Ukrainian Central Council Research Articles

The role and place of the constitutional acts of the Ukrainian Central Rada in the history of Ukrainian state formation

The article is devoted to the analysis of the state- building activities of the Ukrainian Central Rada, which was embodied in constitutional documents.The key place of the Ukrainian People’s Republic (1917-1918) in the general historical process of Ukrainian state formation is substantiated.The content of the acts of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, which in its short time of existence went from the birth of the national state apparatus to the development and adoption of its own Constitution, was considered and analyzed.The central place among the acts of the UCR is occupied by the four Universals proclaimed by it.Using the methods of systematic and comparative analysis of the texts of these documents, it was possible to: 1) trace the evolution of the national identification of the Ukrainian state: from autonomy to independence; 2) the mechanisms of the formation of the state-authority apparatus and the formation of the democratic foundations of the division of power into branches are analyzed; 3) the norm-making potential of the Ukrainian Central Committee was analyzed. A general review of the rule-making activity of the Ukrainian Central Rada regarding the establishment of norms of a constitutional nature makes it possible to understand that the political and legal idea was aimed at the formation of a democratic republican state system.The positive aspects of the state-building experience of the Ukrainian People’s Republic (1917-1918) were: defense of national interests, democratic development of state institutions, recognition and consolidation of fundamental human rights and freedoms, and their social direction. The policy miscalculations carried out by the Ukrainian Central Council include: maintaining stable ties and hoping for democratic development alongside Russia; chaotic decisions, which is connected, on the one hand, with the lack of experience, and on the other - with the pressure of the russian authorities.

DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN RESEARCHERS’ CONTRIBUTION TO CLARIFYING THE PROBLEM OF THE SPIRITUAL AND CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIETY IN THE POLICY OF UKRAINIAN GOVERNMENTS 1917-1920

The article deals with an unbiased critical analysis of the contribution made by domestic and foreign researchers in clarifying the problems of the spiritual and cultural development of society in the policy of Ukrainian governments (the Ukrainian Central Council, the Ukrainian State of Hetman Pavlo Skoropadskyi, the Directory of the Ukrainian People's Republic, the West Ukrainian People's Republic) 1917-1920. The author revealed certain aspects of the role and significance of state administration, material and spiritual culture in the formation of the nation state. The analyzed materials of domestic and foreign researchers in clarifying the problems of the spiritual and cultural development of society in the policy of the Ukrainian governments of 1917-1920 provide an opportunity to get acquainted with the peculiarities of the development of Ukrainian public education, to identify the main problems that existed at that time in the field of state education management and cultures A number of issues of humanitarian transformations in the field of education are covered, in particular book publishing, the development of librarianship, as well as separate problems of spiritual and cultural construction during the years of the Ukrainian national revolution, such as the formation and development of the Ukrainian school, printing, fine arts, theater. It is concluded that the diaspora itself became the center for the study of national humanitarian science during the period of liberation struggles, and the works published at that time abroad became a valuable source of studying the history of the spiritual and cultural development of society in the policy of the Ukrainian governments of 1917-1920. The importance of the content goals, tasks, directions, principles and priorities of state social and cultural policy are emphasized, , as well as features of state policy regarding the development of spiritual values, the formation of a single humanitarian space in Ukraine.The main directions and ways of forming and implementing cultural policy are analyzed, attention is focused on the need to creatively use the experience of that time in today's practice.

Роль хліборобства у творенні українства

The anti-scientific concept of the common origin of Ukrainians and Russians has been debunked long ago in the works of Mykhailo Hrushevskyi, Vadym Shcherbakivskyi and other researchers. After all it is really impossible to create the same ethnic groups that are in different natural and climatic conditions, affecting also the level of material production. Agriculture has been possible in the pre-historical times just on the territories of the Ukrainians’ ancestors settling. A large part of the most fruitful black earth is concentrated there. Agriculture attracts a person directly to the process of grain-crops growing. It becomes the main consumption product. Along with providing human with bread, this material production, as well as natural and climatic conditions, has a special effect on the formation of the person mentality. The possibility of storing and using grain for a long time, respectively, forms a person’s confidence in the future, at least until the new harvest, does not encourage a constant search for livelihoods. Thus, the stability of the provision, which is guaranteed by husbandry, produces calm behavior, prudence in action and, accordingly, in attitude to the world around. The formation of a calmer character is also influenced by the ox as a working cattle, because on deep black soils it is a more powerful traction force for an iron plow than, for example, a horse harnessed to a plow on light sandy loams. Finally, this fact will affect the creation of chumatstvo as a separate craft of Ukrainians in the future. In particular, they will be involved in the export of salt through the arid Volga steppes from the middle of the 18th century, because the horses can’t stand a long way, and the Russians don’t have the skills to work with oxen. The mentality of the Ukrainians’ ancestors is also influenced by the warm sun, which is inherent on the territory of our settlement. This fact is also pointed out by the famous Russian writer Maksym Gorky, who has an opportunity to compare the nature of the southern steppe and northern forests. This has given him a reason to declare: “These are two completely different worlds! Whether they can have the same psyche, the same language, one worldview, the same way of life? It is clear, they can’t! The ethnographer as well as philologist, economist, politician and religion researcher will prove it to you with a complete clarity”. Tymish Olesiiuk, a member of the Ukrainian Central Council, is eloquent about the separateness of Ukrainians: our people have been autochthonous for many millennia, not a “homeless stray who appears in Ukraine from nowhere, unknown why and what for somewhere in the 14th–15th centuries”.

