Territorial Conflicts Research Articles

THE IMPACT OF INTER-ETHNIC CONFLICT ON DEVELOPMENT IN ETHIOPIA

Ethiopia is known for its long history of highly centralized, exclusive and suppressive governance system which came to an end with the adoption of multi-ethnic federal political system in 1991. The new ethnic federal state arrangement was believed to bring peace, provide a new basis for unity and reduce conflicts. However, ethnic conflict has become the day-to-day experience in different parts of the country. Afar Regional State is one of the constituent units where conflict has been prevalent. Different researches indicated that conflict affects socio-economic development in various ways. The objective of this paper is to analyze the impact of inter-ethnic conflict on the socio-economic development of Afar Regional State in Ethiopia. The data for this paper were gathered through qualitative methods as well as review of published and unpublished documents. Specific tools for primary data collection include key informant interviews, focus group discussion, and observation,. The study analyses the causes and consequences of conflicts between Afar and its neighboring ethnic groups, the Issa-Somali and Amhara. The study reveals that the restructuring of the country along ethnic lines has transformed the century-old resource-based conflicts among pastoralist communities into territorial conflicts. The paper concludes that interethnic conflicts have been adversely affecting the socio-economic development of Afar Regional State.

The Artsakh Conflict as a Violation of the Genocide Convention: Toward a Referral to the International Criminal Court

The Artsakh War is an ethnic, religious, and territorial conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the disputed region of Artsakh, an Armenian enclave within Azerbaijan. The modern conflict began in 1988 and escalated into a full-scale war in the early 1990s. A ceasefire signed in 1994 provided for two decades of relative stability, but escalations in April 2016, and most recently in October 2020, have renewed the antagonism. Actions by Azeri nationals within the past three months evidence an attempt to eradicate Artsakh Armenians from their homeland and are violative of the Genocide Convention. This essay evaluates this recent Azeri aggression as measured against the Genocide Convention. Implications for international criminal prosecutions are discussed.

ПРОПАГАНДА ТОПОНІМІКИ ЯК ІНСТРУМЕНТ ПРОСУВАННЯ КОНФЛІКТУ

Objective of the study: To research the long-running tensions between Greece and Turkey under the prism of contemporary propaganda which through the impact of toponymic nationalism on territorial disputes, is used as a tool to promote or to prelude conflict. To demonstrate that how geographical names are used by political leaders and ingrained in propaganda contribute to the creation of national identities by using the sense of ownership, and the arousal of conflict. Methodology: Historical and modern claims have been deployed to form the foundation of the theoretical basis. Emphasis is given to the role played by political figures in influencing place names to support patriotic feelings and boost territorial claims. A distinction is made on how propaganda may incite conflict and thwart peaceful coexistence between nations. Although these actions can increase internal support for policy goals, they also run the danger of exacerbating tensions and impeding diplomatic efforts to find a solution. Results and Conclusions: To prevent possible conflicts from igniting or historical conflicts from re-igniting, the transmission of factual information and conduct of responsible approach towards geopolitically sensitive places poses a necessity in order to promote peaceful diplomacy. The study’s suggestion is to develop policies that would lessen territorial conflicts and promote peaceful cohabitation.

Resident wild koalas show resilience to large-scale translocation of bushfire-rescued koalas.

Wildlife translocation is increasingly utilized as a conservation management action, to mitigate the immediate negative effects of habitat loss and fragmentation (e.g. from land clearing or bushfires). Previous research has shown that stress responses can help or hinder survival in translocated wildlife and determine the efficacy of translocation as a conservation action. Yet these translocated animals are only one side of the equation, with translocation also potentially impacting the animals in the recipient population. We measured physiological markers of stress (faecal cortisol metabolite concentrations and neutrophil-lymphocyte ratios) and assessed health condition in a wild koala population one year after a major translocation of bushfire-rescued koalas on Kangaroo Island. We expected to find a high population density at the site (>0.75 koalas per hectare) and that resident koalas would show signs of chronic stress and ill health as a result of territorial conflict over food trees and reproductive opportunities. In contrast, we found that only one-fifth of the population remaining at the site were translocated koalas. The overall population density was also much lower (0.21 koalas per hectare) than anticipated. With no evidence of mass mortality at the site, we suggest that the majority of translocated koalas dispersed away from the site. Our stress marker measurements did not differ between the wild koalas and a sample of captive (non-display) koalas at the nearby Kangaroo Island Wildlife Park and were generally low compared to other studies. Veterinary examinations found that most koalas were in good body condition with very few diagnostic indicators of systemic ill health. Overall, our results suggest that, if there is adequate landscape-scale habitat connectivity and opportunity for dispersal, translocated koalas are likely to disperse from the site of release, with limited impacts on recipient koala populations at translocation release sites.

