Theories Of Sentence Processing Research Articles

Constraint satisfaction as a theory of sentence processing.

Various problems with the constraint satisfaction model are discussed. It is argued that the empirical evidence presented in support of the model does not concern predictions of the model that diverge from those of depth-first (one analysis at a time) models. Several methodological problems are also noted. As a theory of sentence processing, the model is inadequate. It fails to account for the assignment of local structure, global structure, structure involving discontinuous dependencies, long-distance dependencies, and adjunct phrases. It makes incorrect predictions about the timing of syntactic analysis. Further, because syntactic structure is available only through activation of syntactic projections stored in the lexical entry of words, the model leaves entirely unexplained the myriad psycholinguistic findings demonstrating independence of lexical and syntactic structure (in Event Related Potential studies, code-switching, pure syntactic priming, etc). Finally, the model is not restrictive or explanatory, providing an account that largely consists of post hoc correlations between frequency counts or subjects' ratings of sentences and processing time data for the same sentences.

A corpus-based analysis of verb continuation frequencies for syntactic processing

In the experimental study of how much verb guidance occurs in parsing syntactic ambiguity, the preference of an ambiguously subcategorized verb for its continuations is a relevant factor in the choice of the stimuli and in the interpretation of the results. Many methods have been used to measure this bias, ranging from experimenter's intuitions to sentence completion studies. In this paper, I assume that an acceptable definition of frequency is the count of the occurrences in a corpus, and I provide some cooccurrence counts calculated on a set of verbs and their syntactic siblings in a subset of the Penn Treebank (Marcus, Santorini, & Marcinkiewicz, 1993). Second, I perform some correlations with sentence completion and sentence production studies, which show that the two data collection methods are not strongly correlated with the corpus counts. Finally, I analyze the stimuli of some experiments which have shown evidence both in favor of the garden path theory of sentence processing and the lexical guidance theory. I argue that all the stimuli were balanced, and that a minimal attachment effect is not a consequence of the overall NP-bias of the stimuli. Moreover, evidence from the relation between processing times and verb completions with declarative and interrogative complementizers is used to argue that the parser is sensitive to the lexical content of the complementizers.

Parameters in the theory of sentence processing: Minimal Commitment theory goes east

This paper introduces the Minimal Commitment theory. This theory is a subspecies of deterministic parsers. The theory builds representations where immediate dominance and precedence relations are unspecified. Justification that this approach is psycholinguistically justified comes from its ability to provide a cross-linguistically valid theory of Garden path sentences in English and Japanese.

Sentence processing strategies in Spanish and English

In parallel experiments, 12 English- and 12 Spanish-speaking subjects read right-branching and self-embedded sentences with one, two, or three subordinate clauses, in their native languages. Subjects read the sentences one word at a time, the subjects controlling the rate of presentation by means of a computer keyboard. The reading time for each word was recorded. After each sentence subjects performed one of four comprehension tasks. Reading times indicated that Spanish- and English-speaking subjects employ different processing strategies. Results of the comprehension tasks indicated that Spanish-but not English-speaking subjects understood self-embedded sentences with two subordinate clauses. These results are discussed in terms of the relative importance of the clause as a perceptual unit in the two languages, and the implications of the differences in comprehension for theories of sentence processing.

Sentence processing without empty categories

Abstract Theories of sentence processing have standardly made use of grammatical theories with empty categories, and have therefore postulated a process known as “gap-filling”. In contrast, this paper provides evidence that the processing of unbounded dependencies does not make use of empty categories. We propose instead that there is a direct association between the extracted element and its subcategoriser. To show that gap-filling cannot take place, we consider a number of examples where there is material separating the assumed empty category and the subcategoriser, and then present a formal argument, based on patterns of dependencies in sentences involving multiple cases of extraction. We then sketch a linguistic account of unbounded dependencies that does not use empty categories, and which can serve as the basis of a processing model. We conclude that empty categories are not psychologically real.

Processing of sentences in aphasia as assessed by eye-movement recordings.

The eye-movements of nine aphasic and nine nonaphasic control patients were recorded while they were looking at slides, containing eight words, selected from four different linguistic categories (nouns, verbs, adjectives, and adverbs). The task was to construct a 4-word sentence. The aphasic patients produced fewer syntactically and semantically correct sentences. Both aphasics and controls used more nouns than adverbs in their sentences. The eye-movement patterns revealed no statistically significant differences between the two groups in terms of fixation time per word category or in terms of fixation time per visual hemispace. Implications for a linguistic theory of sentence processing are discussed.

Memory and levels of processing in a psycholinguistic context.

A levels of processing approach to memory was directly tested in a welldefined processing context by varying the depth to which spoken prose material could be processed. The effects of successively removing the semantic and the syntactic levels of analysis produced decrements in immediate recall that were structured according to the clausal segmentation of the material. The results corresponded closely to the joint predictions of a theory of sentence processing integrated with levels of processing memory theory.