Проблема розбудови збройних сил у мемуарах сучасників української революції 1917–1921 рр.

Метою статті є здійснення аналізу мемуарів сучасників і безпосередніх учасників революційний подій 1917 – 1921 років. Увагу сфокусовано на процесі формування українських збройних сил – опори Української Центральної Ради. За основу взято спогади активних учасників національного українського руху – В. Винниченка, М. Грушевського, Д. Дорошенка. Для об’єктивнішого висвітлення теми дослідження було проаналізовано спомини учасників революційного руху інших ідеологічних спрямувань – білого руху І. Мазепи, А. Денікіна, більшовицького табору – Є. Бош, В. Атонова-Овсієнко. Мемуарні твори представлено як книжкові публікації, тематичні збірники, власні авторські життєписи, журнальні та газетні публікації. Методологічну основу дослідження склали загальнонаукові методи, серед яких порівняння та аналіз. Окрім того, під час роботи над публікацією використовувались історично-порівняльний, ретроспективний методи, а також синхронний. Завдяки цій методологічній базі змогли проаналізувати джерела дослідження та зробити висновки стосовно проблеми, що піднімається в даній статті. Наукова новизна дослідження полягає в тому, що здійснена аналітична робота над мемуарною літературою в контексті висвітлення в ній питання про формування українських збройних сил, які були основною опорою Центральної Ради в перший період революції. Висновки. Спогади свідчать, що з перших днів революційних змагань військовослужбовці-українці почали стихійно створювати комітети, громади, клуби. Такий активний рух сприяв появі тенденції до утворення українських військових частин, які можуть, в свою чергу, скласти основу єдиного Українського фронту. Однак в той же самий час лідери революційного руху не мали уявлення, як створювати власні збройні сили, як формувати армію. У Центральної Ради не було чітко визначеної позиції стосовно ставлення до військових сил, тому що її члени побоювалися зіпсувати відносини з Тимчасовим урядом. Через це питання між членами першого українського уряду, зокрема між М. Грушевським і М. Міхновським, було чимало суперечок, що прослідковується в споминах цих діячів. Також урядовці з недовірою ставилися до військового командування, зокрема до П. Скоропадського, який у своїх мемуарах приділяє багато уваги опису процесу створення українського корпусу в російській армії. Загалом, автори мемуарної літератури революційної доби, підкреслюють, що державній владі так і не вдалося організувати справжню військову силу, яка могла б чинити ворогу опір. Це прослідковується в оцінках збройних формувань України, як слабких, неорганізованих та хаотичних. Більшість мемуаристів вважала винною в такій ситуації Центральну Раду, адже та не скоординувала в правильному руслі свої дії та почала конфліктувати з російським урядом відкрито. Більшовики в своїх споминах описують процес формування загонів червоної гвардії в східних і південних територіях України – зокрема, в селищах та містах.

Organizational and legal basis of the international activities of the Ukrainian Central Council: a historical and legal study

