical basis and studying the results of modern research. The state of study of the research topic is characterized by relevance and polydisciplinarity, but the implementation of real democracy and the right to resist, as one of its forms, has not been considered by scientists in terms of their social purpose and reconciliation factor.The study of the specifics of the realization of the right to resist as a form of real democracy through its social purpose will establish a correlation between the legal culture of citizens and the prospects of democratization of society, where law can act as a channel of communication between the level of legal culture of the subject of real democracy and the process of realization of democracy

ОСОБЛИВОСТІ ЗДІЙСНЕННЯ ПАРЛАМЕНТСЬКОГО КОНТРОЛЮ ЗА ДІЯЛЬНІСТЮ ДЕРЖПРИКОРДОНСЛУЖБИ УКРАЇНИ

В статті досліджуються питання здійснення демократичного цивільного контролю за діяльністю Державної прикордонної служби України Верховною Радою України та її органами.
 Розглянувши поняття та сутність демократичного цивільного контролю над збройними силами та іншими силовими структурами в будь-якій демократичній країні автор констатує, що це є одним з принципів функціонування держави, а також одним з ключових принципів забезпечення національної безпеки. Виникнення цього інституту в нашій державі стало наслідком розвитку демократії в Україні, а також інтеграції України в міжнародні структури. 
 Цей принцип, по відношенню до Державної прикордонної служби України, закріплено серед основних принципів діяльності зазначеного інституту в Законі України «Про Державну прикордонну службу України», а процедура його реалізації передбачена у Стратегії розвитку Державної прикордонної служби України.
 В системі демократичного цивільного контролю за діяльністю Державної прикордонної служби України важливе місце займає парламентський контроль, який є невід’ємною цінністю демократичної форми організації суспільства, оскільки він являє собою передбачену Конституцією і законами України діяльність Верховної Ради України, утворених нею органів, обраних посадових осіб та народних депутатів України щодо отримання, вивчення, оприлюднення інформації про діяльність, рішення, правові акти інших органів і посадових осіб публічної влади, підприємств, установ та організацій і вжиття на основі цієї інформації передбачених Конституцією і законами України заходів реагування. Він здійснюється завдяки звітам Голови Державної прикордонної служби України про виконання нею своїх завдань; діяльності парламентських комітетів і спеціальних комісій; парламентському контролі Уповноваженого Верховної Ради України з прав людини; контролі народних депутатів України та контрольної діяльності Рахункової палати.
 Робиться висновок, що здійснення дієвого демократичного цивільного контролю за діяльністю Державної прикордонної служби України зі сторони парламенту підвищить рівень довіри як до зазначеної структури так і України в цілому світової спільноти та громадян України.

Marking time on the way to democracy in Ukraine: A causal layered analysis

The establishment of a democratic political system has been declared as one of the main priorities of Ukraine since gaining independence in 1991. Yet, three decades on, Ukraine’s democracy remains ineffective and superficial. It is thus productive—and apposite—to seek an alternative method for studying such a complicated and multidimensional problem. This article employs “causal layered analysis” (CLA), developed in Futures Studies to gain additional insight into the reasons for Ukraine’s incomplete and halting democratization. CLA aims to get to the underlying causes of problems and involves analysis at four “layers”: litany, system, worldview, and myth/metaphor. As we demonstrate here, this method can be fruitfully applied to better understand Ukraine’s democratization—or, rather, its lack of it. At the layer of litany, the main facts and data concerning democracy in Ukraine are summarized. The second—systemic layer—is related to the study of democratic transition based on the approaches of various academic disciplines and theories. The research at the third layer is concerned with interpretation of the problem within the framework of five worldviews. At the deepest layer, we identify and characterize some of the myths underlying the aforementioned worldviews. Based on these analyses, key problems are identified and prospects for the future democratization of Ukraine are outlined.

Ставлення українців до збройного конфлікту як чинник стримувань і противаг у процесі становлення інституту народовладдя в Україні.

