Tripartite Alliance Research Articles

Pertubations of Physicochemical Properties and Heavy Metal in the Soil of Coastal Areas of Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria

This study aimed at assessing the concentrations and perturbations of the physicochemical properties and heavy metals in the soil of the coastal regions of Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria. Sampling was carried out across three mangrove locations (Iko Town, Okoroutip and Uta Ewa) in Eastern Obolo, Ibeno and Ikot Abasi Local Government Areas respectively. Four vegetation plots were randomly selected, and within each plot, three belt transects were established. Physicochemical properties [Sand, Clay, Silt, organic carbon (OC), total nitrogen, sulphate and chlorine content] and heavy metals (Arsenic, Silver, Chromium, Copper, Nickel, Lead, Mercury, Cadmium, Titanium, Vanadium and Zinc) were analyzed using standardized methods. Results from this study revealed considerable variations in the physicochemical properties of soil in the study area. The aforementioned heavy metals were present in both wet and dry seasons in considerable concentrations in the soil samples within the study areas. However, were within and below WHO limits. The variations in the physicochemical properties and the presence of these heavy metals in the samples are indicative of an impacted environment unsuitable for the growth and survival of the endemic flora and fauna species of this unique ecosystem. In view of the current knowledge of the role of mangrove ecosystems in blue-economy of the nation and mitigation of ongoing climate change, we advocate a tripartite alliance between the government, multinational companies operating within the area and the various impacted communities that leads to a concerted efforts of constant monitoring and remediation in the reduction of current and future pollutant levels.

Tripartite Evolutionary Game and Policy Simulation: Strategic Governance in the Redevelopment of the Urban Village in Guangzhou

The scarcity of land drives urban village redevelopment projects, which involve interest redistribution among stakeholders with distinct demands. This paper utilizes evolutionary game theory and simulation methods, constructing a tripartite game model under the institutional arrangement of bottom-up with private developer funding. This study identifies the stable strategies and evolutionary trends of the tripartite interactions under four distinct scenarios and validates these strategies through simulations. The redevelopment of XC village validates the assumptions of the model and theoretical analysis, suggesting that when private developers adopt forced demolition strategies, although villagers ultimately choose to sign the contract of property exchange, it can easily lead to social conflicts. These research findings can enlighten the government to form a tripartite alliance to smooth urban village redevelopment.

The Bhisho March and Massacre of September 1992: The ‘Leipzig Option’ and the Meanings of Mass Action in the South African Transition

ABSTRACT Amid repressive state violence and an escalating civil war in the Eastern Cape’s Border region, on 7 September 1992 more than 80,000 people marched to Bhisho, capital of the Ciskei Bantustan, to bring an end to the rule of its military ruler, Brigadier Gqozo. Widespread fears of a fatal showdown were realised when the Ciskei Defence Force opened fire, killing 29 and injuring more than 200. This critical event, understood as a most pivotal moment in South Africa’s transition to democracy, has rarely been subjected to historical scrutiny. This article casts new light on the events and politics surrounding the march, the contested meanings of mass action, the consequences of the massacre, and its subsequent narration by politicians in the wake of the tragedy. As the tragic culmination of the mass action campaign by the African National Congress (ANC), the Bhisho march became a theatre of the contested politics of mass action within the Tripartite Alliance. An initiative of local and regional alliance structures in the Border region, the march was exploited by national politicians to serve strategic agendas in the national negotiations, while the ANC’s narrative was carefully curated to legitimate its leaders and their national project.

‘Grounding together’ or digging movements into the ground? South African scholar-activism 30 years after democracy

The fiftieth anniversary of ROAPE coincidentally marks 30 years of what may be called ‘bourgeois democracy’ in South Africa. Walter Rodney’s debate with mainly white lecturers (including early contributors and founders of ROAPE) at Dar es Salaam in 1971 offers a pivot from which to explore the representation of popular movements in South Africa in the 2000s, which centred on the assumption that the working class had fallen victim to the adoption of neoliberal policies by the ruling African National Congress. This article explores the relationship between race, class and knowledge production as well as contested meanings of transformation in this context. While the independent left (those outside of mainstream political parties as well as the tripartite alliance) in South Africa has at times heroically supported the struggles of grassroots movements, the article argues that we have reached an impasse. Our consistent socialist rhetoric and methods of movement building tend to be out of touch with grassroots movements. A renewed political dialogue is required to explore the extent to which it remains possible to ‘ground together’ (Rodney 1969) in collaboration with the various streams of discontent and militancy in the country.