The research is devoted to the study of the problem of the formation and genesis of the concept of foreign policy and the main stages of its implementation during the period of activity of the Central Council of the Ukrainian People's Republic. A historical and legal analysis of legal acts adopted in 1917-1918, as well as diplomatic decisions and their consequences, was carried out. The achievements and omissions of the then government in the field of international relations are characterized. The influence and significance of the activity of the young state in the international arena, the support of foreign partners and the world community in general, especially in comparison with the current situation in the country, are outlined. Taking into account the world experience of state formation, it is obvious that the situation in the international arena and the presence of support from foreign states are important for the successful formation and development of a state. From 1917 to 1921, it was external factors had a significant impact on the restoration of Ukraine's independence. Therefore, at the current stage of state formation, especially in the conditions of Russia's full-scale war against Ukraine, a thorough study of the historical and legal experience of the revival of Ukrainian statehood during the time of the Ukrainian People's Republic is extremely relevant and important. Yes, some problems of the direction are considered in general works, however, the formation of Ukraine in the international arena has its own history and traditions, which requires separate consideration and analysis, which determines the relevance of this study. A deep and comprehensive study of the experience of the implementation of the foreign policy of the Ukrainian People's Republic, taking into account the situation of Ukraine in today's conditions, will make it possible to emphasize the current situation in the international arena. In addition, the study of the peculiarities of the implementation of the foreign policy of this period will make it possible to take into account the miscalculations in the formation of the foreign policy concepts of the current elites and avoid them today. The purpose of the article is to conduct a study of the impact of the situation in the international arena on the restoration of Ukraine's statehood during the period of activity of the Ukrainian People's Republic and to take into account the positive and negative consequences of the decisions made by the political elites of that time in the process of implementing the state's foreign policy. Thus, the foreign policy of Ukraine during the period of the national revolution, in particular during the activity of the Ukrainian Central Rada, is characterized by the formation of the concept and definition of the main directions of development with the aim of gaining independence. Therefore, the most significant achievement of this period is the recognition of Ukraine as a full-fledged subject of international relations and the implementation of an independent foreign policy. In addition, the foreign policy assets of the Ukrainian People's Republic, despite miscalculations and mistakes, in addition to the formation of an independent foreign policy, were the creation of the General Secretariat for International Affairs and the development of international relations with foreign countries, in particular in the search for support and assistance in the fight against Bolshevik Russia. Thus, having declared independence and received recognition in the international arena, Ukraine once again proved that it cannot exist as part of Russia and thus made a significant contribution to overcoming the widespread stereotype of "great and indivisible" Russia, which we continue to prove today.

The Fourth Universal of the Ukrainian Central Council of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, as a Result of One of the Stages of the Ukrainian Revolution

The article is devoted to the analysis of the historical and legal conditions of the Central Council and its activities through the prism of the adoption of the Fourth Universal, as a result of the peak of rule-making of the Ukrainian Central Council. The urgency of this issue is conditioned upon the main developments of the Ukrainian Central Council, which maneuvered between the responsibilities of Russian officials and the national consciousness of Ukrainian patriots and the victory of the “spirit of Ukrainianness” of Ukrainian state interest, based on the turbulent events of the Ukrainian Revolution. The aim of the article is to analyse the historical and legal basis for the adoption of the Fourth Universal of the Ukrainian Central Council as a legal statement of the desire of Ukrainians for independence at the initial stage of struggle and independence. The methodological basis of the study was a set of methods and approaches, including: dialectical method allowed studying the nature of historical and legal conditions of the Central Council and its activities through the prism of the Fourth Universal, historical and legal research method conditioned upon the need for historical approach in general and scientific methods, such as descriptive-chronological, which allowed forming the historical background of the study, comparative-historical, which provided an opportunity to compare the development of the studied institutions with similar institutions of this period, formed in other societies; formal-legal method allowed studying the subject of research in terms of purely regulatory regulation; institutional approach is used to comprehensively understand the role of the studied institutions in society, their impact on the legal system. The state policy is analysed through the principles and the main content of the legislation in the direction and support of the national movement and the development of the first elements of Ukrainian statehood. The activity of the Ukrainian intelligentsia was studied through the study of empirical material, namely, M. Hrushevsky – a great historian and strategist, permanent Chairman of the Ukrainian Central Council, which allowed to understand the worldview and political beliefs, namely the ideas of populism and federalism. The position of the belated, adopted under the pressure of external and internal factors, the Fourth Universal, which proclaimed independence and renunciation of autonomy, and became a shining example of the state position of the Ukrainian intelligentsia of the early twentieth century. The purpose of the Ukrainian Central Council in the context of state building after centuries of statelessness is analysed, because since the eighteenth century there was no pro-Ukrainian state development, despite the public demand that prevailed in society. The general principles of each universal are highlighted, which gave an opportunity to understand the phased development of the Ukrainian Central Council and give a historical and legal assessment

Ukrainian Central Council as Revolutionary Parliament of Ukraine

The revolution of 1917-1921 is a bright page in the centuries-old history of the Ukrainian state. The special place in it belongs to Ukrainian Central Council (CCU), under the leadership of which Ukraine went through the difficult path of building its own state from autonomy to the proclamation of Ukrainian National Republic and its full state independence and sovereignty. Therewith, the CCU attempted to introduce democratic institutions and parliamentary forms of government. The relevance of the study is explained by the fact that this experience left a noticeable mark on the legal consciousness of Ukrainians and the attempt to build a parliamentary model has a considerable impact on the solution of modern problems of state creation. The purpose of the study is to analyse the organisation of Ukrainian Central Council as a parliamentary institution in the conditions of the revolution. A retrospective study of the CCU experience reflects the political interests of different groups of society, is useful for understanding modern problems of parliamentarism, the interaction of civil society and the state. The methodological basis for studying the structure, composition of the CCU, its legal forms of activity is based on philosophical, general scientific, and historical-legal methods of scientific knowledge. These methods allowed determining the main task of the CCU – the revival of Ukraine. It is concluded that state revival, as a constituent task which could be carried out only by a representative body that would be established on democratic principles, its composition would express the will of the people, and, if it had sufficient organisational and legal resources to fulfil this task (a stable structure, organisational and legal forms of activity, an effective auxiliary apparatus, the corresponding status of the deputies, the optimal work schedule)

