Treaty Of Friendship Research Articles

‘Some change of feeling and purpose’: The League of Nations Union, emotions, and world citizenship in Britain, 1919–1939

Many voluntary associations during the interwar years promoted international understanding in the hope of avoiding another global war. The League of Nations Unions in Britain lobbied the government to advocate for the newly founded League of Nations, whilst also seeking to convince and educate a wider public, promoting a ‘world citizenship’ that crossed national boundaries. Children and young people were a key constituency for the LNU’s promotional efforts as they would be the ones to take its agenda forward in the future. To create world citizenship among this younger generation, the LNU argued that ‘new knowledge’ alone was insufficient; a ‘change of feeling and purpose’ was also required. This article focuses on the ‘change of feeling and purpose’, the emotional terrain of the LNU’s vision of world citizenship, with an emphasis on international friendship, hope and fear. Drawing on selected exemplars from the LNU’s Education Committee publications, school magazines, and memoirs and oral histories, it explores ways in this emotional terrain was envisaged by adults in the LNU, and was experienced and articulated by young people themselves.

Nexus between India and Bangladesh in the Liberation War of Bangladesh: Consequences of International Agreement

The support of India and the Soviet Union was very important in the liberation war of Bangladesh, 1971 and the then East Pakistan witnessed a brutal struggle for independence. Amidst the liberation war a triangle web of international alliances and strategic moves attempt to create hegemony in this region. However, it is very urgent to understand the background of why and how India was active, and its attitude was positive in the liberation war of Bangladesh. The present study will investigate these research questions through secondary sources. This present study is qualitative in nature and historical events were explained leveraging the decision making and games theory as theoretical framework. The historic Indo-Soviet Treaty had an immediate impact on the decisive battle between India and Pakistan in the eastern war theater. This paper deals with the explanation for establishing a treaty that was signed between the Soviet Union and India. A focus has been made on the reasons for India's diplomatic role in the liberation war of Bangladesh. This paper also highlights that the friendship treaty between these two countries was not signed to help and aid East Pakistan, but its background prevailed in the 1954 SEATO treaty and aftermath in 1955 Bandung conference that made close friendship ties with USSR and India. Geopolitics, history and international politics played a vital role in signing the treaty that created a nexus between India and Bangladesh during liberation war of Bangladesh.

NORTH MACEDONIA TOWARD THE EUROPEAN UNION THROUGH GOOD NEIGHBORLINESS

After declaring independence in January 1991, North Macedonia decided that its future would be in the family of democratic peoples of Europe. North Macedonia has clearly expressed its priority for membership in the European Union as one of its strategic and vital interests. With the realization of this determination, the Republic of North Macedonia was legitimized as a reliable partner and ally of the European Union, but it still went through a series of different stages in the development of relations, rapprochement, and integration in the EU. We all know that reforms are required within the states that seek and want to be members of the European Union. There are several important steps through which the state of North Macedonia, a candidate country, has shown its goodwill in the long path of integration and contribution. The key points and changes necessary to achieve the goal of being part of the European Union that have been realized so far are the following: the Prespa Agreement between North Macedonia and Greece, the Treaty of Friendship, Good Neighborliness, and the Union of Cooperation, between Macedonia North and Bulgaria. This paper analyzes North Macedonia's approach to the European Union, the transition, its difficulties and challenges on this path, and the Constitution's changes. In the end, conclusions and suggestions are given to make North Macedonia's path towards the European Union a little easier.

THE FRIENDSHIP TREATY BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF NORTH MACEDONIA WITH BULGARIA : CHALLENGES OF CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES IN THE PROCESS OF INTEGRATION WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION

Developments between two or more states that happened in the past should not always be a point of reference in the progress of relations in the future of these first. With the declaration of Macedonia's independence, Bulgaria was among the first to recognize it as a state and helped the "growth" of Macedonia in the international arena. As eastern neighbors in terms of geography, Macedonia and Bulgaria have had a good time without violating each other's sovereignty and without presenting difficulties to each other. In 2017, this friendship was crowned with the friendship treaty between them, but at the moment that Macedonia changed its constitutional name to the Republic of North Macedonia in the hope of avoiding the biggest problem before joining the European Union, it felt too comfortable. Unexpectedly, the veto was used by Bulgaria, which imposed the inclusion of Bulgarians in the constitution as a condition for Macedonia. In this research paper, it is intended to elaborate and analyze what is the best way to solve the problem without harming the cultural, historical and existential identity of the two states. The main objective of this paper will be to provide hypotheses that will serve to avoid disagreements and remove "pebbles" from the road to the European Union membership of the Republic of North Macedonia.

