National Liberation Struggle Research Articles

Implications of Contemporary Totalitarian Imperialism for the Communist Perspective

Abstract Starting from a brief analysis of the structural characteristics of contemporary totalitarian imperialism, as a dialectical supersession of classical imperialism, and of the continuing crisis of capitalism, we focus on the new characteristics of global capitalism, which are arguably crucial for the unfolding geopolitical conflicts and the struggle for socialism. Referring more specifically to the emerging divide and conflict within world capitalism, between western NATO forces (US, EU, et al.) on the one hand, and the rising block of the BRICS countries on the other, we take a critical stance against those (left-wing) commentators or political currents, which consider this conflict as a typical inter-imperialist rivalry and argue for the need of taking an equal distance from the opposite poles of this rising confrontation. As argued, though the revolutionary forces struggling for socialism worldwide should not, by any means, identify with the BRICS coalition, the equal-distance approach should be criticized on the ground that a multi-polar world would be a more favorable condition for a communist perspective. What is more essentially argued is that, independently from the emerging two poles of geopolitical confrontation, there is an urgent need for a transnational class struggle (from below) towards communism, and that the fundamental capital-labor contradiction and the social question should be prioritized as against any national (or capitalist block) contradictions or national liberation struggles. As historical experience has asserted, the opposite prioritization will always work against social emancipation and the prospect of communism.

RISORGIMENTO'S ECHOES IN THE SOUTHWESTERN KRAI DURING THE 1860s IN THE CONTEXT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN EUROPE

The article emphasises that during the nineteenth century, the processes of the rise of national movements in Europe, which led to large-scale transformations in international relations, were reflected in the territory of Dnipro Ukraine, and of particular interest is their impact on the public life of Kyiv, Podillia and Volyn provinces, where the Polish socio-cultural presence was traditionally significant. After the November Uprising of 1830-1831, Polish political emigration influenced the formation of Polonophile sentiments in Europe and the actualisation of the Polish question in the activities of European diplomacy, parliaments, and press. The echoes of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth's noble democracy were embodied in the Polish national liberation struggle, the uprisings against Russian autocracy in 1830-1831 and 1863-1864, the role of Polish emigrants in the socio-political processes of Western European and Balkan countries, and, above all, in the events of “the Springtime of Nations” of 1848-1849. The study of the documents of the Office of Kyiv, Podillya and Volyn Governor-General at the Central State Historical Archives of Ukraine in Kyiv, which were first introduced to scientific circulation, sheds light on the rise of patriotic sentiments and resistance to Russian autocracy among the local Polish population against the background of intensification of national liberation movements in Europe during the nineteenth century, the emergence of new states on the political map – Greece (1830), Belgium (1830), Romania (1861), completion of the unification of Italy (1871) and creation of the German Empire (1871), and the state and legal transformation of the Austrian (since 1867 – Austro-Hungarian) monarchy. First of all, it is about the influence of information about the events of the Risorgimento and the related intensification of Polish emigration in Europe on the public life of the Southwestern region of the Russian Empire in the 1860s. The unification of Italy was a significant process in the context of the dismantling of the Vienna system of international relations that was initiated by the results of the Eastern War of 1853-1856. In general, it was about a set of international political processes and phenomena that influenced the balance of power on the continent. Italy's geopolitical position determined its key role in the struggle of the great European powers for control over the Mediterranean, powerful military, trade and economic leverage at the intersection of strategically important sea routes between the West and the East.

Историческая значимость деятельности Иоанна Каподистрии в решении греческого вопроса в первой половине XIX века

The article examines the activities of Ioannis Kapodistrias as an eminent politician and diplomat in the history of Russia and Greece. It analyzes Kapodistrias’ contributions to the national liberation struggle of the Greek people for independence from Ottoman domination. The role of Russia in facilitating Greece’s path to independence is highlighted, alongside an exploration of the leaders of the Greek national liberation movement. The significance of Orthodox faith, indigenous traditions, and culture for the Greek people is also addressed. The research underscores the pivotal role of Ioannis Kapodistrias in fostering relations between the peoples of Greece and Russia, grounded in their shared Orthodox faith and the institution of the Orthodox Church. An examination of archival data, scholarly works, historical literature, and the statements of high-ranking officials from the Russian Federation provides essential groundwork for further study of the personality of Ioannis Kapodistrias, as well as the application of his experiences and insights in the modern geopolitical conjuncture.