ПОВСЯКДЕННЕ ЖИТТЯ ВОЛИНЯН У ДОБУ УКРАЇНСЬКОЇ ЦЕНТРАЛЬНОЇ РАДИ КРІЗЬ ПРИЗМУ МАТЕРІАЛІВ ДЕРЖАВНОГО АРХІВУ ВОЛИНСЬКОЇ ОБЛАСТІ

The purpose of the research is to find out to which extent the funds of the State Archive of Volyn region is filled with documents and materials that illustrate the everyday life of Volynians in the days of the Ukrainian Central Council (Ukrainska Tsentralna Rada). The research methodology is based on the complex application of general scientific method, special and historical method, special source studying methods. The basis of the research is formed with the principles of historical cognition, in particular, objectivity, systematic analysis, scientific character, historicism, etc. The scientific novelty consists in the fact that, for the first time in the Ukrainian historiography, on the basis of the analysis of the documentary funds of the State Archive of Volyn region, the author grouped and published documents illustrating Volyn region citizens’ everyday life in the period of the Ukrainian Central Council. In particular, the research covers the following several aspect of the Volynians’ everyday life: the Refugee Movement in Volyn territory, the Peasant Protesting Movement, and the Russian army soldiers’ relations with the local peasants. The Conclusions. Having analysed Volyn region State Archive materials, the confirmation was found concerning the fact that a certain array of the Ukrainian Central Council documents have been accumulated there. The frontline status of Volyn region determined the peculiarities of the everyday life of the inhabitants of the area, in 1917 – 1918, in the conditions of permanent military operations, presence of a large number of soldiers who gradually left the front and returned home, the Refugee Movement, etc. SAVR funds revealed the documents that illustrate the attempts, which were made in order to resolve the land issue, characterize the Refugee Movement and the Peasant Protest Movement in the territory of Volyn, and explain the military’s relationship with the locals.

УКРАЇНСЬКА АКАДЕМІЯ МИСТЕЦТВ: ІСТОРИЧНИЙ ПОСТУП (1917 – 1920)

The aim of the research is to reveal the preconditions, history of the opening and functioning of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts (hereinafter – UAA) – the first institution of higher art education in Ukraine in 1917 – 1920. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity in the assessment of historical events and phenomena, systematics and comprehensiveness, which together allowed to reveal the subject field of research. The scientific novelty of the article is that despite the presence of historical and artistic explorations about the UAA, its functioning during 1917 – 1920 is a relevant poorly studied subject of special complex historical and art studies. The general scientific significance of the study of the history of the UAA is in the reconstruction of the complete, holistic process of organization and activity of the UAA as the first artistic institution of higher education of the period of national and cultural revival of 1917 – 1921. A wide range of historiographical and source base of the researched problem by domestic and foreign scientists during 1917 – 2020 has been analysed. The role of the Ukrainian Central Council, the General Secretariat of Education, the artistic elite in the establishment and activity of the UAA has been characterised. The normative and legal bases of its organization by means of the analysis of statutory documents have been traced. The main directions of work of the first professors (M. Boichuk, M. Burachek, M. Zhuk, V. Krychevskyi, F. Krychevskyi, A. Manevych, O. Murashko, H. Narbut) and rectors of the UAA (F. Krychevskyi, O. Murashko, H. Narbut, M. Burachek,) have been determined. The information on the art exhibition of the first professors of the UAA, organized on the opening day of the Academy, December 5, 1917, has been given. The work on the creation of the National Art Gallery at the Academy has been indicated. It is claimed that almost the entire revolutionary period (1917 – 1921) has been marked for the UAA by difficulties of the organizational, material, educational and methodological nature, which negatively affected the course of the educational process. The Conclusions. It is concluded that despite the short academic status of the UAA (1917 – 1922), in the extremely difficult revolutionary, military and political, socio-economic conditions, the academy was formed as a leading centre of national and cultural revival in Ukraine, the centre for consolidation of artistic intelligentsia, it gained popularity among the general population and it gained prestige in the artistic environment of the European countries. The foundation for the development of the Ukrainian culture, laid on the initiative of the creative intelligentsia, continued to develop even in the chaos of the civil war and revolution. The UAA, which began its activities so brilliantly in 1917, was subsequently subjected to devastating blows from the Bolshevik political system. First of all, the most talented leading pedagogues felt distress. The financial insolvency of art schools forced their leaders to resort to self-financing through the organization of production workshops. Turbulent revolutionary events later led to destructive processes in the UAA. Key words: Ukrainian Academy of Arts; art institution of higher education; fine arts; national and cultural revival; Ukrainian revolution.

