Trade Union Leaders Research Articles

The interface between authoritarian innovations and labour: Implications for the Indian workforce

On assuming office in 2014, India's BJP-led government initiated an ambitious plan to facilitate the ease of doing business, aiming to make India an attractive investment destination. Interview data from 20 trade union leaders and an expert and published data from ILO, government and trade union documents and newspaper archives reveal that, to advance this neoliberal agenda, the government did not use direct and obvious repressive tactics as was the case during the 1976 Emergency, but rather, a combination of discourse, manipulation of democratic institutions like the Parliament and a strategy for disengaging and disempowering the unions that oppose reforms. The new Labour Codes provide a facade for tackling the perennial problem of union recognition and collective bargaining that has plagued Indian industrial relations, but in their implementation, these Codes are likely to weaken unions and erode working conditions. The government's practices attempt to obscure precariousness and silence civil society organisations by imposing unprecedented restrictions on them and disengaging with them. Today, more than ever before, employment in India tends towards informality. Rather than strengthening unions, the government has created fissures in the labour movement by using the unions affiliated with it to manufacture a democratic debate on various pertinent issues, like the Labour Codes.

Профсоюзы и общественное мнение в Республике Башкортостан в конце XX – начале XXI в.

The article examines the dynamics of public opinion regarding trade union organizations in Bashkortostan in the post-Soviet period. The analysis of the scientific literature indicates that the problem is insufficiently studied. The main sources used in the article, in addition to archival documents, were the materials of the periodical press. The work notes that during the transition to market relations, trade unions restructured their work with an emphasis on strengthening the protection of the rights of employees, began to interact with all branches of government, negotiated with employers and concluded agreements and collective agreements. Non-fulfillment of agreements by enterprises and the state forced trade unions to organize collective actions: rallies, strikes, pickets. In the early 1990s, as sociological studies showed, citizens’ trust in trade unions remained high, paradoxically combined, however, with distrust of all political forces. Most likely, it is precisely distrust of trade unions that explains the attempts to create new public organizations in the 1990s, uniting ordinary workers. Many workers expressed dissatisfaction with the indecisive actions of the trade unions, urging them to pay attention to protecting the interests of workers. Special studies have found a decrease in the authority of trade unions among workers from the early 1990s to the early 2010s. At the same time, trade union leaders noted the passivity and inertia of ordinary trade union members, their non-participation in collective actions. Thus, on the one hand, the workers recognized the trade unions as the only defenders of their interests, on the other, they assessed its activities poorly, reluctantly participated in collective events.

Guns, goons, and the waterfront priest: Remaking Manila's anti-communist docks in 1950

This article examines how early Cold War anti-communism transformed labor processes at the Port of Manila. In 1950 the threat of communism at the city's port gained the attention of the highest reaches of the US State Department. Shifting diplomatic discourses and a changing Cold War map imbued new meaning into trade union racketeering and Filipino dockworkers who were, it was dubiously argued, on the verge of joining the country's communists. Through archival analysis of diplomatic dispatches, intelligence reports, and newspaper sources, this article examines a series of spectacular events and covert political diplomacy. In particular it explains how an American Jesuit priest in Manila earned the trust of the State Department and played an outsized role in remaking pier-side labor politics. As concern grew in Washington, American diplomats covertly intervened to back the priest. In detailing how the piers staged global geopolitics, the article also situates these affairs in local political contexts to argue for a more nuanced understanding of anti-communism in Southeast Asia. Filipino trade union leaders and government officials colluded with but also subverted and remade American discourses and diplomacy to their own political and economic advantage.