The Burgenland Question 1919–1924. A bilateral and international problem

Richard Lein, The Burgenland Question 1919–1924. A bilateral and international problem The question of border demarcation between Austria and Hungary after 1918 is mostly mentioned only in passing in the historiography on the Paris peace conference and on the European post-war order. This does not surprise since other territorial conflicts of the immediate post-war period in East-Central and Southeast Europe appeared too important for researchers to pay greater attention to the dispute over the West Hungarian territory. In fact, however, the Burgenland Question, later referred to as such, proved to be exceedingly conflictual from both the bilateral as well as the international perspective. Thus, Hungary’s refusal to cede the territory granted to Austria at the Paris peace conference not only strained bilateral relations between Vienna and Budapest. What is more, Hungary’s behaviour, which contradicted the provisions of the Treaty of Trianon, was a test for the entire system of the Paris Peace Treaties. The victorious powers of the First World War, attempting to keep the system intact, struggled visibly trying to find a peaceful solution for the Burgenland Question. However, the conflict was also shaped by the active intervention of Italy and Czechoslovakia. With their interferences, Rome and Prague were primarily pursuing the goal of gaining political and economic influence in Central Europe. In view of the diverging interests of the two powers in the region, this tended to fuel the conflict rather than resolving it. In the end, however, international mediation succeeded in brokering a compromise between Austria and Hungary in the Burgenland Question. This compromise represents the starting point for the good neighbourly relations between the two countries to this day.

Strategies and tactics for resolving territorial conflicts in Georgia through the prism of international law

The thorough resolution of conflicts is impossible not only without removing the objective bases of the conflicting parties’ confrontation, but also without identifying the subjective divergences between the participants in the conflict and the international community participating in its resolution. In this context, the territorial conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia should be seen as political-territorial and international, considering the dynamics of the changing geopolitical interests of the great powers at the regional and continental level. The central figure involved in these territorial conflicts is the Russian Federation, which uses the separatist regimes in Sukhumi and Tskhinvali as a tool to achieve its long-term geopolitical goals in Southwestern Europe – part of the former Soviet Union. Even in the case of a more constructive approach by Moscow to the problems in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, it is impossible to find a super-special status of the separatist regions, the adoption of which would automatically resolve the conflicts.

The Recognition of Indigenous Peoples in Latin American Climate Governance: A Review of Nationally Determined Contributions

Abstract Indigenous Peoples’ advocacy has enabled them to position themselves in global debates on climate change. Although the international community progressively acknowledges Indigenous Peoples’ contributions to climate action, their effective recognition in national climate governance remains marginal. This article analyses Indigenous Peoples’ recognition in the climate governance of Latin American states based on a document analysis of the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) submitted between 2016 and March 2022. A content analysis and a frequency analysis were conducted on 30 documents. Mentions related to Indigenous Peoples in the NDCs are increasing; nevertheless, this recognition reproduces the multicultural approach that has characterized Latin American states’ legislations and thereby undermines the coherence of climate policy. The references mainly allude to cultural diversity and climatic vulnerability without addressing the ongoing territorial conflicts that mediate the relationship between Indigenous Peoples and states. Nor do the NDCs recognize the right of Indigenous Peoples to participate at the different levels of climate change decision-making processes. Intercultural recognition of Indigenous Peoples and better standards of participation in climate change governance are mandatory. However, states must first promote institutional transformations to address the historical and institutional factors that have produced Indigenous Peoples’ climate vulnerability and generate the necessary mechanisms to implement the recognition committed to in the NDCs. Significance Statement The decisions of the Conference of the Parties of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change progressively encourage the participation of Indigenous Peoples and consider their knowledge in decision-making processes. Our article explores how this recommendation is assumed in Latin America through the analysis of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs)—the national pledges in the context of the Paris Agreement for the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions and adaptation to climate change. Our findings reveal that the mentions and recognition of Indigenous Peoples in NDCs are increasing. This recognition is not matched by promoting full and meaningful intercultural participation. In addition to generating mechanisms for effective participation, addressing the multiple historical and institutional drivers of Indigenous Peoples’ climate vulnerability is necessary.

