Supreme Leader Research Articles

Towards a Populous Future, Policy Solutions and Prospects in Iran's Population Sphere: A Policy Brief

Background: The population of any country plays a crucial role in its economic, social, cultural, and political development. A young population enhances the workforce and economic dynamism of the country. Changes in lifestyle and a series of population, economic, and political policies in recent years have exposed Iran to the risk of population aging and demographic warnings from social researchers. The situation is such that population experts unanimously believe that if the current trend of increasing births and population growth continues, the country will face a major population crisis in the next 30 years. The present study examined the challenges and policy solutions in the field of Iran's population, considering a densely populated future. Considering the age pyramid between 1990 and 2000, Iran has experienced significant population growth, providing an effective and active workforce for the country. According to statistical models, Iran's population is projected to age significantly by 2030 and 2050. The complex issue of increasing fertility and population growth requires comprehensive and balanced measures. Promoting public awareness, financial support for families, social security provision, gender balance, housing facilities, population research, rural development, and collaboration with non-governmental organizations can be considered appropriate policies to increase fertility in Iran. The population issue should not be politicized, with some opposing and others supporting it; everyone should collaborate to address this significant gap. Considering the serious concerns and warnings of the Supreme Leader regarding population aging and the expressed concerns about the decline in population and the inadequacy of the current situation, policies for increasing fertility and population growth are on the agenda. However, all organizations, agencies, and individuals who can contribute to the realization of these policies must actively and seriously participate.

Model of Educational Leadership Management in Boarding Schools

Islamic boarding schools have a wealth of knowledge that can be researched and analyzed from various scientific aspects, so research on Islamic boarding schools will be available. This study will focus on the management pattern of pesantren leadership education by choosing the largest pesantren in the country, namely the Darussalam Gontor Modern Islamic Boarding School. A qualitative method with a case study approach. Data were obtained from key informants, Islamic boarding school documents and books, journals and articles as support related to the management of leadership education in the era of globalization. Data analysis in this study used content analysis techniques. The results of the study found that the management of leadership education in the form of regeneration in the style of the Gontor Islamic Boarding School was classified into six: briefing, training, assignment, habituation, control and role modelling. The revival of leadership values at the Gontor Islamic Boarding School includes education of ibrah, habituation, mauidzah, discipline, independence and exemplary. The pattern of leadership in Darussalam Gontor Islamic Boarding School is collegial (Trimurti). The administration of the Trimurti pesantren Darussalam Gontor became the central figure of the pesantren in the leadership of three kiai. With this collective leadership model, the Gontor Islamic Boarding School will eventually become a modern institution whose survival does not depend on a single kiai as the supreme leader. Thus, Islamic boarding schools are expected to be able to foster and produce Islamic human resources.

Assembly of Experts of the Islamic Republic of Iran: Socio-Demographic and Political Recruitment Factors (1983-2024)

Assembly of Experts of the Islamic Republic of Iran: Socio-Demographic and Political Recruitment Factors (1983-2024)

Saint Poetry and Contemporary Social Awareness

In today's Indian society, hysteria, hatred, malice and communal prejudices and narrow-mindedness are prevalent due to people doing vote politics in the name of religion and caste. At such times, it becomes necessary to remember the saints and the supreme leader of saints, Kabir. The time when Kabir appeared was an era of transition and upheaval.

A Study of the Gansu Official Hu Xin and his Collection Yu Fen Cao in Microcosmic Perspective

Hu Xin was a famous official in Tianshui, Gansu during the Wanli period of the Ming Dynasty. He served in several branches of the central government, and his highest official position was that of the Supreme Leader of the Taichang Temple. Hu Xin's collection, Yu Fen Cao, documents his many initiatives to serve the people, impeach corrupt officials, and maintain national stability during his tenure. It reflects well on his political ambitions. Analyzing Hu Xin's historical contribution to the country and the people and his positive influence, we can further enrich the historical image of Hu Xin, and also provide historical details for understanding the prosperity and demise of the Donglin Party.