The Impact of Union Transformational Leadership on Union Citizenship Behavior in the Vietnamese Union Context: A Moderated Mediation Model of Union Commitment and Union Practice

After implementing the Renovation policy in 1986, the transition to a market-oriented economy brought significant changes to the institutional environment in which trade unions operate. The decline in union membership prompted both union leaders and political authorities to recognize the potential difficulties in maintaining stability and the necessary cohesion for sustainable economic development. The absence of an effective trade union system became apparent, leading to the realization that understanding the role of trade unions in the context of economic transition is indeed essential. The present study aims to explore the relationship between union transformational leadership, union citizenship behavior, union practices and union commitment in a union context Vietnam. At the same time, build a model of the influence of union transformational leadership on union citizenship behavior, which commits unions to play an intermediary role and Vietnamese union practices plays a moderating role.  Data were collected on a sample of 595 union members from 15 foreign enterprises as a research sample. Research results show that transformational leadership style has a strong positive influence on behavior union citizenship through promoting union commitment and trade union practices. The research has important academic contributions and administrative implications for Vietnamese trade union leaders.

Industrial democracy between neocapitalism and postfordism. The political and intellectual trajectory of Bruno Trentin (1926-2007)

During his long political trajectory Bruno Trentin (1926-2007) never ceased to question the relationship between work and democracy. The Italian intellectual and trade union leader denounced the domination of the «productivist ideology» of scientific management over the entire social and political Left. According to this ideology, trade union action was reduced to the animation of distributive conflict, while the political struggle was played out outside the economic sphere, through the conquest of the state. Contrary to this vision, the 1960s were the source of a new self-management political culture, born of the encounter between the Marxist, Christian and libertarian traditions of the labour movement, which aimed to make workers and their unions «political subjects» in their own right by gaining real decision-making power over the organisation of work. The decline of Fordism offers an opportunity for a new "contract" in which work can achieve its political recognition and autonomy within the workplace and not from outside. It is from this history that Trentin draws to defend the actuality of a project of liberation from subordinate «work». In this article I reinscribe Trentin's reflections in the long history of his career as an intellectual, trade unionist and political activist, as well as in the controversies and the impasses that have shaped his life and the history whole Italian and European labour movement during the twentieth century.

About Historical and Cultural Significance Sad Monument in Komsomolsky Park of Vladikavkaz

The Unified Register of Objects of Cultural Heritage of the Peoples of the Russian Federation includes a monument of regional significance - the mass grave of the Bolsheviks who died in August 1918. The address of the monument: Vladikavkaz, Komsomolsky Park. The purpose of the proposed article is to characterize the historical circumstances of the appearance of a mass grave, to determine the historical and cultural significance of this monument. In the spring of 1918, Vladikavkaz became the capital of the Terek People’s Republic, which became part of the RSFSR. The Cossack-Peasant Congress in Mozdok on July 3-6, 1918, decided to “cleanse the people’s power” from the Bolsheviks. The battles that unfolded on the streets of Vladikavkaz were called the August events of 1918. Among the victims were five Bolsheviks who were captured and shot, and then buried in a mass grave: F. G. Kamalov, I. N. Nikitin, F. I. Serobabov, S. Ya. Shmulevich, Ognev. The more influential Bolsheviks who were arrested in those days remained alive. Severe verdict handed down to five shot requires explanation. As far as one can judge, the attitude towards them was predetermined by their previous actions and statements. The social behavior of F. G. Kamalov and S. Ya. Shmulevich was characterized by left-wing political radicalism. F. I. Serobabov was the organizer of power structures and the chief of staff of the Red Army units. I. N. Nikitin is an experienced party leader. Ognev is a young trade union leader. It can be assumed that in the eyes of their opponents, these five were united by left-wing radical convictions and uncompromisingness in the choice of methods of political struggle. The tragic outcome of the arrest was predetermined by their established political image. Memorial monuments play an important role in preserving the historical and cultural identity of the society. The mass grave is a monument to the terrible price that the people pay for their historical maturity. Not to repeat past mistakes in new socio-political collisions - this is the main point of preserving the historical and cultural heritage associated with the revolutionary era of the early 20th century.