A Transnational History of Puerto Rico’s National Liberation Struggles

A Transnational History of Puerto Rico’s National Liberation Struggles

WOMEN'S CONTRIBUTION TO THE LIBERATION OF KOSOVO IN 1998-1999

The work brings to mind the years 1998 and 1999 in Kosovo, which brought a lot of suffering. Serbian forces carried out massacres, murders, raped women and men and destroyed almost the entire country. Approximately 90% of Kosovo Albanians were forcibly expelled from their homes. The paper brings to attention a contemporary issue, in these times of horror that are being repeated in the same form again in Ukraine and Palestine, groups of women and girls who are raped, massacred and killed, help displaced people with food, support, medical care, housing and education. Over 20 thousand Albanian women and girls were raped by the Serbs during the years 1998-1999. The harrowing narratives of Kosovar women and girls reveal the barbaric violence that the Serbs have inflicted on women, girls, mothers, children and men, who became victims of rape during the war. The role of women in Kosovo, in this war, was as important as the role of women for the creation of a new life. This research is based on real statistics of the testimonies of women and girls during the war in Kosovo. According to the records, women and girls got knowledge about weapons and ammunition and became part of the national liberation struggle. The women became the informers of the massacres that the Serbs would do in the towns and villages, preventing them. The lack of an accurate number of women participating in the war for the liberation of Kosovo means that they do not take their rightful place in this war. They deserve recognition. According to the data, there was a considerable number of women in the guerrilla BIA. Women had a key role in the liberation of the country, they must have been forgotten by the free state of Kosovo. The contribution and sacrifices of women during the war in Kosovo were unparalleled, they aimed at the war and the liberation of the Albanian lands. In many studies, this role of women in liberation has not been identified, due attention has not been paid to it, and this is related to the existence of patriarchal norms of Kosovar society. The exclusion of women from this active contribution is related to these norms and this study makes an effort to bring this contribution of women to the liberation war of Kosovo. The study brings to attention that the contribution of women during the war should be documented and be part of our oral and written history, whose contribution has been little described.

THE WESTERN ARMENIAN PERIODICAL PRESS ABOUT THE 1846 POLISH LIBERATION STRUGGLE

In the 1840s, the Polish patriotic and secret societies began preparing for another struggle for independence and freedom. In 1846 in Krakow the Polish revolted and which drew the attention of the Armenian press. The Polish national liberation struggle did not escape the attention of the Armenian periodicals of the time. The newspapers ‘The Arshaluys Araratyan" and "Azgaser"newspapers of the Western Armenian national-conservative current directly referred to it. Based on the news received from the European press, these periodicals covered the struggle of the Polish from their ideological point of view. Current ideologues and periodicals advocated maintaining the existing political balance in Europe and did not encourage any revolt against the authorities. The Smyrn-Armenian newspaper ‗‘The Arshaluys Araratyan‘‘, while speaking about the Krakov rebellion in 1846, stated that they didn‘t encourage the struggle of the Polish, for the Austrian authorities didn‘t violate them. According to the newspaper the reason of it was non-consolidation of the Polish and never violation and pressure of the Austrian and Prussian authorities. The Indian-Armenian newspaper ―Azgaser‘‘ displayed its pro- Russian position on the Polish rebellion. According to the newspaper, not only the rebellion took place in 1830 but also the Krakov rebellion in 1846, caused a fair vengeance of the Russian Tsar. The Western Armenian periodicals understood that the Polish had rebelled to overthrow the foreign rule, but they did not praise their struggle

The Early Socio-ecological Dimensions of Tricontinental (1967–1971): A Sovereign Social Metabolism for the Third World

This article delves into the socio-ecological dimensions of OSPAAAL, the Cuban Third World solidarity institution, focusing particularly on the early years of its official organ: the magazine Tricontinental (1967–1971). Tricontinental’s articles and graphic works, even if not always in an explicit manner, addressed environmental concerns in a revolutionary way, anticipating debates that would later unfold on international institutional platforms. These concerns were primarily discussed in the context of the Third World’s quest for autonomous production, closely intertwined with the agrarian question and sovereign industrialization. Key aspects such as land access, distribution, and resource management were pivotal. The publication’s central emphasis on struggles for national liberation, especially within the guerrilla arena, played a crucial role in disseminating the anti-imperialist pursuit of a sovereign social metabolism across the Third World. Combining Cuban, Latin Americanist, and internationalist accents, Tricontinental also condemned the ecological impact of transnational corporations’ predatory resource extraction in the Third World, while exploring alternative and cooperative models. This article unveils the latent socio-environmental dimensions of its critique, illustrating how ecological concerns subtly underpinned its anti-imperialist and internationalist discourse.