One Man, Two Stories: The Differing Legacies of Rikidozan

Kim Sin-rak(November 14th, 1924- October 28th, 1963), better known as Rikidozan, is one of the most decorated professional wrestlers of all time. Born in the Northern part of Korea, he immigrated to Japan to become a sumo wrestler. Though he had some success in the world of sumo wrestling, his dispute with his stable master would lead to Rikidozan retiring from the sport to become a black marketeer and construction worker. His life would change after being recruited by American professional wrestler and promoter Bobby Bruns to come along on a wrestling tour of Japan. After this first tour was done, he left for the United States where his fame and popularity steadily grew. He was soon established as Japan's biggest professional wrestling star, defeating the imposing American wrestlers through sheer strength, tenacity, and sumo-based chops. At the time of Rikidozan's rise to superstardom, Japan was left reeling after surrendering to the United States in 1945. The Japanese people needed a hero, and Rikidozan became that hero. Millions of Japanese citizens crowded television screens in order to watch Rikidozan fight off American wrestlers, giving hope to a downtrodden nation. Rikidozan's storied career would leave behind a major impact on Japan, becoming the first postwar hero who embraced Japanese ideals. His foundation of the Japan Pro Wrestling Alliance in 1953 was the starting point for the establishment of puroresu, or Japanese pro wrestling. His JWA paved the way for companies like New Japan Pro Wrestling to become both a domestic and worldwide phenomenon. Japan was not the only country to have idolized Rikidozan as a national hero, however. Years after Rikidozan's death, North Korea claimed Rikidozan as their own national hero. Though Rikidozan lived life as a Japanese star, he was born as Kim Sin-rak, an ethnic North Korean. North Korea published multiple pieces of state propaganda re-writing the narrative of Rikidozan's career to fit the views of North Korea, to inspire their citizens to follow state teachings. Rikidozan was repackaged into a North Korean patriot who hated Japan and loved his home country, and had fought and dedicated his matches to the Supreme Leader Kim Il-sung. He did not simply defeat wrestlers, he had fought off almost mythical beings in American and Japanese wrestlers and became the symbol of strength and resillience in North Korea.This essay seeks to examine both of the differing stories told about Rikidozan's career, and contextualize them with their respective time period. Rikidozan's career in the Japanese telling is post-World War 2, while the North Korean telling lines up more accurately with the later half of the Cold War. Rikidozan's career is examined with an understanding of the ins and outs of professional wrestling and historical context behind the concurrent events during Rikidozan's career and the North Korean re-telling of that career.

Neither Islamic, nor a republic and not Iranian: the legitimacy crisis of the clerical regime

ABSTRACT The legitimacy crisis of Iran’s clerical state may be at a tipping point: its fading Islamist façade and crumbling republican pretensions can no longer disguise its mismanagement and failures at governance. With the public more attuned to the hypocrisy and corruption of the ruling elite, the Islamic Republic has been plagued by a succession of popular uprisings. Its characteristic response has been violence, draconian repression, and the intensification of securitisation. But the more it focuses its efforts at self-preservation, the more it risks eroding its veneer of legitimacy. The centralisation of power around an increasingly autocratic Supreme Leader, the obsequiousness of elected institutions, and the kleptocracy of unelected entities, have contributed to disillusionment even among core supporters. Concerted efforts at marginalising Iran’s non-Islamic heritage, and subsuming Iranian national identity into a Pan-Islamist Shia ideology, also raise questions about whom the Islamic Republic regards as its true constituency.

Influence of Islam on the stability and adaptability of the political system of the Islamic Republic of Iran

In the realm of Iran's political landscape, we find an extraordinary, indeed unique, system that has endured for over four decades. This intricate political framework is rooted in the Shia Islamic tradition, setting it apart from conventional political models. It is marked by a remarkable duality, where the secular and religious spheres of authority coexist in a delicate equilibrium. Furthermore, it boasts a dual legitimacy, with religious institutions wielding substantial influence over the state's affairs. The primary objective of this discourse lies in the assessment of the system's efficiency and adaptability within the context of Iran's socio-political environment. A profound exploration delves into the direct impact of Islam on the various political institutions and organizations that shape the nation's destiny. Thus, Islam emerges as a pivotal factor in not only maintaining political stability but also in ensuring the resilience of the entire political system. Contemporary Iran showcases a synthesis of republican and religious governing bodies, incorporating Western democratic principles with the Shia understanding of the Muslim community's life. While all republican authorities are elected through democratic processes, they remain subject to oversight by religious institutions. Notably, the past four decades have witnessed a greater consolidation of power in the hands of the Supreme Leader and religious entities at large. Elected leaders of the republican bodies have progressively emerged from the religious elite, blurring the lines between secular and religious domains. Consequently, mass civil protests are now directed not at a specific body, be it secular or religious, but rather at authority as a whole. Central to the stability of this system is the figure of the Supreme Leader. In a truly unique fashion, the Supreme Leader simultaneously embodies divine and democratic legitimacy, standing as an unparalleled entity within the governmental structure. The dynamics of political processes in Iran unveil a nuanced reality: religion, while not directly shaping political events, seamlessly integrates into the political framework, dominating it and ensuring the efficient operation of the state machinery. Temporarily, this arrangement proves capable of upholding stability, adaptability, and dynamism within Iran's political sphere. However, an alarming trend of religious authorities encroaching upon governmental powers gradually erodes the fundamental essence of Iran's dualistic religious-political system. As a result, the benefits of such a system, particularly in terms of fostering political and socio-economic equity, are placed in jeopardy.