Iconographic Aspects of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact: A Comparative Analysis of Documentary Photographs

Based on the surviving 1939 photographs and their comparative analysis, the article reveals the main visual differences that emerged when photographing two different German-USSR bilateral treaty signing ceremonies. This is important and relevant because in scientific literature, history textbooks and other educational materials, as well as in exhibitions and media articles devoted to history, photographsfrom the signing of the German–Soviet Boundary and Friendship Treaty on 28 September 1939 are often mistakenly used to illustrate the signing of the non-aggression pact concluded between Germany and the USSR in Moscow on 23 August 1939, five weeks earlier. Since these two treaties were signed by the same two people – Vyacheslav Molotov and Joachim von Ribbentrop – at the same desk in the same office of the Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars of the USSR in the Moscow Kremlin, it is not that easy to distinguish at first glance which treaty is being signed in one photograph or another. The photographs are often confused, arbitrarily choosing the ones that look more expressive for the sake of illustration. The article presents visual material, its analysis, insights and generalisations that will help to avoid the photograph attribution errors that are so common in using old photographs to illustrate the signing of the 23 August 1939 Treaty of Non-Aggression between Germany and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.

Indo-Nepal Treaty of 1950: A Realist Perspective

The Indo-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship, signed on July 31, 1950, between Nepal and India, was a landmark agreement aimed at fostering strong bilateral relations. The treaty facilitated free movement, residence, and business opportunities across borders, thereby enhancing mutual security and cooperation in the post-colonial South Asian context. Over the years, it has played a crucial role in promoting economic cooperation, defense collaboration, and cultural exchange. However, the treaty has also become a subject of debate due to shifting geopolitical dynamics and internal political shifts. This paper critically explores the treaty's influence on India-Nepal relations, focusing on its contributions to trade, investment, and defense collaboration. Despite these achievements, its relevance is increasingly questioned due to unresolved border disputes, China's growing presence in South Asia, and political instability within Nepal. The analysis suggests that revisiting and revising the treaty's provisions is essential to address these contemporary challenges. Ultimately, the study calls for a pragmatic approach that aligns the treaty with current geopolitical realities, ensuring a resilient and mutually beneficial partnership between India and Nepal. By adopting a realist perspective, this analysis underscores the strategic importance of adapting bilateral agreements to evolving regional dynamics.

The Cultural Ostracism Of Indian Nepalis And Their Crusade For Identity In The Indian Landscape

India is a land of diverse cultures, witnessing a massive influx of people from all ages. Many historical events in the past led to the migration of various ethnicities from the neighbouring countries in India. One of the significant events was the 'Anglo-Nepalis war' of 1814 followed by the acquisition of Darjeeling by the British in the year 1835, which led to the massive migration of Nepalis1 into India. The large-scale influx resulted from the 'British colonial' demand for brave soldiers and plantation workers for tea estates. Later in 1950, the 'open border' concept in the India-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship, added to the migration history. Since then, the Nepalis have dispersed and become a part of the social structure of Indian society. In the early 19th century, the influx was mainly of the janajatis2 (indigenous people) from Nepal and a few groups geographically belonging to the Himalayan areas. The immigrants geographically dispersed themselves in the areas bordering India and Nepal. Their diaspora resulted in a shift in their lifestyle and culture. At present, they are widespread in various parts of India, struggling to create a niche identity for themselves. Though they belong to India, they are not socially recognized as Indian. To an extent, the contribution of Indian-Nepalis to the military is prevalent but what remains unknown is the question of their identity of being 'an Indian'. Therefore, this paper intends to explore the Indian Nepali community’s contribution to India, the intercultural exchange, their influence on Indian cuisine and culture, and their fight for acceptance as true Indians in their own nation. Further, by examining the socio-cultural dynamics, the community’s migration pattern, and processes of cultural assimilation, this study aims to highlight the community’s efforts to overcome marginalisation and assert their identity within the broader Indian landscape