Trade union and Industry 4.0 implementation: two polar cases in Brazilian trucks manufacturing

PurposeThis paper aims to discuss how trade union leaders deal with the implementation of Industry 4.0 (I4.0). The study is circumscribed to the Brazilian automotive sector and came from a human-centric (Industry 5.0) concern related to issues such as organisational learning, knowledge, innovation and workplace learning.Design/methodology/approachCase studies in two truck plants related to union participation during new product and process implementation based on Industry 4.0. Semi-structured interviews with union leaders from both plants were conducted to determine the subtle similarities and differences between the two polar types.FindingsThe findings pointed out that human resources and workplace learning must be reviewed to prepare workers to face I4.0. Four themes are explored: modernisation origins; negotiation process; workers’ concerns; and results and lessons learned. The findings highlight concerns about employees and job loss; replacement of workers by technological devices; workplace learning and the trade union perspective; and influence of the country’s economic situation on I4.0 implementation in social systems dependent on worker tacit knowledge.Originality/valueThis paper presents labour union leaders’ perspectives related to the impact of I4.0 and contributes to a better understanding of industry-worker workplace learning.

Good Governance and Leadership as Stimuli for Quality Service Delivery: The Case of the City of Johannesburg Metropolitan Municipality

Good governance and good leadership as stimuli for quality and sustainable service delivery have become serious concerns in the way municipalities in South Africa are managed and led. Whilst this article employs the City of Johannesburg as a case study, it also uses social contract theory to evaluate good governance and good leadership as stimuli for quality service delivery. The researcher conducted structured face-to-face interviews and reviewed documents to collect data. To obtain primary material, elected, bureaucratic, municipal trade union and community leaders, as well as residents, were interviewed. Secondary data was obtained by reviewing relevant documents on good governance and good leadership. The study found that municipal leaders defied and undermined the rule of law and displayed uncaring, unethical and dishonest leadership qualities, thereby failing to deliver quality and sustainable services to residents. Instead of using the authority ceded to them in the form of a social contract to facilitate accountable and good leadership, municipal leaders used it to undermine good governance that could have otherwise yielded the accountability and ethical conduct expected of them by the residents whom they represent in the council. In confirming the appropriateness of the application of social contract theory here, the results showed that municipal leaders did not live up to the ideals of, and failed to conform to, qualities of good governance and good leadership, as they did not consult, listen to, or maintain relationships with the local people on a regular basis, and in so doing, undermined their own ability to enhance democracy at the local level. Eventually, municipal leaders did not mobilise or influence community members to become involved in the planning and implementation of budgeted projects and programmes to meet local needs. The significance of this study lies in its analysis of good governance and good leadership as stimuli for quality and sustainable service delivery in municipalities, while generating information and guidelines on how municipal leaders can practise good governance and good leadership to implement quality and sustainable service delivery.

Remembering Herbert Gutman's Work, Culture, and Society Fifty Years On

Remembering Herbert Gutman's <i>Work, Culture, and Society</i> Fifty Years On

Through the Eyes of a Strategist and a Diplomat: Polish-American Relations post-1918

Through the Eyes of a Strategist and a Diplomat: Polish-American Relations post-1918

Impact of COVID-19 on the Rights of Informal Workers in Bangladesh

COVID-19 is a devastating global crisis leading to unprecedented challenges in public health, food systems, the workforce, etc. The calamity has aggravated the situation for informal workers by putting them at risk of economic fallout. The informal workers remain exceptionally vulnerable as their livelihood depends on in-person daily labor. As the pandemic unfolds worldwide, informal workers face tremendous socio-economic challenges and health-related vulnerabilities. This research sheds light on this terrain to explore the impact of COVID-19 on informal workers in Bangladesh from a socio-economic perspective. At the same time, it also analyzes the legal aspects from a critical point of view. It employs a qualitative research methodology. Primary data were collected through 30 in-depth interviews with informal laborers such as taxi-driver, street vendors, domestic workers, hotel and restaurant stewards, and private tuition providers. Ten key informant interviews were conducted with trade union leaders, relevant practitioners, and researchers. It finds that informal workers face diverse challenges, such as the inability to manage family expenditure, drop-out of their children from education, lack of information on health protection, internal migration, etc. It also reveals a significant policy implementation gap in crisis management by analyzing fiscal and monetary policy, non-therapeutic measures, and social safety programs.