History, Poetry, Memory: the Grave of Bohdan Khmelnytsky Regiment Soldiers on Zamkova Hill

On April 18, 1917, the creation of the 1st Ukrainian Cossack regiment named after Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytsky was solemnly proclaimed in Kyiv. The formation of the regiment was supported by the Ukrainian Central Council and became an important factor in national progress. Soon, the then Russian military administration was also forced to authorize the existence of the regiment.On the evening of July 26, 1917, on their way from Kyiv to the Russian-German front, an echelon of B. Khmelnytsky regiment soldiers was unexpectedly attacked by chauvinistic Russian cuirassiers and Don Cossacks. The attacked, who did not have enough ammunition to counteract the violators, fired rifles and machine guns. After the carriages stopped, the Ukrainian soldiers were beaten with gun-butts and chopped with swords. The attack killed 16 and wounded more than 50 Ukrainian servicemen.The funeral of the Cossacks was organized at the governmental level: on July 30, thousands of people led by the Chairman of the Ukrainian Central Rada M. Hrushevsky and other Ukrainian officials formed the mourning procession and went from the Kyiv Military Hospital, where the bodies of the dead had been brought, along Hospitalna street, Khreschatyk, and then down to Podil. A solemn burial of the soldiers took place on Zamkova hill in Kyiv. A fundraiser for the construction of a monument to the victims was announced, but the turbulent revolutionary events in Kyiv did not allow bringing the case to a logical conclusion.In the late 1980s, this grave once again became an object of public attention. On October 14, 1989, a youth organization initiated the ascent to Zamkova hill and the installation of a cross on the soldiers’ graves. Later, the wooden cross was substituted with a metal one, but due to the lack of the verified information, it indicated that it was the burial place of the Sich Riflemen who died near Kruty.On August 12, 2020, on the 103rd anniversary of Bohdan Khmelnytsky regiment Cossacks’ reburial, a solemn ceremony honoring them was held on Zamkova hill at the initiative of the Museum of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921 of the National Museum of the History of Ukraine.

At the origins of juvenile justice – the life and fate of Valery Mikhailovich Levitsky

The article reviews main milestones in the life and creative work of Valery Mikhailovich Levitsky, one of the active members ofthe Kyiv Patronage Society, justice of peace, first judge of the Kyiv Juvenile Court, journalist – in the context of social and politi calprocesses of the first half of the twentieth century. His scientific, political and public positions before and after 1917 are presen ted.The future judge was born on May 12, 1886 in the city of Halych, Kostroma province. In 1909, Valery Mikhailovich graduatedfrom the Law Faculty of St. Volodymyr Kyiv University with a first-class honors degree. While still a student he joined the public acti -vities of the Kyiv Patronage Society. First of all, we note that the Kyiv period of Levitsky’s creative activity was quite fruitful. He mainlydealt with problems of caring for homeless children and children of prisoners. He was elected a justice of peace, and in late 1913and early 1914 a judge of the Kyiv Juvenile Court.By 1916, Levitsky was in charge of all adolescent refugee facilities on the Southwestern Front and organized assistance to childrenaffected by the war. He also remained an active member of the Kyiv Patronage Board, a member of the Board and auditor of theKyiv Correctional Colony Society. Back in 1912, he was left to prepare for a professorship at the Department of Criminal Law of theKyiv University. During this period, he published many articles and reports on the activities of the juvenile court, which were creditedto him as his academic papers.In 1917, many events took place in his life. Valery Mikhailovich takes an active part in the political scene. Thus, in July 1917 hewas included in the electoral list of cadets for the Kyiv City Duma elections. But he did not become a vowel because he did not getenough votes. However, in August he became a member of the Ukrainian Central Council. At the end of the year, Levitsky took part inthe elections to the Ukrainian Constituent Assembly.Disappointed in failures and dissatisfied with the German occupation and Hetman P. Skoropadsky, Levitsky was looking for likemindedpeople and found them in the person of the editor of the newspaper «Kievlyanin» – V. Shulgin and his supporters.Valery Mikhailovich can be attributed to those who did not accept the revolution and took an active part in the White Movement.The year of 1917 dramatically changed his life. Then there was emigration. The further work in the specialty was impossible, so Le -vitsky actively proved himself in the field of journalism. Valery Mikhailovich Levitsky died on April 27, 1946 in Paris. Perhaps thisstudy will bring us a little closer to understanding the tragic events of that time.