Unveiling the Legal Impacts: The Unilateral Termination of the 1997 Russian-Ukrainian Friendship Treaty

In 2022, Russian forces seized the capital of Ukraine, Kyiv, and reported more than 700 attacks on health facilities, personnel, and transport vehicles, resulting in the deaths of over 200 people. Despite encountering complex issues, Ukraine and Russia concluded the 1997 Russian-Ukrainian Friendship Treaty, which addressed matters of equality, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. However, Ukraine unilaterally terminated the Treaty in 2018. This research aims to analyze the legal implications arising from the unilateral termination of the Treaty, focusing on the realm of international law. The research employs a combination of normative legal research, analytical conceptual approaches, and case studies. The findings indicate that the termination of the Treaty adhered to Article 54(a) of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties 1969. Nevertheless, the termination has resulted in legal uncertainty and has the potential to exacerbate pre-existing tensions, particularly regarding territorial integrity, which have intensified since 2014.

The conclusion of the Soviet-Afghan “Treaty of Friendship” in the context of new archival sources

New archival documents published in Russia and the United Kingdom make it possible to identify the stages and peculiarities of the negotiation process between Afghanistan and the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic on the conclusion of the Treaty of Friendship of 1921. The initial aim of Soviet diplomacy in drafting this document was to turn Afghanistan into a foothold for subversive activities against British India. The Afghan Emir Amanullah Khan, in turn, wanted to obtain military and financial aid from Soviet Russia through the Treaty of Friendship to fight Great Britain. His second goal was to strengthen Afghanistan’s position in Turkestan, where he wanted to create a confederation of Central Asian states under his control. As the declassified archival documents of the NKID show, the Soviet government was not prepared to pay such a high price for an agreement with Afghanistan. During the negotiations, there were many pauses caused by the aggravation of Soviet-Afghan rivalry over Bukhara and the amount of Soviet assistance to Amanullah Khan. However, both sides understood the need to establish strong partnerships to stabilize the international position of the RSFSR and independent Afghanistan. For this reason, after difficult negotiations in Kabul and Moscow, the Soviet-Afghan Treaty of Friendship was concluded on February 28, 1921. It allowed Soviet Russia to strengthen its position in Central Asia, creating a significant counterbalance to British intrigues in the region.

Nepal-India Political Relations: A Comprehensive Analysis of Historical Dynamics, Contemporary Challenges, and Future Prospects

This research provides a comprehensive analysis of the historical dynamics, contemporary challenges, and future prospects in Nepal-India political relations. The diplomatic ties between the two nations, rooted in shared history, cultural affinities, and geographical proximity, have witnessed both cooperation and discord over the centuries. While historical documents highlight periods of mutual respect, the study delves into the complexities of the Treaty of Peace and Friendship in 1950, solidifying diplomatic bonds. However, recent years have seen a shift in this narrative, marked by territorial disputes, economic imbalances, and evolving geopolitical dynamics. Contemporary challenges include territorial disputes leading to diplomatic intricacies and economic imbalances raising questions about the equitable nature of the bilateral relationship. The research adopts a mixed-methods approach, combining historical analysis, policy examination, and stakeholder perspectives to offer timely and relevant insights. Key informant interviews with political leaders, diplomats, and professionals provide a diverse understanding of the multifaceted issues at hand. The study identifies territorial disputes and unequal diplomatic treaties as major challenges, contributing to tensions in Nepal-India relations. It emphasizes the need for a peaceful discourse to resolve border encroachments and calls for a revision of existing treaties in light of changing regional and international circumstances. Additionally, socio cultural affinities between the two nations are explored, with strategies proposed for bridging gaps and fostering a sense of shared identity. The research concludes with strategies for future cooperation, advocating for a balanced diplomatic relationship that considers the changing global landscape. The equidistance principle is discussed, urging both nations to adapt their mindsets and refrain from micromanaging each other's domestic politics. The study underscores the importance of recognizing the historical ties between Nepal and India, emphasizing the potential for multifaceted alliances in the future.