The Impact of the Armed Struggle for National Liberation in Southern Africa on International Law, 1968-1974

The Impact of the Armed Struggle for National Liberation in Southern Africa on International Law, 1968-1974

Między utopią a obywatelskim nieposłuszeństwem. Problem przemocy w myśli społeczno-politycznej Edwarda Abramowskiego

The article attempts to examine the problem of violence in Edward Abramowski’s socio-political thought from the perspective of two concepts: utopian thinking, which, according to Karl Popper, inevitably leads to violence, and civil disobedience or an act of resistance to authority that rejects violence in principle. The first part of the article shows how Abramowski’s critique of utopianism shapes his vision of a world devoid of violence, realised step by step through grassroots institutions. The second part, then, is devoted to ‘collective conspiracy against the government’, which, as one of the ways of practising his utopia, allows the struggle for national liberation. Ultimately, it seems that the rejection of violence puts Abramowski closer to piecemeal engineering than to a utopian one, while his social vision fits into Popper’s concept of open society.

The War on Tigray: Geopolitics and the Struggle for Self-Determination

Tigray continues to be a unique case among ancient kingdoms, Westphalia nation-states, post-colonial Africa, and post-Cold War national liberation struggles. It is one of the oldest civilizations (Aksumite Kingdom) and the historical, cultural, and political soul of ancient and modern Ethiopia. But it was made to be an ‘oppressed nation struggling for regional autonomy and survival from genocidal aggression’ by the empire state of Ethiopia and the ‘garrison state’ of Eritrea. It also survived Egyptian and Mahdist expansionists, and Italian colonialism, though it lost ‘Bahre-Negash’ (Eritrea) to Italy due to the Wuchale Agreement (or Treaty of Wichale) in 1889. Eritrea was handed over to Italian colonialists by Menelik II of Shewa-Amhara in order to weaken Tigray’s geopolitical power base. Tigray was also the hotbed of the first Woyane rebellion in 1943 which sparked the idea of ‘land to the Tiller, fair taxation, and self-rule,’ and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) led the second Woyane rebellion (1975–91) that restructured the empire state of Ethiopia into a federation with the 1995 constitution. Since 2018, after 27 years of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)- led federal experiment, Tigray again became a victim of a ‘genocidal war’ led by the Ethiopian federal army, Amhara forces, Ethiopian regional forces, and Eritrean army, supported by UAE and Turkey drones, and the Somalian army. The international community and the African Union supported Abiy Ahmed and Issaias Afewerki’s genocidal war in the name of “maintaining the territorial integrity of Ethiopia” by neglecting the principles of Responsibility to Protect (R2P), people’s self-determination rights, and the prevention of genocide. Tigray, therefore, is a rare case in the vicious cycle of violence. The Tigrayan ‘two-year’ survival war (from November 2020 to November 2022) against those who practice genocide was destined to break Tigray’s historically vicious cycle of violence perpetrated by Ethiopia and Eritrea. The paper aims to investigate the historical, geopolitical, and security reasons that have trapped Tigray into facing the post-2020 genocidal war.

THE LEADER OF THE MOVEMENT OF KAZAKHS OF THE STEPPE REGION IN THE STRUGGLE FOR LAND IN THE LATE XIX AND EARLY XX CENTURIES – MAMBETALI SERDALYULY (HISTORIOGRAPHICAL ASPECT)

The article discusses the stages of the formation of the civil personality and fighter path of Mambetali Serdalyulu, a prominent representative of the Alash National Democratic Movement, who raised the struggle of Kazakhs for land in the Steppe region to a new level in the late XIX-early XX centuries, and the life and work of the fighter for land in a historiographical aspect. In modern historiography, the socio – political history of the Akmola - Kokshetau region in this period and the XX century from this region. it should be noted that research works on the figures of the national liberation struggle in the first quarter are still rare. The main purpose of the article is to reveal in the historiographic aspect the main stages of the formation of a well-known figure of northern Kazakhstan. Mambetali Serdalin as a person, the essence of his socio-political activity. Mambetali Serdalyulu is mentioned in studies and journalistic articles about representatives of the Alash political movement. The personality of Mambetali Serdalyulu is known to the general public mainly only through works of fiction. These articles are autobiographical, their socio-political views and activities are revealed in detail and are not studied from the point of view of modern historical knowledge. These arguments indicate that the personality of such a socio-political figure as Mambetali Serdalyulu, who occupied a large place in the socio – political life of the Steppe region at the beginning of the twentieth century, was not an object of special study.