The article attempts to scientific justification the dynamics of changes in public opinion on the conflict-generating nature of Ukrainian reality through a system of checks and balances in the context of the formation the institution of democracy in Ukraine.The authors’ conclusions are due to the Resolution of the Verkhovna Rada №727-IX of 18.06.2020 and were based on interviews and sociological researches of Institute of sociology of NAS of Ukraine, Fund Democratic initiatives by Ilko Kucheriv, Razumkov Center, Kyiv International Institute of Sociology, current legislation and own experience of applied political analysis and political consulting.The key trends in public attitudes towards armed conflict in the East of Ukraine, that are largely stable over 2014 – 2020 namely: the recognition of the Russian factor in the conflict, a critical assessment of national policy of Ukraine in its resolution and in socio-humanitarian work with the region, vision the future DNR-LNR as a part of Ukraine in the same politico-legal status as before, and, in case of impossibility of a full-scale military offensive, the willingness to compromise for the sake of a peaceful settlement. It is also proved that the armed conflict in the Donbass today does not fall in the top most important for Ukrainians problems (in contrast to 2014-2015) and tends to freeze and support the existing status quo. However, its hybridity will create a source of political instability and manipulations in Ukraine, including public opinion. It is recognized that a peaceful settlement of the armed conflict in the East of Ukraine according to the modern political situation is possible only with significant concessions of national interests of Ukraine. It has been proven that the institutionalization of democracy in Ukraine through a mandatory all-Ukrainian referendum, given the low level of legal awareness and empirical analysis, is premature.

DELEGATIVE DEMOCRACY: CONCEPTS AND UKRAINIAN REALITIES

This paper is devoted to clarifying the essence of the political regime that emerged in Ukraine as a result of the 2019 presidential and parliamentary elections. The author concludes that the current political regime in Ukraine is a classic example of delegative democracy, as it emerged as a result free, competitive and transparent elections, but after the election all state power was concentrated in the hands of the president, with significant violations of generally accepted standards of democratic of governance and norms and procedures of Ukrainian legislation. He emphasizes that the value of the concept of delegative democracy lies in the fact that it illustrates one of the contradictions in the democratic development of many countries that lack democratic traditions – the contradiction between the electoral legitimacy of government and generally accepted standards of democratic governance. Delegative democracies are by its nature the populist regimes, the emergence of which is caused by the belief of citizens in improving their lives under the leadership of a charismatic person. It is noted that delegative regime as a result of growing public dissatisfaction with both its domestic and foreign policies are democracy has three development trends: 1) comparable endurance; 2) the transformation to autocracy; 3) the removal of the president from power as a result of subsequent elections or mass protests. The author believes that all these alternatives can theoretically be inherent in the current regime of delegative democracy in Ukraine, but the endurance is the least likely of them. The transformation of delegative democracy into autocracy or the elimination of the Zelensky regime as a result of growing public dissatisfaction with both its domestic and foreign policies are more likely.

US Policy Towards Ukraine in Conditions of the New World Order

The US policy towards Ukraine in the post-bipolar period is considered. The United States was one of the first countries to recognize Ukraine as a new subject of international law. It is proved that in the first years of Ukraine’s independence in the American expert circles the idea of its great international importance as a strategic partner was established. The United States paid great attention to the Ukrainian nuclear issue and helped to shape Ukraine’s nuclear-free status, while guaranteeing territorial integrity and security under the Budapest Treaty Memorandum of 1994, along with the Russian Federation. The United States has consistently provided support for Ukrainian democracy, reform, market transformation and national security. The US views Ukraine as an outpost to strengthen its geopolitical influence in the post-Soviet space and in Eastern Europe, as well as a unique alternative to Russian imperial policy. The United States maintained its support for Ukraine during the difficult times of its historical development, marked by a decline in democracy and an increase in authoritarianism. An important step on the part of the United States was the adoption by the Senate of a bill on the Declaration of Freedom in Ukraine of December 11, 2014, which declared full support for the Ukrainian state. Another important gesture from the US was the introduction of anti-Russian sanctions after annexation of the Crimea by Russia and the deployment of hybrid aggression in the Donbass. Since then, the United States has been providing $ 300 million in annual financial assistance to Ukraine, providing defense weapons and training to the Ukrainian military. Recently, the US has been contributing to improving Ukraine’s energy security by supporting the diversification of natural gas and nuclear fuel supplies. The prospect of further strengthening of Ukraine’s energy security should be the expansion of the network of LNG terminals in Eastern Europe. Thanks to the imposed sanctions, the US managed to suspend the construction of the Russian gas pipeline “North Stream-2”, which is aimed at undermining Ukraine’s energy transit status. However, the negative sides of Ukraine-US relations should include pressure on Ukraine by the US to prevent China’s partial privatization of the Motor Sich plant and Ukraine’s involvement in US Presidential election scandal.