Evolutionary Game Analysis of Cross-Border E-Commerce Logistics Alliance Subject Considering Supply Chain Disruption Risk

Due to the quick rise in cross-border e-commerce and the expansion of global economic integration, cross-border e-commerce logistics alliances now present new opportunities and potential. Simultaneously, research on risk concerns in cross-border e-commerce in the modern era has drawn interest. This paper considers the special scenario of cross-border e-commerce supply chain disruptions, analyzes the main decision-making behaviors of key entities in the cross-border e-commerce logistics alliance under normal and risk scenarios, and based on this, constructs a tripartite evolutionary game model among cross-border e-commerce platforms, logistics service providers, and overseas merchants. The article analyzes the evolutionary stability of strategy choices for all participants, discusses the impact of various elements on the strategy choices of the three parties, and conducts a simulation analysis of the dynamic game of strategy choices for the three parties under the influence of different parameters using MATLAB 2021a software. The findings of the study demonstrate the following: (1) The reduction in the allocation coefficient for additional total costs of logistics service providers, the increase in the overall losses of the alliance due to customer complaints, and the increase in compensation rulings by the platform for supply chain risks faced by merchants will all encourage logistics service providers to actively pursue service innovation strategies and prompt overseas merchants to actively participate in alliance cooperation. However, an increase in overall risk costs and an increase in opportunity costs for merchants will raise the costs of tripartite alliance cooperation, thus hindering cross-border e-commerce logistics alliance collaboration. At the same time, when logistics service providers receive punishment from the platform and face potentially increased losses due to complaints, this will not only enhance the platform’s control over logistics service providers but also reduce the enthusiasm of logistics service providers to pursue service innovation strategies. (2) As the main body of the alliance, cross-border e-commerce platforms should coordinate the participants, constrain the behaviors of the participating entities within the alliance through setting reasonable reward and punishment mechanisms, and ensure the comprehensive benefits of the cross-border e-commerce logistics alliance through the combined effect of different exogenous variables. Finally, through the analysis, verification, and explanation of the established model and methods, the effectiveness and applicability of the model and methods are confirmed, providing certain strategic support and a development reference for actively establishing cross-border e-commerce logistics alliances to promote cross-border e-commerce trade.

A Dual Perspective Study: The Italian-Albanians’ Political Activity in the Focus of the Relations Between Vienna and Rome (1895–1897)

Abstract At the end of the nineteenth century, both the Kingdom of Italy and Austria-Hungary, which were members of the Tripartite Alliance, were diplomatically involved in the Albanian National Question. Albeit their geopolitical rivalries, both Great Powers were willing to assume the common sponsorship of a future independent Albanian State. Sometimes antagonistically, Vienna and Rome tried to befriend the nationalistic impulses of the Albanians, including those of the Italian-Albanian community (known as the Arbëresh) settled in Italy since the late fifteenth century. This article investigates how between 1895 and 1897, both Austria-Hungary and Italy tried to gain the support of the Italian-Albanians in function of their respective foreign policies. In the late nineteenth century, different intellectuals from these communities envisioned nationalist programs for an independent Albania. Some of them found support in the imperialistic segments of the Italian governmental establishment; others were willing to cooperate and forged stronger contacts with Vienna. Yet, regardless of their frictions, both Great Powers succeeded in preserving an equilibrium between their contesting interests for controlling the Albanian nationalist movement.

Numeral-based English and Arabic Formulaic Expressions: Cultural, Linguistic and Translation Issues