Investing in friendship: international friendship cities and foreign direct investment

ABSTRACT This study examines the impact of international friendship city development on foreign direct investment (FDI) using panel data of 290 Chinese cities from 2004 to 2019. Results show that the extent of local government involvement in developing international friendship cities plays a role in facilitating FDI. Regarding the underlying mechanisms, friendship city relations foster FDI through improving the business environment for foreign investors and promoting cultural exchange. This study provides new empirical evidence that diplomatic relations foster FDI.

Reconsideration of the 1961 PRC-DPRK and USSR-DPRK Friendship Treaties: The Institutionalization of Two-Sided Alliance

Reconsideration of the 1961 PRC-DPRK and USSR-DPRK Friendship Treaties: The Institutionalization of Two-Sided Alliance

The topic of the liberation of Baku is on the pages of Azerbaijan newspaper

On May 28, 1918, immediately after the declaration of state independence, a friendship treaty was signed between the government of Azerbaijan and the Ottoman state. Article 4 of that agreement, signed in Batum on June 4, 1918, stipulated that military assistance would be provided to the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic if necessary. Taking advantage of this opportunity in the complex military and political situation, the government of the Republic officially appealed to the Ottoman state for military assistance. Based on that request, a limited number of Ottoman military forces were sent to Azerbaijan. With these forces, the Caucasian Islamic Army was created on the basis of the existing national military forces of Azerbaijan. The peak of the struggle of the Caucasian Islamic Army for the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan was the liberation of Baku from the Armenian-Bolshevik and foreign forces on September 15, 1918. In order to study the history of the liberation of Baku from foreign forces, there is also interesting information on the pages of "Azerbaijan" and "Azerbaidjan" newspapers, which are the official press bodies of the government of Azerbaijan. The current article is devoted to the analysis of the information published on the "Azerbaijan" and "Azerbaidjan" pages about the liberation of Baku by the Caucasian Islamic Army.

Guiding Canada's Girls Toward the Empire

Through a critical analysis of Guiding's official programming books, the hierarchy of its organizational structure, and scholarly works on the history of the Guiding and Scouting Movements in Britain and Canada, this paper explores the early development of the Girl Guides of Canada; analyzing the early 20th century public's shifting views on girlhood and examining the relationship between Guiding and the British Empire. The central thesis of this essay is that the organization was originally founded in 1910 with a strict, conservative gender ideology and a strong imperial connection, but changed its messaging during the Interwar Period to reflect emerging modern notions of girlhood and imperialism; while still retaining its core values in its official programming. 
 Born out of the Scouting Movement of Great Britain, the Girl Guides of Canada were originally founded with the intention of preparing young girls for a domestic life; serving the British Empire by being dutiful wives and mothers. The organization's mission was to address the public's anxiety surrounding modern girlhood. As new economic and leisure opportunities appeared for women and girls in Canada's urban areas, so did the fear that these working women would lead lives of promiscuity, potentially causing the breakdown of domestic life. Guiding sought to prevent this issue by taking up young girls' spare time with gendered instruction on subjects such as how to run a home and the role of women in the British Empire. This messaging and ideology was incredibly popular at the time, and the Guiding movement spread like wildfire.
 Following the First World War, the Canadian public's views on the role of girls and the British Empire were changing: through Guiding's wartime volunteer efforts, girls had proven themselves to be capable of much more than domestic instruction, and Canada began to question its place within the empire. The emergence of alternative youth movements, with a specific focus on physical training and fostering a Canadian national identity, reflected this change. In response to these developments, the Girl Guides released introduced international camps with messaging surrounding peace and international friendship, and promoted a more progressive view of girls with new badges and activities. This new rhetoric made the movement more appealing to a wider array of girls, but only obscured the organizations original values of imperialism and domesticity. The structure of the organization still adhered to a hierarchy that favoured British Girl Guides, with the Canadian arm taking all direction from Britain. Upon analysis of Guiding's programming books, it is also clear that gendered instruction was still the primary focus of the organization. This paper also examines how Canadian Girl Guides' programming was used to naturalize and assimilate girls who did not fit the Empire's idealized model of white womanhood, such as Indigenous girls attending residential schools and girls from immigrant households, further complicating its notion of internationalism.
 The changes to the Guiding Movement's programming reflect the organization's desire to spread its ideology to a wider audience, rather than a commitment to more modern ideas of girlhood and progressive notions of international friendship. The programming, while becoming more refined over time, still centered around domestic skills and preparing girls for motherhood, while the organization's international structure relied on a hierarchy that placed Britain at the top, and kept Canada at an arms' length.