The Red Thread: The Passaic Textile Strike

The Red Thread: The Passaic Textile Strike

THE RACIST HISTORY OF THE UK AND THE 2016 EUROPEAN UNION (EU) REFERENDUM

Objectives. This piece argues that Britain has a long history of racism, much of it emanating from its colonial past. It maintains that this has been not only ingrained in the upper and middle classes but also culturally embedded into the working class. Due to this, trade unions and indeed children’s education have consistently not highlighted, or indeed dispelled the myths and lies regarding the ‘non-exploitative’ nature of colonialism. Material and methods. As evidence of the above three main studies are detailed. The first two are of North of England Polish migrant data. The first a 2012 study and the second a post EU Referendum study. The third study is a post EU Referendum study involving UK trade union leaders and senior officers is utilised. Results. Regarding Central and Eastern European (CEE) migration to the UK. There is initial discussion of the negative response of a UK Conservative party followed by a more positive response of UK trade unions and the Labour Government. However, it was also found that both groups were negative at times. As well as there being prominent prior and post Brexit racism. Due to a mainly regulated labour market, ‘blame’ was attached to UK migrants by politicians and political parties, this grew both during and post Referendum. Conclusions. As noted, racism exists due to the UKs free market, exploitation, neoliberalism, and the financial crisis which has ignited a long-standing colonialism and empire. Although, there is some positive anti-racist training and work being undertaken by trade unions and other bodies with Show Racism the Red Card central to this work. Keywords: Racism, Polish migrants, trade unions, UK EU Referendum.

Teachers’ Perceptions of Multiple Trade Unions in Promoting Professional Development among Teachers

The purpose of this study was to examine teachers’ perceptions of multiple trade unions in promoting professional development among teachers. The study objective specifically was; to examine teachers ‘perceptions of multiple trade unions in promoting professional development among Teachers. The study was in form of qualitative, it was a case study design involving ten public secondary school (A-J) in Dodoma city council. The population were Trade Unions’ Members, Trade Unions’ Leaders and Tanzania Registrar of Trade Unions. The sampling procedure used was purposive only, the sample size of 44 participants was employed. Two research instruments were used (focused group discussion and interview). Data was analyzed by using six stages of thematic analysis. The findings revealed teachers’ perceptions of multiple trade unions to promote professional development such as; reformation of the law of labour relation and education policy, collaboration between trade unions and the government in educational issues .Also to establish some programs such as trainings, workshops and seminars to promote teachers‘ professionalism. The government recommended to change the law of labour relation so as to reboots trade unions activities .Thus leaders of multiple trade unions were advised to re-examining the leadership and make restorations where necessary to make sure that unions’ activities are revived once again..

Michael 'Mick' McGahey: Miner, communist and trade union leader

Michael McGahey was born in the Lanarkshire mining town of Shotts in 1925, a year before the general strike and miners' lockout. He died in 1999, the year that the Scottish Parliament, which he was credited with playing a leading role in bringing about, was established. McGahey had come to public prominence in the preceding decades as President of the National Union of Mineworkers Scottish Area (NUMSA) and a public face of British miners' industrial action in the 1970s and 1980s. This paper is based on trade union and archival records, as well as oral testimonies recorded with close comrades of McGahey, including his son, senior Scottish Communists and NUMSA officials. It firstly assesses the foundation of McGahey's worldview in the context of class struggle, personal and familial hardship and entering the mining industry as a young man. The second section overviews McGahey's evolution from a colliery activist to a national trade union leader, underlining his willingness to build pragmatic broad left alliances between Labour and Communist affiliated miners. Section three explores the the connection between McGahey's commitment to Communism and his support for a Scottish Parliament within the United Kingdom.