This study explores the similarities and differences between English and Arabic numeral-based formulaic expressions, and difficulties that student-translators have with them. A corpus of English and Arabic numeral-based formulaic expressions containing zero, two, three, twenty, sixty, hundred, thousand…etc., and another corpus of specialized expressions with numerical prefixes (mono-, bi-, milli-, kilo-, mega-) were collected, analyzed and compared. It was found that English and Arabic numeral-based formulaic expressions fall into 4 categories:: (i) those that are identical in form and meaning in both languages (seventh heaven, four eyes, fifth column); (ii) those that are similar in meaning but differ in wording (cats have nine lives, high five, cloud nine); (iii) those that exist in English, but have no equivalents in Arabic; and (iv) those that exist in Arabic but have no equivalents in English. Specialized expressions containing numerals or numerical prefixes used in business, sports, science, politics and others are exact translations in both languages (five-power agreement, five percent rule, five tigers, tripartite alliance, fifth wheel replace). Student-translators could translate fewer than 25% of the test items correctly and left many blank. Numeral-based formulaic expressions similar in both languages were easy to translate, whereas opaque ones (at sixes and sevens, double Dutch, strap); culture-specific ones (Pentateuch, Millennialism, ثوبٌ سُبَاعِيّ، الثنائي الشيعي، ألف صحة، صحتين وعافية، مرحبتين، رباعيات الخيام، ستين داهية،, and those that require a specialized background knowledge (five C's, the big five, five pillars of the UN, three-name paper) were difficult. Literal translation was the most common translation strategy. Detailed results and recommendations are given.

Simmelian ties for SMEs' green-innovation improvement in manufacturing industries: mediating and moderating effects

PurposeThis study had a threefold aim: to examine the impact of a Simmelian-tie tripartite alliance on corporate green innovation; to determine the chain-mediating roles of knowledge acquisition and knowledge integration; and to identify the moderating effect of network routines on the relationship between a Simmelian tie and green innovation.Design/methodology/approachData were collected through 487 valid survey questionnaires from Chinese small and medium-sized manufacturing enterprises (SMEs). The authors examined the data through a structural model using partial least-squares structural-equation modeling (PLS-SEM) to test the research hypotheses.FindingsThe results reveal several key factors with positive impacts on enterprise green innovation. Specifically, a Simmelian tie significantly and positively affects enterprise green innovation. The results further reveal that knowledge acquisition and integration play mediating roles, while a network routine positively moderates the relationships among a Simmelian tie, knowledge acquisition and integration, and corporate green innovation.Originality/valueThis study is among the earliest empirical studies to investigate the influence of Simmelian ties on corporate green innovation for manufacturing companies. This study provides a theoretical basis for managers of firms, especially those of SMEs with limited resources, to fully use Simmelian ties to achieve environmentally sustainable innovation. In addition, this study validates and extends knowledge-management theory by verifying the linking roles of knowledge acquisition and integration and facilitating role of network routines.

Turkey and Britain in World War II: Origins and Results of the Tripartite Alliance, 1935-40

ABSTRACT By concentrating on the period 1933–1940, this paper argues that Turkey’s decision to opt for neutrality during the Second World War was not part of a calculated long run strategy, but a abrupt reaction to the unexpected fall of France in the summer of 1940. To explain and expand these proposals, the paper summarizes Turkey’s economic relations with Britain and Germany during the 1930s and the state of its armed forces. This is followed by a discussion of the basic strategic ideas of both sides, and the military planning which preceded the signature of the tripartite alliance treaty between Britain, France and Turkey in October 1939. It closes with an outline of the collapse of the treaty in 1940, with an analysis of its serious weaknesses and their causes.

Reviewing the 1943 Sino-British Treaty Negotiations: The United States’ Role in Ending British Imperialism in China

ABSTRACT The 1943 Sino-British treaty negotiations, although widely considered as the end point of British imperialism in China, have not been carefully studied in the current historical works. The negotiations were unexpectedly dominated by the United States rather than the two negotiating parties, either Britain or China. It was due to Washington's initiative and pressure that London finally acceded to an early and broader annulment of its treaty privileges in China. However, the role that the United States played between China and Britain was complicated. Washington was averse to the Nationalists’ claims for an earlier reversion of the New Territories of Hong Kong to China. In its opinion, the primary aim of Sino-British and Sino-American treaty negotiations was to improve the tripartite alliance and encourage China's morale in fighting with Japan but not to put an end to British imperialism in China, especially as this carried a risk of deteriorating relations between Britain and the United States. As a result, the end of British imperialism happened earlier in China, but not completely, leaving problems relating Hong Kong and Tibet unresolved. The negotiations demonstrated the complex nature of the China-Britain-American alliance in the initial years of the Pacific War.