Modalities of the Sacred in the Lumad Struggle for Sustainabilities and Futures

Indigenous peoples enact and cultivate local knowledge based on their own developed practices of resource use, which are entwined with their struggle for self-determination. This article seeks to demonstrate how these actions are configured in multiple ways, as in the case of the Lumad of Mindanao, who, like other indigenous groups worldwide, are engaged in the struggle for national liberation. An elaboration of the Lumad-Manobo’s notions of sacred spaces and myths is presented. This includes the production and reproduction of sustenance, resource use, and political mobilization. This article also seeks to trace the movements and modalities of value as an aspiration among displaced Lumad children and the more concrete forms of labor involved in producing these values in indigenous knowledge of sacred spaces.

The role of Ukrainian political and legal thought in strengthening the national self-identification of Ukrainians of Galicia in the interwar period

The article summarizes the contribution of national-democratic, conservative and nationalist thinkers to the restoration of Ukrainian statehood based on the analysis of ideological and worldview doctrines of representatives of Ukrainian political and legal thought of the interwar period. The forms and methods of struggle, which are the basis of the state concepts created by them, are summarized. It was established that the defeat in the national liberation struggle of the Ukrainian people at the beginning of the 20th century led to the transformation of the worldview of many Ukrainian scientists and politicians, who, despite ideological differences, had a common strategic goal - the need to restore and establish a sovereign, independent Ukrainian state. The study of the intellectual heritage of the leading representatives of Ukrainian political and legal thought gave reason to conclude that the failure of Ukrainians to form an independent state was largely connected with the weakness of the national consciousness of the people and the insufficient ideological and political maturity of its leaders. In view of this, Ukrainian political and legal thought was aimed at strengthening the national self-identification of Ukrainians and their awareness of their political interests. It is argued that the scientific approach to substantiating the idea of national-state independence of Ukraine was initiated by Stanislav Dnistryanskyi, one of the founders of Ukrainian political and legal thought of the national-democratic direction. It is characterized (according to Volodymyr Starosolskyi) that the struggle for one’s own (national) state is a historically political factor in the formation of a nation. It is emphasized that disappointment in the ineffectiveness of the republican-democratic methods of organizing power prompted V. Lipinsky and other representatives of conservative opinion to search for more adequate forms of state organization. It is shown that in the interwar period for the Ukrainians of Galicia, nationalist ideology was especially important, which had a powerful influence on the formation of the Ukrainian nation as a self-aware, social, cultural, legal and political community and was a prerequisite for the creation of its own sovereign and independent state.

Prekmurje v viharju druge svetovne vojne

The article focuses on the events in the Prekmurje region during World War II. From 1941 to 1944, this part of the Slovenian territory was almost completely cut off from the rest. The local Partisan movement was largely self-reliant and therefore weak. It received a new impetus in the autumn of 1944, when the first Partisan combat unit, consisting of 36 men, arrived in the Prekmurje region on the orders of the National Liberation Struggle High Command. However, it was soon pushed back across the river Mura. Due to betrayal, the Partisan movement in Prekmurje was once again weakened. At the end of January 1945, the Prekmurska četa company was established in the village of Strehovci but got involved in a fierce battle with the occupying forces and split into several groups. When the Red Army arrived in the Prekmurje region, only a small group of Partisans was in the area.

