National Liberation Struggle Research Articles

Figurative language of Ukrainian poetry written during the period of full-scale military aggression of the Russian Federation

The relevance of the research lies in the need to understand the representation of the phenomenon of war in modern Ukrainian poetry. The scientific novelty of the research results is due to the identification of the means of image creation, with the help of which the wartime poetry reflects the reaction to the full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation and the processes of overcoming the traumatic experience and dismantling of colonial worldview structures and narratives. The heroes of modern poetic works are soldiers, volunteers, refugees, and representatives of different age categories and religious beliefs, while the leitmotif of creativity is, on the one hand, pain, fear, and tragedy, and on the other hand, the feat of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and ordinary Ukrainians, their common aspiration to defeat the aggressor. The purpose of the article is to characterize the figurative and expressive means of modern poetry about war, its symbolism, and lexical-semantic content. The research used structural-semantic and contextual analysis methods and interpretive and descriptive methods. The mechanism of identifying imagery became the associative level of works. As a result of the research the figurative and lexical features of the poems that appeared in the public domain during the full-scale aggression of the Russian Federation are singled out. The stylistic functions of epithets, similes, and metaphors of war, which actualize the emotional evaluations and concrete-sensual associations of the author and the reader, are outlined. The symbolic world of war poetry is characterized, and the corresponding concepts that it is constructed from are highlighted: “home”, “light”, “city”, “sky”, “darkness” (“night”), “winter”, “February”, etc. The methods of structural-semantic and contextual analysis, interpretive and descriptive methods are used. As part of figurative and expressive means, in new contexts, words acquire lexical meanings that only partially coincide with those recorded in dictionaries. Individually authored epithets, metaphors, similes, and other tropes contain associations with the realities of wartime, as well as chronicles of news reports; poets who are in the ranks of the armed forces, paint pictures of military actions, which they witnessed and participated in, poeticize the theme of brotherhood. The figurative system of poetic works is characterized by occasionality, and expressiveness is a means of artistic communication and performs aesthetic, cognitive, and communicative functions. Poems about the war rise to new conceptual meanings and, of course, have already become an integral part of the national liberation struggle of Ukrainians.

Пам’ять про історичне минуле в поезії опору

The article examines the memory of the historical past in the poetry of the Resistance. This research contributes to debunking the myths created by Soviet propaganda, restoring historical justice, and overcoming national complexes and traumas. In this regard, the process of forming a culture of historical memory during the years of independence and the contribution of the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory (established on 31 May 2006) have been analysed. Literature of the unconquered, in particular: Marko Boieslav, Marta Hai, Petro Volosh- Vasylenko - Petro Hetmants, Myroslav Kushnir, Yuriy Lypa, Oleh Olzhych, Olena Teliha, etc., diaries and memoirs of the participants of the events and their families are an inexhaustible source for clarifying the historical truth and restoring the memory of the heroic struggle of the Ukrainian people during the Second World War. The article shows that in Ukrainian literary criticism, the literature of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army participants has several definitions: "poetry of resistance", "Ukrainian poetry of resistance", and "poetry of the unconquered". The article analyses the peculiarity of the interpretation of the past based on the works of Petro Volosh-Vasylenko - Petro Hetmants (My Insurgent Marches), Marko Boieslav (Disobedient Words), and Myroslav Kushnir (Words from the Book of Battle). Historical memory in the poetry of the insurgents is represented by image symbols of the times of Kyiv Rus and the Cossack era. The authors also include the heroic struggle of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army under the leadership of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists in this historical framework. The Ukrainian struggle is also expressed through symbolic traumas, losses that sharpen the collective experience of Ukrainians, help establish the logic of the national liberation struggle and motivate the lyrical hero to armed resistance, which develops into a vigilante revolt for the sake of justice. National traumas are expressed through the voices of people who witnessed the Holodomor and totalitarian repressions. The symbolic function is performed by the image of betrayal, which we have traced at the general and personal levels. The analysis of memoir literature by first-hand participants of the events made it possible to trace the spiritual dimensions of the UIA poets, whose key values are Christian: love for the Motherland, God, and neighbour. Betrayal of the Motherland is equal to betrayal of God. Each of the artists saw their life and social mission in serving God, the Motherland, and the Ukrainian people. That is why all the works are permeated by the motive of performing a certain "duty". The study is of literary, cultural, and historical significance, as it fills a certain gap in understanding the artistic originality of the texts at the level of analysing external and internal factors of influence; it contributes to the disclosure of falsified facts of the past about the insurgency. The study proves that the poetry of the Resistance represents the nation's ability to the collective resistance and refutes the image of a victim nation created by Soviet propaganda. Keywords: historical memory, image, symbol, Resistance literature, Ukrainian Insurgent Army, Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists, traumatic memory, totalitarianism.