Chances and risks for democracy in Ukraine after the 2019 elections

The purpose of the roundtable discussion is to discuss challenges and threats to Ukraine's democratic development in the face of unsustainable democratic institutions in the process of long-term social transformation. Investigating these conflicting institutional dynamics in the spectrum of their socio-structural, socio-psychological and socio-cultural manifestations, analyzing these challenges, risks and threats to the democratic development of the country is an urgent task of humanitarian knowledge. A joint roundtable of two academic journals, bringing together the expert opinions of sociologists and philosophers, is a definite step in this direction.

МОДЕРНІЗАЦІЯ РОЗВИТКУ ІНСТИТУЦІОНАЛЬНОГО СЕРЕДОВИЩА В УКРАЇНІ : ОЦІНКА ТА АНАЛІЗ

Економічний розвиток останніх десятиліть показав, що те загальне, яке об‘єднує всі ефективні ринкові економіки, – це стабільне інституціональне середовище, що забезпечує ефективну, міцну державу. Особливо актуальним це є для України. Інформаційною базою емпіричного дослідження слугувала створена авторами база показників за 2012-2019 рр. з визначення ефективності державного управління (Worldwide Governance Indicators), розрахунок яких здійснюється Всесвітнім банком за методикою Кауфмана Д. Крея А., Мастуриці М.; Індексу недієздатності держав (Failed States Index), Індексу глобальної конкурентоздатності (Global Competitiveness Index), Індексу економічної свободи (Index of Economic Freedom), Індексу легкості ведення бізнесу (Ease of Doing Business Index), Індексу сприйняття корупції (The Corruption Perceptions Index). При проведенні компаративного аналізу використовувалися інформаційні портали The World Bank Group; The Fund for Peace; Transparency International та The Global Competitiveness Report 2019 – Weforum – World Economic; Doing business 2019 та інші. У статті розглянуто основні проблеми формування сталого економічного розвитку з погляду інституційної теорії. Проаналізовано елементи розвитку інституційного середовища та розглянуто рейтингові показники, що визначають напрями інституційної модернізації України щодо вирішення проблеми сталого та стабільного функціонування соціально - економічної сфери життєдіяльності суспільства. Результатом дослідження є аналіз тих показників модернізації інституційного середовища України, що формують рейтинг країни у світовому співтоваристві, а саме: всесвітніх показників ефективності державного управління, індексу недієздатності держав, індексу глобальної конкурентоздатності, індексу економічної свободи, індексу легкості ведення бізнесу, індексу сприйняття корупції, що враховуються при інституціональному аспекті формування інституціонального середовища України.

Implementation of separate norms of the constitution of ukraine as the basic law

This paper considers certain implementation problems of Ukrainian Constitution statements as to implementation and protection of main rights and freedoms of Ukrainian citizens. There are considered implementation problems of right for education and medical services. The legality of reformation of educative and medical branches is analyzed. Recommendations as to the legal support of reformation of aforesaid branches for their correspondence of constitutional norms are given. The problem of democracy implementation in Ukraine is considered. Based on the formation principle and peculiarity of bodies of state and representative power, implementation peculiarities of its delegated right and duties, it is offered to limit the right of Verkhovna Rada deputies for introducing changes and additions to the Ukrainian Constitution. Analyzing implementation features of democracy in Ukraine, it is offered to change the system of candidates’ admission to the participation in Verkhovna Rada elections. At the same time there is substantiated a necessity to eliminate the majority system of election and chose the party one. Taking into account article 1 of the Constitution, establishing the social directionality of the Ukrainian development, based on the analysis of separate Laws, there is substantiated the non-observance of social norms of the Constitution by state power bodies. Thus, analyzing the statements of the Law of Ukraine “On the living wage”, “On the minimal consumption budget”, it is established, that the minimal living wage is corrected according to the present budget and not to requirements of the Laws, establishing the special order. There are analyzed separate statements of the project of the Labor Code of Ukraine that differ from the actual Code of the Labor Laws and don’t increase socio-labor protection of workers, but on the contrary, worsen and make them socially depended on an employer that is rightless