Основные тенденции участия отечественных представительных институтов в государственном внешнеполитическом механизме

The article considers the features of the functioning of early models of the Russian foreign policy mechanism. With this in mind, in the process of research, institutional, historical-genetic and activity methods have been applied. On the basis of a retrospective analysis, the traditional features of domestic systems for making and implementing foreign policy decisions that functioned within the framework of the Ancient Russian State, the Moscow State and the Russian Empire have been characterized. Five main models of the mechanism for the formation and implementation of foreign policy,which were characterized by varying degrees of subjectivity of representative institutions, have been identified: the system of making foreign policy decisions in the Ancient Russian principalities in the X–XIV centuries (a high degree of subjectivity of the veche, taking into account the influence of the activation of external threats and internal instability); 2) the mechanism for the formation and implementation of the foreign policy of the Moscow State in the XVI–XVII centuries (increase in the subjectivity of the Boyar Duma and the Zemsky Sobor in the context of exacerbation of external threats and internal crisis manifestations); 3) foreign policy mechanism of the Russian Empire in the XVIII – early XX centuries (low subjectivity of the Senate, the Legislative Commissions, the State Council in the circumstances of constant external threats, the strengthening of central power and relative domestic political stabilization); 4) the mechanism of foreign policy activity of the Russian Empire in 1906–1917 (a higher level of subjectivity of the State Duma against the background of the crisis of the international system, the aggravation of external threats and internal economic and political problems); 5) a conventionally distinguished foreign policy mechanism that functioned in the period after the February Revolution of 1917 until the formation of the USSR (deviant model: contradictions between the Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Government on foreign policy issues against the background of the transformation of the system of international relations, the activation of external threats and internal shocks). It has been established that these models (except for the last one, which seems to be a special case) have in common the presence within the state bureaucracy of the dominant role of the «first person», which, at different historical stages, could have the powers of a commander and sovereign, exerting the greatest influence on the process of foreign policy formation. At the same time, the supreme leader, as a rule, relied on a narrow circle of trusted persons in the implementation of their functions in the foreign policy sphere. Traditionally, «power departments» (military, naval, foreign affairs) were personally subordinated to the head of state. It is concluded that the subjectivity of representative institutions within the framework of the state foreign policy mechanism increased in the face of increased external threats and internal crises and, accordingly, decreased against the background of general stabilization and strengthening of the central government.

Censoring the Intellectual Public Space in China: What Topics Are Not Allowed and Who Gets Blacklisted?

Censorship is one of the main forms of political coercion deployed by modern states to control and regulate public expression. In this article, we examine the political censorship of China’s intellectual public space, which has long been underexplored. We apply unsupervised machine learning to examine the database of a leading intellectual portal website, which serves as an archive of both published and censored intellectual writings between 2000 and 2020 and includes over 740 million Chinese characters. We identify a strategic censorship mechanism that consists of thematic and persona censorship elements. Thematic censorship involves the state filtering out writing that competes with the official policy narrative, historiography, and values. Persona censorship involves the complete muting of individual intellectuals who have previously made derogatory attacks on the supreme leaders of the Communist Party, which represents a symbolic act of open defiance.

The Kurdish Movement’s Factor in US Politics at the Peak of Iran and Afghanistan Crises, 1979 – January 1981