Semana Mundial de Concientización sobre el Uso de Antimicrobianos-18 al 24 de noviembre de 2020

Antibiotic resistance is one of the main public health problems worldwide, to such an extent that some leading articles published in prestigious medical journals wonder whether we are entering what could be called the "post-antibiotic era" (1). Although this name may seem somewhat apocalyptic, some data suggest that, without vigorous action by all those involved, it could become a reality in the short term: it is estimated that if this trend is not reversed, by 2050 there will be 10.5 million deaths worldwide as a result of antibiotic resistance, far more than the number of deaths from cancer (8 million) or traffic accidents (1.2 million). There are many causes that explain this situation. On the one hand, it is inevitable to consider that over time drugs lose their ability to kill pathogenic bacteria, since bacteria, for reasons of natural selection and genetic adaptation, tend to become more resistant to antibiotics (2). However, this process is accelerating exponentially because antibiotics are overused and often misused: it is estimated that up to 50% of the time they are not prescribed properly (3). Recently, the World Health Organization (WHO) expressed concern about the inappropriate use of antibiotics in the course of the COVID-19 pandemic, considering that only a small fraction of patients with this disease require antibiotics to treat subsequent bacterial infections (4). At the United Nations General Assembly in September 2016, heads of state committed to address the root causes of antibiotic resistance in a comprehensive and coordinated manner, not only in human health but also in animal health and agriculture (5). Countries, including Argentina, reaffirmed their commitment to develop national action plans on resistance based on the global action plan. WHO has proposed an action plan that includes five central points: improving awareness and knowledge of antimicrobial resistance; strengthening surveillance and research; reducing the incidence of infections; optimizing the use of antimicrobial drugs; and ensuring sustainable investments in the fight against antimicrobial resistance (5). Following a meeting held in May 2020 and organized by the Tripartite Alliance organizations - the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), the World Organization for Animal Health (OIE) and WHO, the scope of the campaign against drug resistance was expanded from antibiotics to antimicrobials in general, so that it is now broader and more inclusive. This more comprehensive response will facilitate the implementation of the multisectoral "One Health" approach and enhance stakeholder participation (6). The Executive Committee of the Tripartite Alliance has decided that, starting in 2020, the World Antimicrobial Awareness Week will be held every year from November 18 to 24 with the theme "Antimicrobials: handle with care" and will apply to all sectors. The theme chosen this year for the human health sector is "United to Preserve Antimicrobials" (6). As part of this plan, WHO intends to engage all those involved in this fight: authorities, physicians and other health professionals, scientific societies, the pharmaceutical industry and each and every one of us. Health authorities should assume their responsibility and be leaders in the development of action plans to address the problem of antibiotic resistance by convening all sectors involved, working to improve surveillance of infections caused by resistant microorganisms and reinforcing infection prevention and control programs. We physicians and other health professionals should be careful not to prescribe antibiotics unless they are really necessary and prescribe them after all possible steps have been taken to ascertain and confirm which antibiotic each patient should receive. The agricultural sector also has an important share of responsibility in this issue, considering that more than half of the world's antibiotic consumption happens in the field of veterinary medicine. Therefore, this sector must ensure that antibiotics administered to animals are used only for the control or treatment of infectious diseases and under veterinary supervision. The pharmaceutical industry must accelerate and intensify its efforts to research and develop new antibiotics, and it also has a responsibility to communicate the advantages of its products ethically and objectively. Finally, the general population is a key player in the fight against antibiotic resistance. It is important to take antibiotics only when prescribed by a professional, avoiding self-medication, and strictly following the instructions received in terms of dosage and duration of treatment. Infections can also be prevented by washing hands, preparing food hygienically, ensuring safe sexual relations and keeping vaccinations up to date. In short, the fight against infectious diseases counts on antibiotics as a fundamental ally. It is up to all of us to keep it that way. Dr. Lautaro De Vedia Infectious Diseases Physician Hospital of Infectious Diseases Francisco J. Muniz Argentine Society of Infectious Diseases Editorial Secretary of AIDS and Infectious Disease

Modelling the factors affecting the probability for local rabies elimination by strategic control.