Артим Хомик (1878—1921): етапи життя і журналістської діяльності

In the article, Artym Khomyk’s linear biography is supplemented by little-known facts about his public and creative activities. The schol arly interest to his writings and journalistic heritage is emphasized, specifically, that of published in the journals «Volia» (Vienna, 1919―1921s) and «Na Perelomi» (Vienna, 1920). Three periods of A. Khomyk’s life and creative activities have been etermined: Galician, Great Ukraine (so-called Naddniprianskyi) and Viennese. His productive journalistic activities in 1917―1918s, yet remaining out of the scholarly discourse, have been noted. It has been elucidated that besides the daily «Vidrodzhennia» (Kyiv, 1918)’s cooperation, he collaborated with newspapers «Nove Slovo» (Vinnytsia, 1918), «Poltavska Hromada» (Poltava, 1918) and «Ukrainska Respublika» (Kyiv, 1918). Approximately 40 authorized journalist’s texts have been identified and introduced into scholarly circulation. It has been accentuated A. Khomyk was the author of unsigned editorials in the daily «Vidrodzhennia». His creative heritage is represented by articles on topical issues of the political, social, economic and cultural life of the UNR (Ukrainian People’s Republic (of the periods of the Ukrainian Central Council and Directory) and the Ukrainian State of Hetman P. Skoropadsky. It has been established that his brother, the journalist Oleksandr Khomyk’s contributions, was published (under the pseudonym «A. Zhabchenko») in the newspaper «Ukrainska Trybuna» (Warsaw, 1921). It has been proved that the periodicals «Vilne Zhyttia» (Odessa), «Narodna Volia» (Olyphant), «Svoboda» (Jersey City), «Ukrainskyi Holos» (Winnipeg), «L’Europe Orientale» (Paris) featured reprints of the A. Khomyk’s publications from the daily «Vidrodzhennia» and the weekly «Volia». During the Viennese period, besides contributing to the magazines «Volia» and «Na Perelomi», he collaborated with the magazine «Smikh» (probably his publications were signed by the pseudonym «A. Nekhomyk ») and the newspaper «Borotba». A. Khomyk is one of the many figures of the Ukrainian journalism giving all their creative energy to help the audience to gain guidance in the turbulent developments of that period and to choose the right vector for the development of Ukrainian statehood during the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917―1921s. The entire complex of his journalistic and publicistic heritage deserves being an object of separate scholarly research. Keywords: Artym Khomyk, linear biography, journalistic and publicistic activities, newspapers «Vidrodzhennia», «Nove Slovo», «Poltavska Hromada», «Ukrainska Respublika».

Day of Freedom as a Sign of Leaving the “Lost Time” Behind: Ukrainian Alternatives for March 1917

The onset of the February Revolution in 1917 in the Russian Empire was the time when the organized structures of the Ukrainian movement in the Upper-Dnieper Ukraine were almost completely destroyed by the tsarist repressive apparatus. The outbreak of World War One ceased the legal release of the Ukrainian press; deactivated Ukrainian political, cooperative, educational establishments; sent a number of acting Ukrainian figures into exile, including M. Hrushevsky, the well-known leader of the then national movement. Due to the occupation of Galicia by the Russian Army and its explicit terror against the nationally conscious citizens, Ukrainians lost their “home front”, which had previously served as the base for the effective political, educational, and cultural activity in terms of the Austro-Hungarian Constitutional regime. That cluster of reasons led to the fact that in late February – early March 1917, in the general whirl of rapid transformations, Ukrainian demands were ignored by the new government which came to power after abdication of Nicholas II, as well as new bodies of revolutionary self-organization, formed of labor councils and soldier deputies. The situation in Kyiv seemed even more complex since the Russian administration paid special attention to controlling the city which had a potential to become the epicenter of national revival. Imperial colonizers were confident in the irreversibility of their preponderant position; thus, the formation of the Ukrainian Central Council on March 4, 1917, its initial demands being too cautious and conciliatory, did not raise any anxiety among Russian powers. The situation began to change after M. Hrushevsky had returned to the capital of the Upper-Dnieper Ukraine: on March 14 he had his first time chairing a meeting of the Ukrainian Central Council, rapidly transforming it thereafter into a lead Ukrainian revolutionary actor. This was well proved by the First Day of Ukrainian Freedom, which took place in Kyiv on March 19. A 100-thousand demonstration vividly testified Ukrainian power and gave impetus to the unfolding of the national liberation revolution, which naturally resulted in the declaration of the ultimate independence of Ukraine.