At the close of 1979, the United States encountered a critical need to realign its Middle East strategy in the wake of the capture of the American Embassy in Tehran by supporters of Iran's Supreme Leader, Ayatollah R. Khomeini on November 4, and the subsequent deployment of Soviet troops in Afghanistan on December 25. Faced with the challenges presented by the Iranian and Afghan crises, the United States' analytical, intelligence, and military bodies navigated various resources in search of viable solutions.This study delves into the consideration of the Kurdish factor as a potential instrument in shaping the regional landscape. The National Security Council (NSC), State Department, Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and the US Department of Defense all scrutinized the Kurdish movement, evaluating its prospects for advancing American interests. Drawing from documents obtained from the State Department, National Security Council, and CIA, this article tracks the evolution of US policy concerning the Kurdish movement and its utility in realizing Washington's strategic objectives during the most critical phases of the Iran and Afghanistan crises.The analysis underscores the fundamental flaw in the initial evaluation of events in Afghanistan and Iran, misinterpreting them as a calculated move within a Soviet strategy to extend influence into the Persian Gulf region. This misconception was the primary cause of the Carter administration's failure in utilizing the Kurds as a counterforce against the Khomeini regime and its erroneous perceptions of the Iranian political regime's vulnerabilities. Inconsistencies in Washington's relationship with Tehran hindered the formulation of a coherent approach toward the Afghan-Iranian direction.

A Study of North Korea's Policy Change Through Big Data Analysis

This study analyzes “on the spot guidance” articles in Rodong Sinmun using text mining and network analysis. By analyzing the characteristics of the policies under Kim Jong-il and Kim Jong-un, and the extent to which they were linked, we determined the extent to which the policies under Kim Jong-un were inherited from the policies of Kim Jong-il’s government. Data was drawn from Rodong Sinmun archives from July 8, 1994, the date of Kim Il Sung's death, to November 24, 2020 and included articles with “on the spot guidance” in the title. Under both Kim Jong-il and Kim Jong-un, the main keywords from these articles were related to solving food problems, industrial development, and advancing science and technology. North Korea’s fundamental policy emphasis was consistent from the Kim Jong-il period to the Kim Jong-un period, though the details of the policies differed depending on the supreme leader.

Agenda-setting in policies related to high-risk sexual behaviours, stimulants, and alcohol abuse in Iranian adolescents

BackgroundThis research article retrospectively analyses the agenda-setting approach of policies concerning high-risk sexual behaviours, stimulant and alcohol abuse among Iranian adolescents.MethodsThis qualitative case study policy analysis involved analysing 51 national documents and conducting interviews with 49 policy-makers and executives. Purposive sampling with a snowball strategy and semi-structured interviews were used. The data was analysed using the framework analysis method, with Kingdon’s multiple streams framework serving as the analytical framework.ResultsThe study has identified the confluence of several factors, including the problem stream, the policy stream and the political stream. Within the problem stream, several factors contributed, such as the prevalence of high-risk behaviours, strong scientific evidence on these behaviours, changes in human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) transmission patterns, increased statistics of poisoning and deaths related to alcohol abuse, and the visit of Iran’s supreme leader to the slums of Mashhad city. The policy stream has two periods of denial and acceptance. The denial period includes considering these high-risk behaviours to be the consequences of western culture, emphasis on the religious aspects and sinfulness of these behaviours, resisting the prevalence of anomalous behavioural patterns, abstinence and religious obligation of chastity, and avoiding ethical corruption. The acceptance period includes adolescents training, fear messages, promotional and cultural activities, parent training, school staff training, providing psychiatric services for withdrawal, counselling and reference to receive specialized services. The political stream involves global attention towards non-communicable diseases and high-risk behaviours, and the significant impact of preventing these behaviours during adolescence on the health status of society. Also, the supreme leader’s attention to social harms, and the establishment of the National Committee for Prevention and Control of Alcohol, have played significant roles.ConclusionsWhile the problem stream helped to highlight the problem and increase policy-makers’ attention, the politics stream played a significant role. Despite international evidence on the effectiveness of training in sexual issues in reducing high-risk behaviours, it did not succeed in being added to the agenda. The policy stream was heavily influenced by ideology and the political parties in power, affecting evidence-based policy-making. In countries with an ideological approach, the political stream plays a vital role in setting problems on the agenda.

카자흐스탄 엘리트 정치 구조의 변화

Has Kazakhstan's elite political structure changed since the 2022 Kazakh unrest? Prior researches on the Kazakh elite have mainly explained the consolidation or replacement of the supreme leader's power, focusing on elite circulation and clientelism. These studies are useful for understanding the characteristics of the Kazakhstan political system and political changes, but there is a limit to not being able to track changes in the elite political structure from a macro perspective. Because it did not apply a tangible analysis framework. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to conduct a comparative analysis on the changes in Kazakhstan's elite political structure before and after the 2022 Kazakh unrest from Winters’s typologies of Oligarchy. As a result of applying two measures which are the ‘Nature of Rule’ and the ‘Oligarchs’ Role in Provision of Coercion’ proposed by Winters, the Nazarbayev regime was close to a ‘Sultanistic Oligarchy’ in that it privatized state power, monopolized the state's economic power, and suppressed opposition to neutralize the influence of other oligarchs. On the other hand, the Tokayev regime tended to shift slightly from the existing ‘Sultanistic Oligarchy’ to the ‘Ruling Oligarchy’ in that it distributed some of the power concentrated on the president, failed to suppress itself at the time of the protests, was supported by the Collective Security Treaty Organization, and eased the state's monopoly on economic power. Consequently, it is difficult to say that the current Kazakh elite political structure has completely changed from the existing ‘Sultanistic Oligarchy’ to the ‘Ruling Oligarchy’, but it is necessary to continuously observe the possibility of change in the future.