The Kyiv Bandurist Chapel’s concert activity during the Second World War

Statement of the problem. Recent research and publications. The article is dedicated to the creative activity of the Kyiv Bandurist Chapel, its origins, and stages of formation. It characterizes the peculiarities of the Chapel’s concert and touring activities and states the role played by the bandurist choir in the social and political life of Ukraine. The creativity of the Kyiv Bandurist Chapel (and later – the Taras Shevchenko Bandurist Chapel) as a spiritual phenomenon of Ukrainian musical culture has been increasingly studied over the last two decades. Published works highlight various aspects of its activity, however, there remain questions that require deeper analysis and a new approach, particularly, the concert and touring activities of the Chapel in 1939–1944. Objectives, methods, and novelty of the research. The purpose of the article is to analyze the Kyiv Bandurist Chapel’s concert activity in the context of the social and historical events during 1939–1944 and its impact on various aspects of cultural, musical, and social life in Western Ukrainian territories. The article uses general scientific methods: source study, descriptive and analytical. The concert and performance repertoire of the Chapel has been analyzed in terms of its content and dynamics. The article mentions joint projects of the Chapel with Ukrainian musical institutions and public organizations. New data about the numerical composition of the first Kyiv Bandurist Chapel, the peculiarities of its concert and touring activities, and some episodes from the lives of individual bandurists have been introduced into the scientific discourse. Research results and conclusion. The Kyiv Bandurist Chapel takes its origins from the period when the national liberation struggles began in 1918–1922. During its existence, the Chapel has been known under various names: “Kobzar Choir” or “First Chapel of Kobzars” (according to V. Yemets), “First Ukrainian Art Chapel” (1925), “United State Exemplary Chapel of Bandurists of the Ukrainian SSR” (1935–1941), “Taras Shevchenko Bandurist Chapel” (from 1941). The foundation of the Kyiv Bandurist Chapel’s repertoire in different historical times constituted Ukrainian dumas, historical, Sich Riflemen’s and insurgent songs, national-patriotic authors’ works, and song and dance melodies. During the period under study, the Kyiv Bandurist Chapel actively performed concert tours in such regions, including Kyiv region, Volyn, and Galychyna. Throughout 1942–1944, it performed in Germany for Ukrainians who were forcibly deported by the Nazis from Ukraine and placed in Ostarbeiter camps. The Kyiv Bandurist Chapel, being in the whirlwind of historical events, proved that the Ukrainian people’s will and independence were always the priority in their creative activities. Further study of the Kyiv Bandurist Chapel’s history is pertinent to several key historical periods: the post-war reconstruction of Soviet Ukraine, the nation’s journey to independence, and the Russian-Ukrainian war. These topics are awaiting unbiased examination and scientific synthesis.

Portraying Political Ideas of National Revolutionaries: A Case Study of Pandurang Mahadev Bapat

The term ‘revolutionary’ has a unique connotation in India’s struggle for national liberation. It refers to those freedom fighters who scrupulously believed in the efficacy of armed resistance to overthrow British rule in India and justified employing extremist techniques to achieve the objective. Consequently, national revolutionism creates a distinct stream of thinking in the Indian national movement from both the moderate and extremist currents in the movement. While there is no end to the literature on both moderate and extremist thinking in British India, the political philosophy of the revolutionaries has not been satisfactorily addressed by academia in a meaningful manner. While there are a few notable exceptions, social scientists in India have generally ignored the revolutionary political ideas because of the foundation of British authority over Indian land; the nation’s political development began to follow a pattern identical to the Western development model. Following that, some extensive Western influences were seen in education, economy, government organisation and administration, significantly impacting the intellectual development of the time. Moreover, the ideas of revolutionaries were, for the most part, immediate intellectual responses to the political challenges and crises that existed at the time of their birth. However, some of these topics were significant, such as formulating a critique of British imperialism, defining the national identity, reorganising Indian society and developing plans for national liberation. As a result, it will be necessary to examine and evaluate the political views of these revolutionaries in the context of the concerns and problems with which they were confronted at the time. This research explores and explains Bapat’s political thought and situates him in Maharashtra’s revolutionary and Hindu political traditions. Lastly, in the first instance, this research proposes a brief look at the development of Bapat’s political career, which played a vital role in shaping his political ideas. Then, it explores the significant politics of colonial and post-colonial times.

Petros Tepoyan's views on Armenian national liberation about the struggle

The unprecedentedly politicized life of the Republic of Armenia received a new impetus after the Velvet Revolution. A large number of organizations announced themselves that directed and restrained unrest in society. Traditional parties with a unique political trajectory in Armenian life have also become more active. From the point of view of understanding today's processes and not repeating the mistakes of the past, it is more than important and relevant to highlight the successes they have achieved and the mistakes they have made. The Armenian intellectual from the diaspora P. Tepoyan addressed these issues and expressed quite realistic assessments. He noted that the Armenians, being more developed than the peoples living on the territory of the Ottoman Empire, experienced an awakening in the second half of the 19th century, which became a prerequisite for the Armenian national liberation struggle. However, the economic and political interests of extremely unequal forces led to defeat as a result of the battle. After this, Armenian political leaders always connected the issue of resolving the “Armenian question” with the politics that is possible for our people. At the same time, the authors of the Hunchakian party program, called upon to lead the liberation struggle, being almost unfamiliar with the harsh conditions that developed in the Ottoman Empire, chose the wrong strategy and tactics. Their struggle was of a romantic nature and in many cases not united, with the result that the expected result was realized.