ВЗАЄМИНИ ГУЦУЛЬСЬКОЇ РЕСПУБЛІКИ ІЗ ЗАХІДНОУКРАЇНСЬКОЮ НАРОДНОЮ РЕСПУБЛІКОЮ

9 січня 1919 р. на багатотисячному вічі у селі Ясіня на Закарпатті була обрана 42-членна Українська Народна Рада із 12-членною Головною Управою, яка проголосила Гуцульську Республіку як самостійну державу. У перші дні Гуцульська Республіка завʼязала стосунки із Західноукраїнською Народною Республікою (далі ЗУНР), прохаючи від неї військової допомоги. Неофіційна допомога у формі 23 старшин ЗУНР надійшла 18 січня 1919 р. під час походу війська Гуцульської Республіки (Національної Оборони) на Мараморошський Сиґіт, де воно зазнало поразки з боку румунської армії. З квітня 1919 р. при ЗУНР у Станиславові існувало постійне представництво Української Центральної Ради в Хусті. У червні 1919 р. Гуцульська Республіка була ліквідована румунською армією, а її представники, разом зі С. Клочураком арештовані у Брашеві. У вересні 1919 р. Дипломатична місія ЗУНР визволила гуцулів із тюрми і створила на їх основі Гуцульську сотню ЗУНР на чолі зі С. Клочураком, яка брала участь у кількох військових операціях ЗУНР, а після поразки ЗУНР залишки сотні опинилися у Чехословаччині.

Протоколи засідань Єлисавет(град)ської міської думи 1917–1918 рр. у системі джерел з історії української революції в місті

Minutes of meetings of Elizavetgrad City Council (Duma) during the period of 1917–1918 were analyzed as the sources of information on the history of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921. While studying, as it turned out, due to the pro-Russian and liberal-democratic views of the majority of the members, the City Council prolonged to ignore the acts of the Ukrainian government for a long period, and oriented to the All-Russian democracy, considered the Bolsheviks as its main enemy. The City Duma sequentially ignored the fact of the existence of the Ukrainian Centralna Rada (the Ukrainian Central Council), its Universals and the Ukrainian legislation as a whole. At least the City Duma recognized the Ukrainian government only at the end of 1917 when the Bolsheviks came to power in Russia and tried to seize the power in the city by means of the formation of the local Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’Deputies. At the same time, the City Duma considered the government of the Ukrainian People’s Republic only as a provisional alternative to the Petrograd Soviet of People’s Commissaries. So, the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly by the Bolsheviks was considered as a more important political event than the Bolshevik invasion in Ukraine. Thus, naturally, the City Duma accused the Bolsheviks in the German offensive to Ukraine, in spite of the fact that the German troops were invited by the Central Rada, according to the Brest-Litovsk treaty of 9 February 1918. However, during the rule of Hetman Pavlo Skoropadsky, the City Duma concentrated mainly on city economy issues and did not concern the Ukrainian State politics. Taking into consideration that the journals of meetings of the Elizavetgrad City Duma have not been fully preserved, for instance, the historian can see the originals until November 1918, but, according to local press, it is known that the meetings of the City Duma continued until February 1919, when the city was captured by the Bolsheviks. Moreover, inside the preserved journals of sessions, some of the minutes of meetings were actually lost, for instance, the pages, concerning skirmishes of city dwellers with the detachment of Marusya Nikiforov in January 1918. Thus, according to the above-mentioned facts, these documents cannot be considered as a total complex of the primary written sources, because of some gaps in important events of the history of the city of the revolutionary period.

Peace Treaty of Brest-Litovsk between the UPR and the Central Powers: Political Aspects of the Negotiation Process (December 1917 – November 1918)

The article covers the political aspects of peace negotiations and the conclusion of the Peace Treaty between the UPR and Central Powers in Brest. The stances and actions of the Ukrainian delegation and the proposals of the German and Austro-Hungarian representatives, as well as Kyiv, Berlin, and Vienna officials are indicated. Diplomatic confrontation between the Ukrainian delegates and representatives of German and Bolshevik delegations is outlined. The position of the UPR delegation on the formation of armed units from Ukrainian prisoners of war in Germany and Austria-Hungary is discussed, as well as its opinion on changing the approach towards the course of negotiations. The article indicates the circumstances and reasons for concluding both the treaty itself and the secret protocol to it. The details of the loss of the Ukrainian copy of the secret protocol to the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk are clarified. The role of the Head of the Ukrainian delegation O. Sevriuk in the negotiations is noted. Changes in the parties’ positions regarding the invitations of German and Austro-Hungarian troops to Ukraine are conditioned. The rationale for the actions of the UPR delegation in its reporting to the Ukrainian Central Council is elucidated. It is revealed that de facto new Ukrainian-German diplomatic relations began in December 1917 and were then of a “separative” nature, and de jure were legalized on February 9, 1918 by the Peace Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. This treaty became the first peace agreement of World War I, while Germany and its allies (Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey) recognized the Ukrainian People’s Republic as a sovereign state.

Михайло Савченко-Більський – міністр землеробства Української Центральної Ради (1917 р.)

Михайло Савченко-Більський – міністр землеробства Української Центральної Ради (1917 р.)