Populism, jihad, and economic resistance: Studying the political discourse of Iran's supreme leader

AbstractPolitical leaders of pariah authoritarian states communicate their political discourse unilaterally, in a closed environment without free and open media access or the space for public scrutiny or debate. They use their speeches for various aims such as to respond to external shocks, justify hardship, appeal to domestic and international sympathy, assert autonomy and power, and influence policy and governance. This research uses Iran as a case study and offers an in‐depth analysis of 10 years of speeches by the country's Supreme Leader. In a case study of unilateral political communication method in an authoritarian environment, it sheds light on various aspects of the discourse generated by the country's Supreme Leader over a decade. It also analyzes the Leader's effort to influence policymaking and governance structure through practical official guidelines. Building upon existing theories of populism, the study seeks to unpack an understudied approach in populist politics that is based on a political discourse by the leadership which defines the populist dichotomy of people versus elite at the global level.

From Mallar to Pallar and Back: The Ideology of Devendrakula Velalars

Dalits have gradually developed different emancipation strategies during their struggle. While all of them fight against untouchability and discrimination, their positions on other issues may differ. Most of them espouse the ideas of Dr Ambedkar, for whom the prime objective was the eradication of caste. He openly rejected Hinduism and converted to Buddhism. Millions of Dalits followed his example, and many venerate him as a supreme leader to this day. Devendrakula Velalars are an exception to the rule. They reject Dalit ideology. Instead, they prefer to strengthen their caste identity and move up the social ladder. They try to prove that the three Tamil dynasties, that is, Pandyas, Cholas and Cheras, originated from among them. It was only after the ascendency of the Nayak kings that their proud name Mallar was changed into the derogatory Pallar and they were deprived of their land and turned into untouchables. Now they are trying to get themselves removed from the Scheduled Castes list and thus rid themselves of its stigmatizing influence. The aim of this article is to follow the intellectual journey of the main ideologues of this caste and to match their arguments with recent steps taken towards their political representation.

North Korea’s reaction to ROK-U.S. Joint Military Exercises and negotiation behavior

North Korea unilaterally suspended inter-Korean dialogue several times under the pretext of the ROK-US combined military exercise. This study aims to reveal that North Korea intends to engage in negotiating behavior to secure leverage in negotiations. To this end, this study analyzed the cases of inter-Korean negotiations during the ROK-US combined military exercise by dividing into cases of inter-Korean negotiations and cases of normal progress. The ROK-US combined military exercises were limited to large-scale joint exercises (such as FS and UFS). We set the analysis period was divided into Kim Il-sung, Kim Jong-il, and Kim Jong-un’s reign in consideration of the influence of North Korea’s supreme leaders. As a result, we derived the following four lessons. First, North Korea carried out inter-Korean negotiations even during the same ROK-US combined military exercise period or sometimes engaged in inconsistent negotiation behavior. Second, North Korea used inter-Korean negotiations, which were suspended during the joint military exercise, as a means of buying time by resuming them after the military exercise, but after a considerable period of time. Third, North Korea tends to suspend inter-Korean negotiations more than it does during the ROK-US combined military exercise since its first nuclear test in 2006. Based on these four lessons, we believe that North Korea has used the ROK-US combined military exercise as a leverage for negotiations.