Retrospective Analysis of Information Democracy in the Political and Information Space of Ukraine (1991-2018)

The article aims to identify the stages of development of informational democracy in Ukraine and analyze the current state of Ukraineʼs entry the world informational space. The study identifies the following stages: the first stage (1991-1997) – the emergence of informational democracy; the main feature of which is the pluralization of the media, which created the conditions for the occurrence of informational democracy; the second stage (1998-2004) is characterized by informatization of various spheres of vital activity of society and institutions of governance, the beginning of the development of e-democracy and laying the foundations for a technocratic model of informational democracy; the third stage of the development of Ukraineʼs informational democracy (2005-2009) laid the foundation for the development of digital, network and TVdemocracy; the partnership relations between the government and civil society are developing, which prompts the emergence of a procedural and advisory model of e-democracy, and the fourth stage (2010-2013) – being in conditions close to authoritarian the technocratic and procedural models were found, when problems with an advisory model were found; in addition there was an external threat of military and increased informational intervention. Since 2014, the fifth stage has begun, and as it is incomplete now, its review has not also been completed. In order to solve the problems, a comprehensive approach has been used to identify the trends and patterns of informational democracy. Structural functionalism treats the subject as a system with its structural components, each of which performs its functions. The methodologically important principle of structural and functional analysis is the consideration in a single integrity of the functions and dysfunctions of the institutes. This analysis helped to study the current state of democratic institutions. The political and system analysis provided an opportunity to comprehensively explore the political space as a system of communicative ties.
 Keywords: information, stages, democracy, e-democracy, ICT, Ukraine, models, development, politics, economics.

Disrupted Democracy in Ukraine? Protest, Performance and Contention in the Verkhovna Rada

Protest performances inside parliament during 2012–2016 articulated claims to uphold democracy that contributed to the maintenance of pluralism in Ukraine during attempted authoritarian consolidation. Simultaneously, such protests were para-institutional instruments in the ongoing power struggle engendered by a patronal system where formal institutions and norms weakly constrained actors. A diverse repertoire of protest, including rostrum-blocking, visual protest, withdrawal, auditory disruption, somatic protest and spectacle, was used frequently and adapted in response to changes in the political opportunity structure. Innovations to the repertoire drew on and modified performative methods used by social movements.

Ten years of the Eastern Partnership: What role for the EU as a promoter of democracy?

Since the launch of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) in 2009, the scope and content of democratic reforms has varied significantly across the six partner countries despite the EU’s increased interest in and commitment to differentiated bilateral relations. The quality of democracy in Ukraine continuously declined between 2010 and 2014, but has significantly improved since then. Armenia has long been considered a semi-autocratic state, but since its Velvet Revolution in 2018 the new government has embarked on promising democratic reforms. Moldova, a country once considered the front-runner of the EaP, has experienced democratic backsliding since 2014, while democratic reform progress in Georgia has slowed considerably. The autocratic regimes in Azerbaijan and Belarus have further consolidated their power, without showing signs of democratic change. The article outlines some of the key issues and developments pertaining to democratic reforms in each country and assesses the factors that explain the uneven progress in this area across the six EaP countries.

Electronic voting – ways to implementation of the electronic mechanisms of direct democracy in Ukraine

Electronic voting – ways to implementation of the electronic mechanisms of direct democracy in Ukraine

Tandem of Populism and Post-truth as the background of development of the modern democracy in Ukraine

Political science theories and concepts that describe the real political process have always been the empirical basis for political philosophy. According to the author, the 2019 Ukrainian presidential election campaign can best be understood and described using the concepts of “populism” and “post-truth”. The paper analyzes the discourse of the concept of “populism”, and reveals its content and main features. The need to establish social supervision over the actions of the authorities as a means of countering populism is emphasized. Essential characteristics of the post-truth phenomenon are revealed. The theoretical chain of the terms “verity” – “truth” – “post-truth” is presented. The meme as a unit of post-truth is analyzed. The paper proves that it was the bundle of populism and post-truth that had been the background of the electoral consciousness where the manipulative election technologies of the presidential campaign in Ukraine unfolded.