Dog rabies has been recognized from ancient times and remains widespread across the developing world with an estimated 59,000 people dying annually from the disease. In 2011 a tri-partite alliance consisting of the OIE, the WHO and the FAO committed to globally eliminating dog-mediated human rabies by 2030. Regardless of global support, the responsibility remains with local program managers to implement successful elimination programs. It is well known that vaccination programs have a high probability of successful elimination if they achieve a population-coverage of 70%. It is often quoted that reducing population turnover (typically through sterilizations) raises the probability for local elimination by maintaining herd immunity for longer. Besides this, other factors that affect rabies elimination are rarely mentioned. This paper investigates the probability for local elimination as it relates to immunity, fecundity, dog population size, infectivity (bite rates), in-migration of immune-naïve dogs, and the initial incidence. To achieve this, an individual-based, stochastic, transmission model was manipulated to create a dataset covering combinations of factors that may affect elimination. The results thereof were analysed using a logistic regression model with elimination as the dependent variable. Our results suggest that smaller dog populations, lower infectivity and lower incidence (such as when epidemics start with single introductions) strongly increased the probability for elimination at wide ranges of vaccination levels. Lower fecundity and lower in-migration had weak effects. We discuss the importance of these findings in terms of their impact and their practical application in the design of dog-mediated rabies control programs.

Die sachsen-anhaltische Landtagswahl vom 6. Juni 2021: Die Mitte ist stabil

The clear winner of the state election in Saxony-Anhalt on June 6, 2021 was the CDU, which was well ahead of the AfD . The FDP, which managed to re-enter the state parliament, was also among the election winners . The big loser was the Left Party, which achieved the worst result in Saxony-Anhalt’s history . The election’s decisive result factor was the extraordinarily high popularity of Prime Minister Reiner Haseloff (CDU), who benefit­ed from his incumbency bonus across party lines . Not only did the citizens hardly know the other leading candidates; moreover the CDU was perceived as having strong problem­solving competence for the dominant issues of Corona and in other relevant policy areas . Likewise, the CDU and Haseloff’s strategy to clearly distinguish themselves from the AfD and the Left was successful . Since Prime Minister Haseloff wanted a stable government for the state, a tripartite alliance was the only option . Due to the conflicts between the CDU and the Greens in the previously ruling so-called Kenya coalition (black, red, green), the CDU chose the FDP as a new coalition partner alongside the SPD, and more than three months after the election a so-called Germany coalition (black, red, yellow) was concluded .

THE TRC TWO DECADES ON: REFLECTIONS ON RACIAL ORDERING, SOCIETAL CHANGE AND TRUTH COMMISSIONING

1. Introduction South Africa's 2014 international reputation stands in sharp contrast to that of post-1948 apartheid state's crime against humanity marker. (1) Captured in 1973 adoption of General Assembly Resolution 3068, United Nations (UN) parties thereto pronounced that inhuman acts and similar policies and practices of race segregation and discrimination constitute serious threat to international peace and security (Article II). (2) Named and shamed by UN and its agencies, South Africa was a pariah blighting face of international community, both exorcised from its political economy and sharing of everyday lived lives of sport and music. By comparison, on 7 May 2014, 20 years after first ever South African democratic election was held, fifth free and fair election took place in light of international recognition and acknowledgement. In words of Thabo Mbeki, having in 2004 won his second term in office as president and that of African National Congress's (ANC) third election, was holding. (3) South Africa is without doubt 'another country' whose extraordinary societal transition achievements are recognised and honoured (Sparks 1994). For example, and to mention just two, our quality of life index has progressed significantly since 1994. Access to cleaner and better water and levels of sanitation have improved by eight per cent; adult literacy by 13 per cent; under-five mortality rate per 1 000 by 25 per cent and secondary school enrolment by 28 per cent. Secondly ratio of executive and senior black managers (4) has grown from eight per cent in 1996 to 34 per cent in 2011; from 10 per cent to 38 percent for middle managers over same period and from 32 per cent to 52 per cent for junior management and professionals (Calland 2013: 13-15). However and notwithstanding, all is definitely as it seems. South Africa is volatile. People are unsettled, anxious and sceptical about their future and that of country. The ANC's 2014 election 'good story' strategy, gave way to increased questioning and critiquing of party. Barney Mthombothi (2014) argued that ANC good story did not tell whole and that, the dream seems to have turned into a nightmare. City Press ran election result as X was still cast in black and white (11 May 2014). In comparison to positivity and joy generated by 1994 'small miracle' of societal transition--inequality, insecurity and anguish abound in everyday life. A plethora of real problems exist including significant corruption within and of state; service delivery protest; fracturing of labour movement and Tripartite Alliance; abuse and gerrymandering of principles of rule of law; lack of clarity with regard to policy and, ominously, immense inequality reflected in class and race. Whilst ANC's centre held again on 7 May 2014, country's socio-political and economic architecture is dangerously fractured and societal order is precarious--begging question of where to? The National Unity and Reconciliation Act was passed in 1995. It was second piece of substantively driven societal transformation legislation passed by post-1994 ANC-led democratic state dealing with loss and restoration and or, South African struggle 'master narrative' (Walker 2008: 16). The first was Restitution of Land Rights Act of 1994. Both were taken up in 1993 Interim Constitution of South Africa and both are inherent to struggle vision toward building a non-racial democratic state. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) act was focussed on restoring stripping away human and citizenship rights on basis of race from all South Africans who were white. Justice was to be done by restoring dignity and respect through individual truth telling and acknowledgement, and restitution through reparations. Reconciliation and national unity was to be dividend together with TRC bestowed individual amnesty. …