"Отечественная война" за Карабах: предпосылки и последствия

SUMMARY: Focusing on the culmination of the Karabakh conflict in the so-called 44-day war of 2020 and the final liquidation of the self-proclaimed Republic of Artsakh in September 2023, this article reconstructs the mechanisms of perpetual confrontation in 1988–1923. A product of the competing Armenian and Azerbaijani nationalisms during the late Soviet period, the territorial dispute over the predominantly Armenian-populated region of Azerbaijan formed a cultural mechanism that produced discourses of hatred and counterfactual historical claims. Both sides' fixation on the mythologized past made mutual understanding and compromise impossible, predetermining an equally antagonistic future. Cultural mythologies framed by tropes of Romantic nationalism became primary drivers of the territorial conflict in the late 1980s, when they proved their efficiency in nationalist mobilization. Today, political regimes in Armenia and Azerbaijan entirely rely on thus-produced national mobilization as the foundation of their legitimacy and authority, which makes the conflict insoluble. Today, it is not the contested territory that produces confrontation, but the need to sustain authority within the embraced format of national mobilization that necessitates constant disputes with the neighboring country.

INDONESIA’S STRATEGY AND DIPLOMACY IN THE SOUTH CHINA SEA CONFLICT

<p>This study describes the government's strategy in Indonesia under the leadership of Joko Widodo to strengthen the Natuna border area. The Natuna area is a point of discussion as there are often territorial conflicts. This study aims to answer the question about the government's strategy to strengthen the border zone in Natuna. This study uses library research methodology and the Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA) concept to analyze the process. After conducting research, it can be concluded that to reinforce the border area at Natuna, the government is making efforts to improve the military posture by constructing several new military units. Then the government is also looking at diplomatic means in the ASEAN region to resolve the territorial dispute with China in the South China Sea. This is because there is no mutual agreement, considering that Indonesia is based on the 1982 UNCLOS, while China has a view of the Nine-Dash Line. </p>

샌프란시스코강화조약에서 나타난 동아시아 영토갈등 기원론의 법리 검토

샌프란시스코강화조약 초안 변화 과정에서의 영토문제 분석에서 조약의 준비 작업은 조약체결의 역사적 사실로, 준비 초안, 회의 토의록, 교섭기록 등이 포함되기 때문에 조약법상 보충적 해석 수단과 조약법 협약 제31조 신의성실의 원칙에 따라 분석하면 강화조약 조문의 합리적인 해석을 할 수 있다. 미국은 조약체결 과정에서 연합국의 의견을 무시하고 단독으로 개입하였고, 시볼드의 로비에 의한 조약체결이 일본에게 유리하게 작용한 것은 신의성실 원칙을 위반하는 것이다. 일본의 로비 활동의 여파로, 제6차 초안부터 일본과 한국의 영토조항이 아예 삭제되었고, 제8차 초안에선 영토조항을 더욱 간략히 하였다가 제9차 초안에선 일본의 영토조항을 설정하지 않고 일본은 한국에 관한 모든 권리, 청원, 청구권을 포기한다고만 명시하였다. 이런 간단한 초안은 일본과 한국의 영토범위는 아주 불명확하고 미국무부의 검토 경과를 보더라도 독도를 포함해서 영토주권을 둘러싼 분쟁이 발생하는 것은 당연히 예측할 수 있었다. 그리고 한국전쟁 발발과 중국군의 개입 이후, 일본의 공산화 방지와 전략적 기지로써의 가치로 인해 급속도로 진행된 강화조약은 일본의 전쟁책임, 배상, 영토할양 등을 배제한 채 패전국 일본을 진정한 협상 상대로 인정한 세계외교사의 유례가 없는 우호적 평화조약이 되었다. 이런 미일합의는 이후 일본에 의한 동아시아 지역 내 영토분쟁의 요소를 남겨 놓았다. 강화조약의 영토조항은 SCAPIN 제677호를 근거로 작성되었고 미국초안 1~5차, 미영연합국의 초안에도 독도가 한국영토로 기재되었다. 미국은 독도를 한국 영토로 인식하면서 한일간 분쟁 방지를 위해 최종 강화조약 내용에 독도를 아예 기재하지 않았다. 강화조약에는 독도에 대한 아무런 규정도 없기 때문에 한국의 독도 영유권, 통치권에 아무런 영향이 없다. 강화조약 체결 시, 분쟁해결이 조건으로 처음에 영토 귀속 국가를 명시하다가 미국의 이익에 의해 영토 귀속 국가를 삭제하였고 한국, 공산권국가 조약 체결 서명 참가를 반대하였다. 그리고 한국 관련 제3국 조약 적용 문제 등을 포함해서 국제법적으로 조약의 불완전성이라 할 수 있다. 강화조약 체결은 이해관계국가 또는 국제기구의 제3자가 참여하여 이행을 보장, 감시 또는 관찰하는 정치적 그리고 법적 메카니즘이 상호 복합된 형태를 가지고 있어야 하는데 미국이 주도한 강화조약의 영토조항이 아시아에서 객관적 체제를 형성했는지는 의문이다. 제2차 세계대전 후 1947년 이탈리아, 루마니아, 불가리아, 헝가리, 핀란드 각국의 강화조약을 비교하면 일본의 강화조약은 원래 유럽 국가들의 강화조약과 대체로 같아야 하는데 미국의 냉전 정책에 의해 관대한 강화조약이 되었다. 이 강화조약은 체결 과정부터 신의성실 원칙을 위배한 것이고, 배상책임과 전쟁책임을 지지 않은 비징벌적인 조약으로 동북아시아의 영토문제는 영원히 해결하지 못한 채 미해결로 남게 되었다.