한국 정부의 화교에 대한 제도적 차별과 화교 사회의 인식 및 대응

The purpose of this paper is to examine What kind of institutional discrimination did the government of South Korea against Overseas Chinese in Korea from the 1960s to the mid-1990s, and how Overseas Chinese community recognized and responded to such a discrimination. The materials mainly used for these analysis are ‘Han Hwa Monthly Magazine’ and ‘Qiao Sheng Monthly Magazine’ published by Overseas Chinese in Seoul. Overseas Chinese community was very critical of the government’s institutional discrimination, such as restrictions on residence, restrictions on acquisition and ownership of real estate, and farmland. Chinese community responded in various ways to improve or abolish the government’s institutional discrimination based on the fact that Overseas Chinese is not just foreigners. When Korea-China Friendship Treaty was signed in 1965, Overseas Chinese community attempted to demand and achieve the abolition of various institutional discrimination through the Embassy of the Republic of China (Taiwan) in Korea. As government of South Korea concerned that acceptance of their requests would guarantee their vested rights, and provide a foundation for developing their economy, their requests were rejected. As a result, they were treated equally as other foreigners. And just before the establishment of diplomatic relations between Korea and the People’s Republic of China, Overseas Chinese Association of Seoul strongly tried to request abolition of restrictions on real estate acquisition through the Embassy of the Republic of China (Taiwan) to be ended in vain. They had the nationality of the Republic of China (Taiwan). They were very dissatisfied with their government which failed to fulfill their requests.

THE LEGAL BASIS OF BILATERAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND AND CENTRAL ASIAN STATES (WITH A FOCUS ON THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN)

Today, international treaties are the main source of international law and constitute a mechanism of regulation of bilateral and multilateral relations. International agreements provide states with an opportunity to run peaceful and profitable foreign policy in economics, security, and others. The number and the scope of bilateral agreements indicate the mutual interest of countries and reveal the main fields of cooperation. The following paper is devoted to the legal basis of bilateral relations between Poland and Central Asian republics with a particular focus on Kazakhstan. The first part of the paper argues, that ratified treaties belong in the Polish legal system to the sources of law. Among them, the crucial role play inter-state treaties and inter-government agreements. The next part of the paper reveals that the biggest number of treaties Poland has concluded with Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. Only with the latter Poland has signed a treaty of friendship. The agreements concluded by Poland with Central Asian countries are mainly devoted to trade, investments, taxation, and consular matters. The unique feature of mutual Polish-Kazakh cooperation constitutes agreements in the fields of security, defence industry, secret information, and agriculture. In general, taking into account the strong and comprehensive cooperation between Poland and Kazakhstan, the paper asserts the need for concluding a treaty of friendship and cooperation. It could serve as a good starting point for the fourth decade of bilateral official relations.

The role of cities in cross-border mergers and acquisitions — Evidence from China

This study explores the impact of an international friendship city, serving as diplomatic relations between cities, on the transaction time and equity ownership choice in cross-border mergers and acquisitions (CBMAs). Analyzing data from Chinese firms spanning the period 2001 to 2019, we discover a positive and significant correlation between the establishment of an international friendship city and shorter CBMAs duration and higher CBMAs share of equity. Further evidence suggests that the effect is more pronounced (a) in target countries that keep cooperative partnerships with China, (b) countries along the Belt and Road, and (c) state-owned enterprises (SOEs) acquirers. In addition, we identify effects at the provincial level, demonstrating a correlation between the number of international friendship cities and positive outcomes. Mechanism tests show that the subnational-level friendship relationship consolidates cultural exchange and lessens institutional barriers, thereby reducing the completion time and raising the ownership of acquirers. Drawing on political perspective, our results provide new insights into the important role of friendly diplomatic relations to cross-border investment for enterprises internationalization.