Ա պատվիրակության լիազոր ներկայացուչ Մ. Տամատյանի գործունեությունը Կիլիկիայում 1918-1920 թթ. / The Authorized Representative of the National Delegation M. Tamatyan's Activity in Cilicia in 1918-1920

One of the best periods of the life of M. Tamatyan, a prominent figure in the Armenian national liberation struggle, was the period of his patriotic activity in Cilicia in 1918-1920. The First World War ended with the Armistice of Mudros, after which the French authorities, who seized Cilicia, promised independence to the Armenians who miraculously escaped the genocide and were exiled to the Syrian deserts. Cilician Armenians began to gradually return and equip their native lands. In 1918, M. Tamatyan, as an authorized representative of the National Delegation, arrived in Cilicia and, with his inherent unshakable patriotism, harnessed himself to the difficult task of organizing the life of the local Armenians, rapprochement with the French authorities, ensuring opposition to the ongoing attacks of the Kemalaturk cutthroats and settling other topical issues. Hoping for the support of the French military authorities, Tamatyan even tried to proclaim autonomy in Cilicia. However, the French, reoriented towards Turkey, having forgotten about the promises given to the Armenians, dispersed the newly formed government of Armenians by military force. Disappointed by these realities, Tamatian left Cilicia in an extremely depressed state.

«КРИВАВІ РОЖІ». ЖИТТЯ І ТВОРЧІСТЬ ЛЮДМИЛИ ФОЇ – ЛЕГЕНДИ УКРАЇНСЬКОГО ВИЗВОЛЬНОГО РУХУ

In Ukraine, under the conditions of military aggression by the Russian Federation, the role of women in the heroic struggle of the Ukrainian people against the aggressor is increasingly growing. In this aspect, gender history is important - a field that examines the history of women in different periods. The most relevant today is the study of the history of the Ukrainian liberation movement, in particular the participation of Ukrainian women in it, which makes it possible to reveal the gender component of the national liberation struggles of the Ukrainian people from a new, sometimes unexpected side. As scientists note, women made a significant contribution to the development and activity of the Ouniv underground, their practical activity in the Ukrainian national liberation movement was extremely multifaceted. The study is focused on highlighting the role of Ukrainian women in the Ukrainian liberation movement in the 1940s and 1950s. on the example of the life and creative path of one of the most mysterious figures of the Ukrainian liberation movement, Lyudmila Foya (1923–1950), a liaison underground of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (Bandera) in Kyiv during the Second World War, a prisoner of the internal prison of the NKGB of the Ukrainian SSR, a participant armed struggle of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army in Volyn and Polissia. Reading the works of L. Foya will allow us to return the name of this unique writer to Ukrainian literature. Her works are aimed at the formation of patriotic values of a young person, who is in constant dynamic development of the value-emotional sphere, acts as a driving force, on whose views the development of Ukrainian statehood depends.