Geopolitical orientations of the population of Ukraine in focus of sociology: conceptual and applied aspects

The article makes an attempt to conceptualize the phenomenon of geopolitical orientations. For this, the author considered various perspectives of geopolitical analysis: infrastructural, sociocultural, actionalist, historical, structural, territorial/regional, network. As a result, the following indicators of geopolitical orientations are formulated: 1) an evaluation of the priority of cooperation with a geopolitical actor (general geopolitical openness); 2) an evaluation of the policy of the geopolitical actor towards to own state (the degree of productivity of the current geopolitical interaction); 3) an attitude to military cooperation with a geopolitical actor (geopolitical cooperation in the field of security); 4) an attitude to the intervention of a geopolitical actor in the politics of own state (the adoption of a geopolitical actor as a senior partner).The obtained concepts were used for an empirical analysis of the geopolitical orientations of the population of Ukraine toward to European Union and Russian Federation (sociological tests “EU-geopol” and “RU-geopol”). Corresponding results describe the population of Ukraine and the population of its separate macro-regions according to the following parameters: specific geopolitical orientations, geopolitical positions (negative, neutral, uncertain, ambivalent, positive), and a nomological network of political consciousness. To build a nomological network, in addition to geopolitical orientations, the attitudes toward Ukrainian democracy and the democracy of developed countries, authoritarian attitudes and attitudes toward civic activity were used (sociological test “Types of Political Culture-II”).Conclusions are drawn about the possibilities of creating favorable conditions for cross-border cooperation with the European Union, the need to monitor geopolitical orientations in southeastern Ukraine, as well as its structural equidistance from European Union and Russian Federation.

Dwie drogi, dwa ruchy i zdrada – Ukraińskie narracje o rewolucji na granicie i ludowym ruchu Ukrainy

The article analyzes the Ukrainian narrative concerning the role of student protests in Ukraine in October 1990. The narrative in question competes with much more widespread knowledge about the actions undertaken by the so-called Rukh (People’s Movement of Ukraine, Narodnyi Rukh Ukrajiny) and its leaders as the nation strove for independence. The memory of the so-called the Revolution on Granite is passed on by the participants of those events. Thanks to the inclusive narrative, also moderated by the state, the alternative repre-sentation of the past and historiography has no potential to provoke a conflict of memory, being merely a different interpretative approach indulging in hypothetical scenarios of development of Ukrainian democracy had the key demands of the protesters been met (early elections in 1991).

DIGITAL PARTICIPATION: MANAGEMENT AND LEGAL FRAMEWORK

The paper explores the issues faced when shaping the legal framework for electronic democracy in Ukraine and management for further development. Special focus is on the pilot local and regional Concepts on e-democracy, and on digital participation developed in Vinnytsia, Dnipro, and Vinnytsia region. Authors analyze compliance of local and regional Concepts with the National Concept for E-democracy development in Ukraine approved by the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine in November, 8, 2017. For the most part, the documents comply with the national Concept and provide the detailed strategy for electronic democracy and digital participation development on the regional and local level. The current situation demonstrates that an effective management system should be in place for the decision-making process that includes all target groups. The article also considers shortcomings of integrative and autonomous approaches of electronic democracy tools, and indicates the need to use integrative approach in management for drafting regional and local policies in electronic democracy. Authors consider that national legal framework should be the basis to develop local and regional solutions since the key element is democracy of decision-making. This is provided by coordination of policies of different levels for making e-decisions in the area of participation in addition with the management approach for its sustainable functioning. Digital participation requires effective strategical framework together with the effective usage of digital tools and citizen involvement in the decision making processes. Finally, authors admit that a coherent regulatory framework for e-governance and e-democracy, and common management approaches and standards for the development of digital tools will increase the transparency, openness and participation in the decision-making processes.