북한주민 식량권(Right to Food)에 대한 북한과 국제사회의 책임

This study examines the fulfillment of obligations related to the right to food for the people of North Korea, considering the concept of the right to food and responsibility under international norms. The research aims to determine whether North Korea and the international community are adequately meeting their obligations in guaranteeing the right to food. International norms, such as the UN Declaration of Human Rights and the Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, delineate the individual’s right to food and the corresponding responsibilities of states and the international community.
 North Korea has implemented various policies to enhance food production, including guidelines from the Supreme Leader, initiatives such as the field-respinsibility-system (po-jeon damdangje) that incentivizes farmers, and the upgrading of agricultural institutions. However, these efforts have yielded unsatisfactory results. The North Korean authorities’ emphasis on self-reliance, labor mobilization, and resistance to accepting food aid from the international community have hindered progress. While the presence of markets in North Korea has increased access to food, government control over food purchase and distribution persists, posing challenges in guaranteeing the right to food for those unable to access the market.
 The international community has provided support to address North Korea’s food crisis since the mid-1990s. However, the imposition of UN and US sanctions due to the North Korean nuclear issue, coupled with the COVID-19 pandemic, has hindered the provision of food aid. The combination of sanctions and North Korea’s political blockade further impedes the realization of the people’s right to food. Despite outward appearances, both North Korea and the international community have failed to fulfill their responsibilities in guaranteeing the right to food for North Koreans.
 Consequently, this study offers several policy implications for ensuring the right to food for the North Korean people. Firstly, it proposes resuming humanitarian support from UN organizations and international NGOs, utilizing the UN sanctions waiver with the understanding of the US, and ensuring transparency in aid distribution. Secondly, it recommends urging North Korea to accept external support, such as from the FAO, to strengthen their agricultural base and increase food production, aligning with the UN Sustainable Development Goals. Lastly, it suggests the establishment of a collaborative entity, tentatively named the “Korean Peninsula Agricultural Development Organization” or the “East Asia Humanitarian Cooperation Council,” which would enable accurate assessment of North Korea's food situation and work towards improving long-term food productivity.
 Given that the right to food is a fundamental human right crucial for individual survival and well-being, it is imperative that the responsible parties collaborate to ensure the guarantee of this right for the people of North Korea.

조선로동당 8기 정치국 인선 변화 연구

This paper is an exploratory study that seeks to explain the dynamics between North Korea's traditional ‘Suryong system (수령제)’ (in which the supreme leader is supposed to hold more power than all elites combined) and the growing prominence of the Korean Workers’ Party's (KWP) Political Bureau(Politburo for short) under Kim Jong Un's rule. Certain observers concluded that the ‘Suryong system’ became weaker since Kim Jong Un had assumed power. While this view is not widely accepted, Kim Jong Un did launch a process aimed at restoring and reinforcing the institutional politics of the KWP - a peculiar initiative, since the institutionalization of politics might potentially limit the personal power of the supreme leader. This study seeks to explain this paradox by analyzing the relations between Kim Jong Un and the lower - ranking KWP leaders. By analyzing the changing composition of the KWP Politburo in the framework of Milan Svolik's “power-sharing theory,” the author argues that the fundamentals of the Suryong system have remained unchanged under Kim Jong Un's rule. Since the 8th Party Congress (2021), the KWP Politburo has been dominated by the ruling coalition fostered by Kim Jong Un. However, his co-leaders seem to have been his subordinates, rather than his equal partners. Kim was able to arbitrarily reorganize the composition of his ruling coalition, and frequently change the status of other Politburo members as he saw fit. In Kim Jong Un's Politburo, practices like ‘jumping promotion,’ demotion, and reinstatement of former members have been far more common than in other Communist one-party regimes. Applying Svolik's concepts and terms to the North Korean scene, the author concludes that Kim Jong Un's status as dictator is already ‘established,’ rather than ‘contested.’

북한보험제도의 변화와 전망: 현지답사결과를 중심으로

Purpose - This study is the first field study about the insurance market in North Korea. By analysing the information and the data collected from the visit to North Korea, we introduced the most recent change on the insurance market in North Korea and analyzed the impact of the change of economic policy on the insurance market. This study may enhance the understanding the current situation and provide expectations on the future of the insurance market in North Korea. Design/methodology/approach - This study is based on the field study doen in 2018 to Pyeong Yang, the capital of North Korea, The most information was collected from the legal documents, news papers and academic reports. Findings - During his regime from the year of 2012, Kim Jong Eun, the Supreme Leader of North Korea, initiated the drastic change in economic renovation policy in North Korea by shifting the economic system from the commodity economy to the market economy. Due to the policy, the insurance market in North Korea became marginally privatized and the market of life insurance contracts is expected to be increased if North Korea may resolve the political conflicts between North Korea and the United States and its allies in Asia mainly due to its nuclear testing. Research implications or Originality - Until now, very few studies have been done regarding the financial market in North Korea, especially about the insurance market. Our study provides unique information on the insurance market in North Korea because all the information and its implications are based on the field study in 2018.