ПРОСТОРОВА ЕКСКЛЮЗІЯ В МІСТАХ УКРАЇНИ: АНАЛІЗ І НАПРЯМИ ПРОТИДІЇ

Розкрито феномен просторової ексклюзії у містах України, що підкреслює багатовимірність явища, зокрема, те, що воно залежить від різних причин і проявляється в багатьох сферах соціальної взаємодії. Просторова ексклюзія – явище, коли частина простору (територія) обмежена в доступі, використанні, провадженні господарської діяльності суспільства (мешканців території), виражає фізичні, економічні, правові, соціально-політичні та інші види обмежень. Аналіз процесів, що протікають у містах, доводить, що просторова ексклюзія може виникати внаслідок спадкових проблем міст (місце розташування, природно-ландшафтні умови, наявні розпланування і функціональна структура, історична забудова), поглиблення структурно-галузевих деформацій (диспропорції в інвестуванні в розвиток територій, порушення масштабів нового будівництва, фінансова слабкість), а також з огляду на дію вагомих інституційних чинників (відокремлене вирішення соціально-економічних і просторового питань, відсутність комплексного освоєння територій, територіальні конфлікти і високий рівень ризиків для потенційних інвесторів). Серед таких бар’єрів центральна роль належить неузгодженості цілей соціально-економічного розвитку і просторового потенціалу в розбудові територій. Узагальнення й аналіз проявів просторової ексклюзії дозволяють окреслити головні завдання для їх усунення: підвищення мобільності мешканців міст за рахунок покращення ефективності функціонування транспортної інфраструктури регіону; посилення узгодженості житлової і просторової політик; розвиток соціальної та інженерної інфраструктур; оптимізація відносин міст і довкілля завдяки поліпшенню охорони навколишнього природного середовища, додержанню екологічних і безпекових вимог. З оглядку на зміни в системі просторового планування територіальних громад, при розробленні концепцій інтегрованого розвитку і комплексних планів громад запропоновано обов’язково враховувати при їх реалізації просторові пріоритети і фінансову спроможність територіальної громади; приймати узгоджені рішення (досягати розумних компромісів) учасниками процесу щодо пріоритетів розвитку міст; створювати основу для контролю за дотриманням домовленостей, забезпечувати відкритість, прозорість і загальну доступність матеріалів концепції інтегрованого розвитку і комплексних планів просторового розвитку територіальних громад на веб-порталі територіальної громади.

Can Israel Prevent The ICC From Conducting An Investigation In The Situation In Palestine?

