Abstract

1. Introduction South Africa's 2014 international reputation stands in sharp contrast to that of post-1948 apartheid state's crime against humanity marker. (1) Captured in 1973 adoption of General Assembly Resolution 3068, United Nations (UN) parties thereto pronounced that inhuman acts and similar policies and practices of race segregation and discrimination constitute serious threat to international peace and security (Article II). (2) Named and shamed by UN and its agencies, South Africa was a pariah blighting face of international community, both exorcised from its political economy and sharing of everyday lived lives of sport and music. By comparison, on 7 May 2014, 20 years after first ever South African democratic election was held, fifth free and fair election took place in light of international recognition and acknowledgement. In words of Thabo Mbeki, having in 2004 won his second term in office as president and that of African National Congress's (ANC) third election, was holding. (3) South Africa is without doubt 'another country' whose extraordinary societal transition achievements are recognised and honoured (Sparks 1994). For example, and to mention just two, our quality of life index has progressed significantly since 1994. Access to cleaner and better water and levels of sanitation have improved by eight per cent; adult literacy by 13 per cent; under-five mortality rate per 1 000 by 25 per cent and secondary school enrolment by 28 per cent. Secondly ratio of executive and senior black managers (4) has grown from eight per cent in 1996 to 34 per cent in 2011; from 10 per cent to 38 percent for middle managers over same period and from 32 per cent to 52 per cent for junior management and professionals (Calland 2013: 13-15). However and notwithstanding, all is definitely as it seems. South Africa is volatile. People are unsettled, anxious and sceptical about their future and that of country. The ANC's 2014 election 'good story' strategy, gave way to increased questioning and critiquing of party. Barney Mthombothi (2014) argued that ANC good story did not tell whole and that, the dream seems to have turned into a nightmare. City Press ran election result as X was still cast in black and white (11 May 2014). In comparison to positivity and joy generated by 1994 'small miracle' of societal transition--inequality, insecurity and anguish abound in everyday life. A plethora of real problems exist including significant corruption within and of state; service delivery protest; fracturing of labour movement and Tripartite Alliance; abuse and gerrymandering of principles of rule of law; lack of clarity with regard to policy and, ominously, immense inequality reflected in class and race. Whilst ANC's centre held again on 7 May 2014, country's socio-political and economic architecture is dangerously fractured and societal order is precarious--begging question of where to? The National Unity and Reconciliation Act was passed in 1995. It was second piece of substantively driven societal transformation legislation passed by post-1994 ANC-led democratic state dealing with loss and restoration and or, South African struggle 'master narrative' (Walker 2008: 16). The first was Restitution of Land Rights Act of 1994. Both were taken up in 1993 Interim Constitution of South Africa and both are inherent to struggle vision toward building a non-racial democratic state. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) act was focussed on restoring stripping away human and citizenship rights on basis of race from all South Africans who were white. Justice was to be done by restoring dignity and respect through individual truth telling and acknowledgement, and restitution through reparations. Reconciliation and national unity was to be dividend together with TRC bestowed individual amnesty. …

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