ON THE PITFALLS OF A DEVELOPMENTAL STATE

1. Introduction Economic transformation has always been the cornerstone of the governing party since it assumed power in 1994. The notion of a developmental state has since the early 1990s been used as a catch-all phrase for the African National Congress (ANC) thinking on economic and social policies. There is even a subcommittee within the ANC called the Economic Transformation sub-committee, which is seen as the custodian of the ruling party's vision for socio-economic change, as well as offering broad guidelines for a range of policies that have to do with the economy. Over the years since the ANC came into power in 1994, the idea of building a developmental state has continued to serve as an organising principle to frame the nature of change desired by the government. It is a notion that is conceptually ambiguous and lacking in precision with respect to policy application. According to Pempel (1997: 139), developmental states define their missions primarily in terms of long-term national economic enhancement, and they actively and regularly intervene in economic activities with the goal of improving the international competitiveness of their domestic economies. According to this definition, the imperative for managing structural change domestically, for example, improving the growth profile of the economy, diversifying the production base, and generating employment is pursued alongside strategies to promote the country as an investment destination to foreign capital. In many instances, the emphasis placed by the governing party on the notion of the developmental state stresses a more teleological thrust expressed in a certain state of completeness, and usually in reference to the typology of East Asian countries. Beyond rhetoric, it is worth probing what exactly does 'developmental state' mean in the post1990 South African context, a period characterised by increasing global integration and emergence of 'footloose' capital favouring locations where the state is seen as less interventionist. 2. Conceptual map By the time that South Africa started its transition from apartheid to democracy in the early 1990s, the pendulum of economic thinking had shifted globally and strongly towards neoliberal restructuring as an article of faith for economic policy making. This came in the wake of the oil crisis of the early 1970s and the attendant recession of the 1980s. In much of the developing world the state was in retreat, and giving way to a deregulation and liberalising agenda that would presumably stem the crisis. To prove its credentials as a responsible international citizen, South Africa drew heavily on the major themes of the Washington Consensus, in both its pure (laissez faire) and augmented versions (a blending of regulatory features and free markets). Given the centrality, though, of the trade unions in the struggle for liberation, and their closeness to the new governing party in South Africa, measures such as flexible labour markets were ignored in favour of a much tighter legislative regime that included the Labour Regulation Act of 1995 and a welter of worker-friendly measures that followed, including the Basic Conditions of Employment Act and Employment Equity Act, amongst others. Trade unions, especially through the association of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) with the governing party, were deeply embedded in the post-apartheid economic policy formulation. This was facilitated by the informally structured tripartite alliance summit that also included the South African Communist Party (SACP) as well as through the more formally structured National Economic Development and Labour Council (NEDLAC) that came into existence in 1995. While the broader macro-economic policy framework was crafted in a way that was sensitive to international capital, the more specific and sectoral policy arrangements were oriented more closely to trade unions as a powerful political constituency of the governing party. …

Stability and Governability the Benign Effects of Party Dominance in South Africa

A tripartite alliance formed by the African National Congress, the South African Communist Party and the Congress of South African Trade Unions has been ruling the country with wide parliamentarian majorities. The country remains more consensual and politically inclusive than any of the other African countries in the post-independence era. This article examines three performance’s aspects of the party dominance systems: legitimacy, stability and violence. As we are living in a period in which an unprecedented number of countries have completed democratic transitions, it is politically and conceptually important that we understand the specific tasks of crafting democratic consolidation.