The territorial conflict between Israel and Palestine has been the longest dispute in history. Although various efforts have been made to reconcile the dispute, no successful outcome could be achieved. The tension between the two states have been ever-increasing and upon the completion of preliminary examination, the ICC has now declared to conduct an investigation into the Palestinian situation. However, there has been speculations regarding the ICC’s ability to conduct an investigation on the basis of various clauses in the Rome Statute. Moreover, upon the declaration of an investigation by the OTP, the Israeli government has condemned the decision on various grounds. The primary objective of this paper is to iterate that Palestine is a recognized state and the crimes being committed in its territories fall under the purview of the Rome Statute, entailing accountability of the perpetrators. Hence, the author has attempted to refute Israel’s grounds and basis for non-cooperation and analyses the alleged “escape-clauses” in the Rome Statute. Finally, the author has reinforced that the ICC plays a non-partisan role in conducting investigations and holding war criminals accountable. Furthermore, the so-called “escape-clauses” in the Rome Statute are not loopholes rather a means by which the ICC aims to encourage national courts to undertake genuine proceedings to prosecute war criminals, in order to ensure global peace and order. Therefore, international law cannot be used as a tool to escape liability. The author has applied qualitative method, relying on primary and secondary sources of international law.

Urban Insecurity, Contested Governance, and Civic Resistance at the Colombia-Venezuela Border

Drawing on the case of the Cúcuta Metropolitan Area, this article explores how illicit cross-border flows and territorial conflicts shape urban space and security at the Colombia-Venezuela border. Conceptually, it approaches the border as infrastructure (Dijstelbloem 2021) and brings Idler’s ‘border effect’ (2019) into a dialogue with Sassen’s ‘urban capabilities’ (2012). The article builds on original empirical data gathered in interviews and focus groups. It shows, first, that the illicit flows of goods, people, and services facilitated by a porous border have contributed to a situation of territorial contestation between the state and violent non-state actors (VNSAs) in Cúcuta. The article discusses four interrelated dynamics that have affected the city’s security: the urbanisation of territorial contestation; violent struggles over authority and trafficking routes trickling into urban neighbourhoods; the exploitation of vulnerable city dwellers by VNSAs; and the militarisation of public space. Second, the article analyses the role of illicit flows in the making of unequal patterns of space-making both from below – as in the case of gasoline smugglers building informal settlements – and from above, with well-off corrupt city dwellers defending their affluent neighbourhoods financed by laundered money. Finally, the article goes beyond perspectives of vulnerability and violence by demonstrating that the border also represents a civic opportunity that can stimulate urban renewal and resistance.

Colonial Cartograhy: A Hidden Crucible of the Migingo Conflict

ABSTRACT Scholars have extensively studied the ways in which colonial borders configure the African continent. In East Africa, studies have demonstrated that the colonial naturalized inter-state boundaries have been a source of territorial conflicts. Focusing on the Uganda-Kenya conflict over Migingo Island, this article examines the forces that shaped the demands and claims of either state over the island. Migingo is a rocky islet in Lake Victoria that has been a contested ground between Uganda and Kenya since 2009. Drawing on colonial maps, reports, documents and interviews with Ministry Officials, the paper argues that imperial cartography in East Africa is flawed and cannot resolve the Migingo conundrum. It further reveals that the various joint-survey commissions have failed to re-affirm the borderline because of the inconsistences and ambiguities encompassed in colonial delineations and mappings. It thus calls for negotiations to address this maritime imbroglio between the two states.

Natural Resource Renewability, Development, and Territorial Conflict

ABSTRACT While previous studies of natural resources and territorial conflict have explored the role that specific resources play in conflict, few have examined the topic of natural resources more broadly and in great depth. This paper generates hypotheses regarding natural resource type, theorizing that the particular characteristic of resource renewability impacts conflict behavior over associated territory. Further, the role of economic development is considered. Utilizing the latest version of the Issue Correlates of War and Correlates of War datasets, these hypotheses are empirically tested. The results demonstrate the importance of renewability and the consistency of findings regarding resources and low-level conflict. Natural resources are found to, in general, discourage more severe forms of conflict, with important caveats. Less developed states are found to play an important role in driving more severe forms of conflict, as are disputes over sea related and oil resources. The paper concludes by outlining the implications for policymakers and scholars studying the topic of territorial conflict.