The Eczacıbaşı Clan — Chief Pharmacists of Turkey

From a single pharmacy in Izmir opened by the founder of the dynasty Süleyman Ferit to an industrial corporation whose fields of activity include construction materials, pharmaceuticals, consumer goods, investment and real estate, the story of the entrepreneurial success of the Eczacıbaşı family unfolded against the backdrop of the turbulent political and social life of the Ottoman Empire and Turkey of the 20th century. The presented article examines the life path of the founders of the dynasty, father Süleyman Ferit Eczacıbaşı and son Nejat Ferit Eczacıbaşı, and the history of the success of their enterprises in its relation to historical events. The Eczacıbaşı family comes from Izmir, thus both the head of the clan, Süleyman Ferit, and his heirs witnessed the historical events of the early 20th century, which shook not only Turkey, but also the entire Middle East region. Not actively participating in the political life of the country, The Eczacıbaşı family had close ties, first with the Young Turk government, then with the heroes of the national liberation struggle Celal Bayar, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk and others. The materials used in the preparation of the article are also valuable sources on the history of the young Turkish Republic. Here you can learn valuable information about the Greek occupation of Izmir, about the development of the healthcare system in Izmir in the Ottoman and early Republican period, about the first significant events in the life of Izmir in the 1920s, for example, about the Izmir Economic Congress and the International Exhibition in Izmir. The history of the Eczacıbaşı clan is a vivid example of the origin and development of entrepreneurship among the Turkish population of Turkey and could be helpful to researchers interested in the history of Turkey’s economic development.

УКРАЇНСЬКИЙ ПАРАМІЛІТАРНИЙ РУХ У ТАБОРІ ВЕЦЛЯР, НІМЕЧЧИНА, 1916 – ПЕРША ПОЛОВИНА 1918 рр. (ЗА МАТЕРІАЛАМИ ТАБОРОВОЇ ПРЕСИ)

The article analyzes the peculiarities of the development of the Ukrainian paramilitary movement in the camp of Ukrainian prisoners of war Wetzlar (Germany) in 1916 – the first half of 1918, which began with the founding of the gymnastic society «Sich». Quite soon it turned into a paramilitary structure with a relatively small number of its members with a developed national worldview. Its members jointly performed gymnastic exercises accompanied by an orchestra, performed night duty in the camp, keeping an eye on fire safety. The turning point in the history of the society was December 1917, when the newly elected leadership of «Sich» took decisive measures to normalize the situation in it. The most important of his decisions was the creation of the 1st «Sich» Petro Doroshenko regiment, the appointment of centurions, chicken officers and chief of staff, the organization of training classes, ordering the regimental flag. It is obvious that the establishment and further development of the camp «Sich» was authorized by the German authorities, who hoped to strengthen their combat resources at the expense of Ukrainians, primarily in frontline operations against the Russian Imperial Army. However, these hopes were unfounded, and although some of the Sich-man was indeed enrolled in German military service, this category of campers served their time in military command posts in the Volyn lands occupied by Germany. At the same time, two transports were formed from the number of «Sich» activists and Ukrainian activists from other camp organizations, which were incorporated into the Syn’ozhupanna Division. The most significant merit of the Wetzlar «Sich» was the national awareness and organizational training of more than a thousand of its members, who were instilled with strong patriotic feelings. The «Sich» organization of captured Ukrainians in Wetzlar and the 1st «Sich» Petro Doroshenko regiment formed here became one of the foundations for the creation of the armed forces of Ukraine in the most necessary period for it – during the Ukrainian national liberation struggle of 1917–1921.

COVERAGE OF THE UKRAINIAN LIBERATION MOVEMENT OF THE 1940S AND 1950S IN THE UGS NEWSPAPER «VOICE OF REVIVAL»