Governing the Ungovernable: Performing and Contesting Chris Hani’s Legacy at the Hani Memorial

This article focuses on the Hani Memorial, an annual state-led ceremony held in Ekurhuleni on the anniversary of Chris Hani’s assassination. By analysing the memorialisation, appropriation and performance of Hani’s legacy at this site, it seeks to contribute to debates surrounding the production of liberation struggle historiography in southern Africa, to expand upon Richard Werbner’s ‘post-colonial memorial complex’, and to probe how, through these practices, the Tripartite Alliance has attempted to consolidate political power in post-apartheid South Africa. It takes its cue, though, from Jenny Edkins’ notions of ‘state time’ and ‘trauma time’, which I read as representative of, or analogous to, different modes of organising or disrupting the ways in which people experience time and therefore make sense of the world. According to Edkins, the time of the state is that of ‘linear, procedural time of process and organisation, history, heroes and nations’, whereas trauma time is representative of a ‘collective scream’, ‘a protest against the way people have been treated, a demand to hold open the temporality of trauma and a demand for a different politics’. This article argues that remembering Hani extends far beyond the temporality of the state, its tangible monuments to the past, and its forms of governmentality. In other words, Hani’s legacy cannot be contained or governed by the discursive frames, monumental projects, and temporality of the state, which ultimately seek closure and the end of a politics that has the state as its target. Furthermore, the very performative and operative character of memorials themselves makes them particularly vulnerable to alternative memorialisation and invocations of the past. In short, although national memorials are conventionally understood as sites of state power, authority, governmentality, and historical certainty, they are more generatively understood as sites of temporal rupture through which the ‘time of the state’ is exposed and challenged.

The South African labour movement

This paper reviews the state of the South African labour movement. It discusses trade unions within the context of national political dynamics, including the Tripartite Alliance and neoliberalism, as well as growing precarianization of work within South Africa. It examines splits within the major federation and explores debates around union renewal and new worker organizations. It argues that the political terrain is fragmented and shifting, but workers’ collective labour politics abides.

Mzabalazo On the Move: Organising on a South African Commuter Train

The existing literature on labour movements notes how trade unions have been weakened in recent years. This observable pattern is not unique to South Africa; arguably, this decline represents a global phenomenon characterised by the disintegration of erstwhile militant labour movements. In the case of South Africa, the post-apartheid neoliberal labour regime has fragmented the militant social-movement unionism (SMU) of the 1980s almost to the point of extinction. Despite this trend, various studies have detailed pockets of revival and resistance by workers spread across a variety of sectors and continents. My article seeks to contribute to this literature by drawing on the case study of Mamelodi Train Sector (MTS). MTS was formed in 2001 as a ‘mobilising structure’, aligned to the African National Congress (ANC) and its alliance partners. Using the notion of space as a theoretical tool, I attempt to understand MTS and the space it organises – the train. MTS utilises the travel time spent going to and from work to offer legislative education to largely unorganised/non-unionised workers. In addition to legislative education, MTS members (self-styled comrades) discuss community issues and matters pertaining to the ANC’s tripartite alliance as an attempt to foster a particular kind of identity politics. The data collected reveals that, among other contributions, MTS offers hope and a sense of solidarity to those workers without workplace representation. The comradely sense of belonging, buttressed by a common identity, potentially mitigates the impact of workplace fragmentation – experienced by the majority of workers in South Africa. Organising on the train points to one missing link in our current efforts to understand workers’ agency – the geography of transport in South Africa and its related possibilities as a site of revival. With a specific focus on the MTS as a case study, I suggest that the train, as a by-product of apartheid spatiality, represents a strategic location for worker organisation in South Africa.

Original Nation Approaches to 'International' Law (Onail): Decoupling of the Nation and the State and the Search for New Legal Orders

Original Nation Approaches to 'International' Law (Onail): Decoupling of the Nation and the State and the Search for New Legal Orders