Gold conflict and contested conduct: Large- and small-scale mining subjectivities in Indonesia

Resource extraction shapes the people who live and work in its midst. In Pongkor, Indonesia, these transformations revolve around long-running tensions between large- and small-scale gold miners. The region is home to a state-owned industrial mine as well as thousands of unlicensed, small-scale miners. These actors have competed over the same gold deposits, and who has the authority to mine them, for more than three decades. In this article, I examine how this resource conflict informs multiple, co-constitutive extractive subjectivities in Pongkor. I expand upon existing analyses of resource governance, extractive development, and environmental conflict by examining the multi-directional, interrelated processes of subject formation entailed in asserting claims to resources. Drawing on ethnographic research, I frame the situation in Pongkor as a territorial conflict with three competing subject formation processes at its core. First, the mining company has attempted to end small-scale mining by reconstituting local people as more amenable development subjects. It emphasizes particular nationalistic, economic, and moral values through both disciplinary and community development programs. Second, small-scale miners have responded by cultivating political subjectivities grounded in a collective “community miner” identity. Community miners go beyond simply participating in gold-based livelihoods; they learn to argue for rights to local resources. Third, the mining company has pursued internal reforms aimed at remaking itself and its employees. Using small-scale miners as a foil, company leaders work to reposition their operations as a model of clean and green development. In tracing these processes, I complicate narratives of industrial extractive dominance and community resistance by demonstrating that subjects inside and outside of mining operations are co-constituted. I call for further research on the shaping of varied subject positions—including corporate mining employees, small-scale miners, and local residents—involved in extractive conflicts.

Why Territorial Disputes Escalate: The Causes of Conquest Attempts since 1945

AbstractAlthough attempts to conquer entire states became rare after 1945, attempts to conquer small pieces of territory persisted. Why do states so often seize—and even fight wars over—remarkably small areas? We argue that traditional explanations predicated on the material or ethnic value of disputed territories largely cannot explain the escalation of territorial disputes since 1945. Instead, actors more often seize territory to be seen seizing it. We theorize that the roots of these conquest attempts often lie in careerist incentives within militaries. Military officers seize small pieces of disputed territory in pursuit of promotions or political office, especially in states where the military wields greater political power. We test this theory with a statistical analysis of conquest attempts in territorial disputes (1965–2000) using new geospatial and conquest data along with a medium-n process analysis of all conquest attempts since 1945. Our results suggest that careerist self-aggrandizement plays an important role in contemporary territorial conflict.

An Analysis of Violent Attacks in Gauteng, South Africa, in 2019: Xenophobic or Not? – That is the Question

Despite the democratic dispensation, crime levels, especially violent attacks, are high in South Africa. Violent attacks were widespread during the apartheid era. Unfortunately, violence continues to be a means people use to protest or register their discontent. Currently, the critical issues that ignite protests are scarce resources and poor service delivery by the local government. In addition, there are territorial conflicts within South Africa, in which South Africans who reside in parts of the country that are not their birthplaces find it difficult to work in these areas because the local people accuse them of stealing their jobs. Vigilantes give this excuse for unleashing attacks on fellow South Africans. Recently, this hostility has extended to foreign nationals living in South Africa. This paper investigates whether the violent attacks that took place in Gauteng, South Africa, in 2019 were xenophobic. A qualitative research method was used. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with six participants. The findings indicated that the violent incidents that occurred in 2019 were associated with criminal elements and were not xenophobic attacks on foreign nationals. In addition, the study found that the media played a crucial role in misreporting the incidents.

The limits of tourism or the tourism as tragedy and farce: an analysis of the Dark Tourist series

Tourism has historically been treated with an economic purpose, producing an economicist and mass tourism practice that commodified nature, the landscape, and the environment, bringing about territorial conflicts and cultural changes. What is known as dark tourism is a growing and evident modality that has recently been put on the agenda due to the Dark Tourist series (Netflix, 2018), in which its host visits various types of phenomena considered exotic from a tourist perspective. In these pages, I intend to make a brief critical reading of this documentary series that centers on the protagonist’s relationship with the visited places and sees the practices and phenomena represented in the series as a reproduction of the contradictions of capital that materialize themselves in actions that consume landscapes and environments, falsely revise history, and stereotypes the image of the other but which, if treated in another way, has a pedagogical potential.

Land situation in the province of Salta. An approximation to the context prior to the Territorial Management of Native Forests

In this article we have as an aim to go deep in the productive and territorial characteristics of the Salta province in the years prior to the enactment of the National Law N. 26.331 “About Minimal Budgets of Environmental Protection of Native Forests” and the implementation of the Territorial Management of Native Forests in Salta. In particular, we focus on providing a characterization of the agrarian structure in eastern province and the problems of land possession that affect indigenous and creole people. We use statistical information and discuss some paradigmatic cases of territorial conflicts that have taken place in the last decades of the XX century and early XXI, which will be of particular interest for understanding the OTBN in the province of Salta.