We Are Brothers but Not Allies: The Sino-DPRK Alliance Revisited

It is widely noted that China maintains a "special relationship" with North Korea, which is best epitomized by the Sino-DPRK Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance that the two countries signed in July 1961. However, in the post-Cold War era, the raison d'être of this alliance treaty has been challenged. Against this backdrop, this paper traces China's evolving interpretations of the Sino-DPRK friendship treaty. By investigating the process behind the signing of the treaty, it argues that Beijing signed an "alliance treaty" with Pyongyang to win over the latter in the context of the Sino-Soviet split. However, as China sought to improve its relations with Western powers, the Sino-DPRK friendship treaty became increasingly burdensome to Beijing. Thus, Beijing began to dilute the alliance nature of the treaty by no longer publicly affirming its security obligation toward Pyongyang. After Deng Xiaoping came to power in China, the treaty was found to be incompatible with Beijing's newly promulgated foreign policy principle of non-alignment. To address this problem, Beijing ultimately reformulated the nature of Sino-DPRK relations and reinterpreted the Sino-DPRK friendship treaty—that is, China is not an ally of North Korea, and the Sino-DPRK friendship treaty carries only symbolic meaning without casus foederis. Based on these analyses, this paper claims that the security obligation of the Sino-DPRK friendship treaty is no longer functional.

1984년 김일성은 왜 소련과 동유럽을 순방했는가?

Kim Il Sung’s 1984 tour of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe was driven by the need to acquire modern weapons, secure recognition of the hereditary regime, and obtain support for tripartite talks between the ROK, North Korea, and the US in the face of North Korea’s economic downturn. In early 1984, after verifying the trip’s authenticity, the ROK government began to seek information about Kim Il Sung’s itinerary through its diplomatic missions. Despite domestic and international assessments that Kim Il Sung’s visit to the Soviet Union was a failure, the ROK government saw gains in the acquisition of modern weapons and the recognition of the hereditary succession. In East Germany, for example, a treaty of friendship along with an economic and scientific agreement was signed. However, only ceremonial and formal events took place in Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Poland, Bulgaria, and Hungary with Yugoslavia and Romania simultaneously criticizing the United States and the Soviet Union, emphasizing the possibility of non-aligned countries. Kim Il Sung’s diplomatic trip intensified the ROK government’s sense of crisis regarding its northern policy. In 1984, the ROK government’s European relations were characterized by proxy diplomacy—sending delegations to Western Europe to try to strengthen ties with Eastern Europe and increasing cultural and sports exchanges with Eastern Europe. Eventually, coinciding with the international transformation of the Cold War system, all of the Eastern European communist countries that Kim Il Sung had traveled to participated in the Seoul Olympics and achieved high rankings.

대내·외 정책 변화 요인이 추동한 북·러관계 연구

State relations accelerate the close cooperation and promotion when national interests coincide. The signing of the North Korea-Russia alliance treaty and Kim's first and second visits to Russia served as a driving force when domestic and foreign policy changes interact with national interests. If the China-Soviet conflict and the strengthening of the South Korea-U.S.-Japan alliance led to the 1961 North Korea-Soviet Alliance Treaty, changes in the environment of the international order, including the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, the ROK’s northern policy and Putin's equidistant foreign policy, led to the signing of the 2002 North Korea-Russia Friendship Treaty. A comparative analysis of Kim's first and second visits to Russia enabled the derivation of facilitating factors that accelerated the close relationship between North Korea and Russia and challenging factors. This shows that under the international order dominated by power, close contact is accelerated when national interests, such as domestic and foreign environmental factors of North Korea and Russia, namely, domestic political system (leadership), diversification of economy and diplomacy, and securing resources. It is time for strategic thinking that can bring maximum effect with minimal effort through stable situation management of the impact of the US-China-Russia mutual state relations variable. Amid expectations of changes in domestic and foreign exchange environments, it is necessary to closely analyze the impact of North Korea-Russia relations on security in Northeast Asia and devise countermeasures while strengthening the South Korea-U.S.-Japan alliance.