«Спілка Ук раїнської Молоді»: міфи та реальність (На основі матеріалів ГДА СБУ).

The purpose of the article is to analyze archival materials, memoirs of participants, and researchers’ works to highlight the preconditions for the formation, reality of existence, and scope of activities of an organized youth group called the Union of Ukrainian Youth (Spilka Ukrainskoi Molodi - SUM), which at the beginning of its activity was called the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine and gave its name to the famous 1930 trial in Kharkiv. The end of the national liberation struggle of 1917-1921 raised difficult questions for researchers: did the struggle end or did it move on to other forms? Analyzing the memoirs of the participants of that time, archival materials of the GDA SBU and available research by Ukrainian scholars, we can conclude that the struggle existed, but in a different form - in an evolutionary, preparatory one, during which separate groups of supporters of the idea of Ukraine’s independence were formed, independent of each other. The methodological basis of the study is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity, systematicity, and comprehensiveness, which allow for a thorough analysis of archival materials and scientific articles related to the topic. The scientific novelty of the publication lies in the fact that, on the basis of published and unpublished archival materials, the preconditions, formation of the program and the formation of the SUM are studied. Conclusions. The organization was one of the numerous resistance groups to the Bolshevik regime in Ukraine. Mykola Pavlushkov, a nephew of the well-known Ukrainian socio-political figure Serhiy Yefremov, became the leader of the SUM. M. Pavlushkov’s socio-political views were formed under the influence of the patriotic environment of the school and communication with representatives of the older generation, such as S. Yefremov, V. Durdukivskyi, O. Hermaize, V. Chekhivskyi, and others. The formation of the SUM took place on the basis of separate groups of young people who were active in the Kyiv region and adjacent regions, distributing anti-Bolshevik leaflets and calling for the restoration of Ukraine’s independence.

Вплив соціал-демократів на формування та розвиток української політико-правової думки в Галичині у період проголошення та занепаду ЗУНР (1918-1923 рр.)

This article is devoted to the analysis of the influence of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Party (USDP) on the formation and development of political and legal opinion in Galicia during the period of the proclamation and decline of the ZUNR (1918-1923). The role and place of iconic Ukrainian social democrats in the socio-political life of the region and the peculiarities of the evolution of the USDP to the political course of the ZUNR, the Polish state through the prism of the short period of Ukrainian power and the specifics of the occupation regime are highlighted. It was found that during the period under study, the development of Ukrainian political and legal thought was influenced by tectonic social and political events: the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy; Ukrainian revolutions in Galicia and Trans-Dnieper Ukraine; the proclamation of the West Ukrainian People's Republic and the Ukrainian People's Republic; Zluka ZUNR and UNR; occupation of Galicia by Poland; assimilation policy of the Polish government; the struggle of civil society and legal political forces for the restoration of Ukrainian national statehood. It is emphasized that the USDP was directly related to these historical processes, because from the moment of its creation, it was one of the first legal parties of Austria-Hungary to proclaim the idea of the right of the Ukrainian people to state and political independence and made efforts to implement the programmatic position of the party in practice by forming the legal consciousness of Ukrainians Galicia Combining the national idea with Marxism, the social democrats sought to achieve the national and social liberation of the Ukrainian people and build an independent Ukrainian socialist state. It is emphasized that the idea of a unified and cathedral Ukraine became the core during the national liberation struggle of 1917-1923.

The New Apartheid

The fundamental distinction between a Civil Rights movement such as the African National Congress and a liberation movement like Poqo lies in the status of white settlers and Apartheid. The mythologisation of Apartheid by promoting it to the main problem in liberation politics and history in conqueror South Africa is the persistent intellectual obsession of the Congress Tradition. A trenchant contestation and rejection of Apartheid as the fundamental antagonism in the history of the struggle for national liberation is the defining trait of a liberation movement and liberation intellectual production.Having written a book entitled Democracy & Delusion: 10 Myths (2019), in which he debunks what he considers to be myths about the so-called post-Apartheid South Africa, Sizwe is back again only this time he is reinventing two myths.In the book under review, entitled The New Apartheid (2021), Sizwe promotes the delusion and first myth of Apartheid as the problem and the second myth of the ANC as a liberation movement. This review is about these two myths.