Serhii Shelukhin (1864-1938): intelektual-derzhavnyk na sluzhbi Ukrainy

The paper seeks to explore main stages of the lifeline of S. Shelukhyn as well as characterize his public and political activities, the scholarly achievements, literary and publicistic legacy of the scholar and politician. His classical graduate studies, professional and career background of the lawyer-practician, a shaping of his social and political views and scholarly interests are revealed in the historical circumstances of that time. A particular attention has been paid to his public activities. He was an active founder and member of the socio-political organizations signi ficantly contributing into a development of the national movement. With the beginning of the Ukrainian Revolution, S. Shelukhyn as a delegate, a leading member of the Ukrainian Party of the Socialists-Federalists to the Ukrainian parliament, the Ukrainian Central Council (Rada), was particularly engaged in social and political work. After the proclamation of the UNR, holding high-ranking state posts, he opposed the federation with Russia. The positive aspects of his political life are establishment and activities of the public organi zations, scientific institutions, teaching at the Ukrainian high schools, a fruitful collaboration with the press. The S. Shelukhyn’s scholarly heritage is represented here. Specifically, the studies in history and origin of the Rus-Ukraine, history of the Ukrainian law (in particular, in the field of the criminal and civil law), political sciences and so on, are presented here. The article distinguishes a particularly active scholar ship of S. Shelukhyn in the émigré period. One of the biggest achieve ments of this historian and scholar is the making of argumentation basis for legitimization of the right of the Ukrainian people at restoration and building of the independent state. His beloved interest to literature and creative talent fostered poetry printing on the pages of many press publi cations, mainly of the citizen and patriotic motifs as well as translations of the belles lettres. His publicistic texts were a continuation of his social and political work. They conveyed to the readers his views, senti ments and beliefs shaping the self-consciousness of the Ukrainian nation and broadening horizons of knowledge. Keywords: Serhiy Shelukhyn, the Ukrai nian Central Council (Rada), social and political work, etatist ideology, the Ukrai nian law, emigration, scholarship, publicism, literary works.

И. Маевский – организатор повстанческого движения на Подолии в 1918-1919 гг.

The article attempts to uncover obscure episodes of the rebel movement in Podillia in late 1919 - early 1919. and display the activities of the former member of the Ukrainian Central Rada Josyp Albinovich Mayevsky with the organization of the antihetman uprising in 1918 and the Khotyn uprising in 1919 in Northern Bessarabia.
 During the whole time of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917-1921, the rebel movement played a significant role in Podillya. The mass rebel movement contributed to the fact that the Podillya province was one of the first to establish the authority of the Directory, the activities of the rebels contributed to the destruction of the Bolshevik regime in 1919, at its final stages, the Bolsheviks had to make significant efforts to win. The beginning of the rebel movement in Podillya can be safely considered in 1917, when Podillya started fighting between peasants and Polish legionnaires, and the ending was lost in the mid-1920s, when he became sabotageous as a result of a long confrontation with the Bolsheviks.
 Despite the considerable interest of the researchers in the course and the personalities of the leaders of the rebel movement in Podillya, there are certain gaps in his study. Insufficiently studied are the origins, the course, as a peasant rebel movement during the Hetmanate of Skoropadsky in 1918, and the anti-Bolshevik rebel movement of spring and summer 1919.
 In light of the above, the author in his article attempts to reveal the little-known episodes of the rebel movement in Podillya in late 1918 - early 1919, through the prism of the former member of the Ukrainian Central Council, Joseph Albinovich Mayevsky, in organizing the anti-Hetman uprising in 1918 and armed protest against Romanian troops in January 1919, known in historiography as the Khotyn uprising.
 The biography of this person, his participation in the revolutionary movement before 1917, the circumstances of his arrival in Ukraine in March 1917 are shown. His activities with the organization of the insurgency in 1918-1919 are shown. on the territory of Podillya. It was concluded that I. Mayevsky was sent to Podillya from the Ukrainian National Union or from the Ukrainian Party of Socialists-Revolutionaries with the goal of organizing a counter-insurgency uprising and that his actions produced a Khotyn uprising against the Romanian troops, moreover, he acted for everything on the instructions of the Ukrainian Left Social Revolutionaries.

Modern researcheworks concerning the events of Ukrainian Central Council era in the territory of Volyn region

The article analyzes the scientific works of contemporary researchers of the period of the Ukrainian Revolution, in particular the period of the Ukrainian Central Council, where military-political and socio-economic events that took place in the territory of the Volyn region (huberniia) are examined. The main focus is on the analysis of studies that cover the periods of stay in the territory of the Volyn region of central state authorities, the struggle between different political forces for power in the territory of Volyn districts (povit) and counties (volost), the participation of local residents in the work of state structures in 1917-1918.