AITUC &amp; BMS Contribution to Labor Welfare: An Empirical Study in Andhra Pradesh

It is observed that a good number of Trade Unions are effectively functioning in India as well in Andhra Pradesh. It is identified that the AITUC &amp; BMS Trade Unions are having distinct ideology and they are compassionate towards political system. Also observed that AITUC &amp; BMS are functioning autonomously on its own agenda with a perception. Field, Factory, Office, and other un-organized workers are attached to the Trade Unions to their personal benefits. Labor always look for fringe benefits like job security, social security, scholarships to their children, take-home pay hike, congenial working conditions and post-retirement benefits etc. The study is mainly focused on to find out the gaps between the unions and workers. Samples collected from various sections of the Trade Union leaders and workers of age and service groups and gender. Several advanced tools were used to analyze data, like ANOVA, T-Test, Mann Whitney U Test, SPSS and the latest methods are applied to get accurate results. The main objective of the study is to find regulation between workmen and Trade Union.

Strategic Position and Trade Union Power: An Analysis of Trade Union Strategies in the Automotive, Chemical and Edible Oil Sectors in Argentina, 2003-2015)

The aim of this paper is to analyse empirically the importance of union strategies as a moderating variable between unions’ structural and associational power and their bargaining and mobilisation power. To this end, we selected three unions, one from each of three strategic industrial sectors in the Argentinian national economy – automotive, chemical and edible oils – and analysed their dynamics of collective bargaining and labour conflict in the 2003–2015 period. The research is based on a review of secondary sources (collective bargaining agreements and conflict databases) as well as primary sources (semi-structured interviews with managers, trade union leaders, worker representatives and activists). Whereas workers in each of these sectors have a similarly high degree of structural power, we observed differences among the sectors in working, wage and organisational conditions. These differences are associated with three different union strategies for building union power, which we identify as partnership, confrontational and combative. KEYWORDS: strategic position; trade union power; union strategies; sectoral analysis; Argentina

Violence and harassment in the world of work as a gender problem

The problem of violence and harassment in the sphere of social and labor relations is actualized as a gender problem, the representation of which is difficult due to insufficient case studies and latency. The article analyzes statistical data and conducted quantitative sociological surveys, the author's qualitative research "The activities of trade unions in promoting the principles of gender equality" by the method of in-depth interviews of representatives and leaders of Russian trade unions who are experts in the field of gender. The empirical base made it possible to identify the level of harassment severity in the workplace, to prioritize in comparison with other issues of economic discrimination based on gender, the readiness of society to discuss it openly and publicly. The range of reasons why people are discriminated against in the workplace, their conditionality by the level of material well-being, determinism by poverty, employment industry, and the difference in the interpretation of cultural and moral norms in generations is determined. As a mechanism that could be a step towards changing the attitude of the members of social partnership to violence and harassment in the world of work the respondents discussed the ILO Convention 190 “About Eliminating of Violence and Harassment in the World of Work” (2019), restrictions on its ratification due to the current political and international situation. It is concluded that the active role of Russian trade unions, their gender structures, which are associative members of international trade union organizations in educational, informational work, real assistance to victims, as well as participation in the development of legislative initiatives and recommendations in the enforcement of existing laws, remains. The need to search for internal tools to solve the problem of violence and harassment in the sphere of social and labor relations, redirection of the public agenda into a constructive way is predicted.

Peace on Our Terms: The Global Battle for Women's Rights after the First World War

Peace on Our Terms: The Global Battle for Women's Rights after the First World War

Trade Union Solidarity in Crisis: The Generative Tensions of Worker Solidarities in Argentina

The article identifies how tensions between different levels of worker solidarity helped shape the possibilities of collective action in automobile and related sector trade unions in Argentina. It advances the framework proposed by Morgan and Pulignano in two ways. First, it highlights the interrelation of both the complementarities and the tensions between different solidarity practices. Second, it extends the understanding of how these solidarity practices connect the workplace and community. The contribution is based on thematic analysis of interviews with trade union leaders, representatives and activists that shed light on solidarities produced, as well as tensions and complementarities between them. This is contextualised by the impact of crisis in the automobile sector after 2015, showing how increased worker vulnerabilities affected emergent solidarities. Overall, the article demonstrates the significance of these dynamics for understanding the continued resilience and limitations of trade unions in Argentina and beyond.