The article examines the peculiarities of liquidation of the information vacuum regarding the events of national history in Ukrainian society, caused by Soviet censorship and propaganda. Therefore, attention is drawn to the important work carried out in this direction by the members of the first Ukrainian public and political organization of the second half of the 1980s – the Ukrainian Helsinki Union. Activists of the UGS created a number of press publications to promote their ideas and raise national consciousness and social activity. One such publication was the newspaper «Voice of Revival» created in 1989 in Kyiv. It has been established that the newspaper’s editorial office focused its activities on providing its readers with up-to-date information that was not published by the official mass media. In the conditions of sending propagandistic ideologues of the Soviet totalitarian regime and the monopoly dominance of its press editions with their multi-million circulations, «Voice of Revival» with its limited circulation nevertheless became an expression of the new Ukrainian free press, which has changed in the information space of Ukraine. This article analyzes the materials published in the newspaper «Voice of Revival» devoted to the activities of the Ukrainian liberation movement in the 1940s and 1950s . It is noted that the newspaper’s columns provided readers with information about one of the most mythologized and demonized periods of the Ukrainian national liberation struggle. Given the totalitarian control of the Soviet regime over the official media, Ukrainian society was deprived of the opportunity to obtain objective information about the resistance movement itself and its leaders and activists. Instead, public opinion was «warmed up» by prepared Soviet false ideological stamps. The conclusion states that the activities of the «Voice of Revival» editorial office in covering the struggle of the Ukrainian armed resistance in the 1940s and 1950s were important for the revival of Ukrainian national memory, the spread of national narratives in society, and the mobilization of Ukrainian citizens to oppose the Soviet totalitarian regime in the new period of the Ukrainian liberation struggle in the late 1980s – early 1990s . Keywords «Voice of Revival» newspaper, armed struggle, resistance, OUN, UPA,UGS.

Деятельность Раффаэле Кадорны в составе Генерального командования Корпуса добровольцев свободы в Италии (1944–1945 гг.)

Importance. General Raffaele Cadorna Jr. (1889–1973) is one of the most important figures in the Italian resistance movement. In September 1944 he joined the General Command of the Corps of Volunteers for Freedom (CVL), which was the highest military leadership body of the Resistance, as a military adviser and in November 1944 he became the Commander in Chief of the guerrilla army. Despite the important positions held by the General in the leadership of the armed anti-fascist struggle, neither in the Russian historiography nor in any other one have existed specialized studies dedicated to his participation in the Resistance. Materials and Methods. The source base of the research includes official documents issued during the period under review by such bodies as the General Command of CVL and the Committee for National Liberation for Northern Italy (CLNAI) as well as sources of personal origin (memoirs of R. Cadorna). Accepted scientific methodology is used generally in the research process; own research is based on such principles as objectivism, historicism and systematicity. Results and Discussion. The attempt is made to examine the main aspects of Cadorna’s activities as a part of the General Command of CVL; to analyze the main problems that the participants of the Resistance movement faced in the autumn 1944 – spring 1945; to identify ways to solve them proposed by Cadorna (in cooperation with his colleagues from the General Command); to consider problems associated with the consolidation of scattered groups of insurgents in the unified guerrilla army (CVL) and effective management of its operations; to analyze the activities of Cadorna during the national anti-fascist uprising (April 25) and finally show his personal contribution to the victory of the Italian resistance movement. Conclusion. The activities of General Cadorna as part of the leadership structures of the Italian resistance movement facilitated the consolidation of the anti-fascist forces and was his personal contribution to the victory of the national liberation struggle of the Italian people against the Nazi invaders and their collaborators – Italian fascists.

ПЕРІОДИЗАЦІЯ УКРАЇНСЬКО-ПОЛЬСЬКИХ ВІДНОСИН У ГАЛИЧИНІ ЗА АВСТРІЇ: НАЦІОНАЛЬНІ ЗМАГАННЯ, СПІВПРАЦЯ І ПОШУКИ ЗГОДИ

The author distinguishes five historical stages in the development of Ukrainian-Polish socio-political, cultural, educational, and literary relations in sub-Austrian Galicia in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The first stage is from the beginning of the Austrian annexation of Galicia (1772) to the eve of the revolution (February 1848). For the Galician-Ruthenian leadership, it was a stage of national and cultural revival that lasted from the beginning of the nineteenth century. For the Polish leadership, it was a political and conspiratorial stage of the national liberation struggle to restore the recently lost statehood. The second stage is from the revolutionary Spring of Nations (March 1848-1849) to the end of the reactionary era (1850-1859). In 1848-1849, Polish revolutionary writers published numerous propaganda works in Ukrainian (political poems, messages, fables, poems, short stories, letters, appeals, and articles) in brochures or in periodicals of the time, calling on Galician “Ruthenians” to support the Polish struggle against the Austrian enslavers. However, the church and cultural and educational leadership of the “Ruthenians” acted as a self-sufficient and independent political force, part of the entire Ukrainian people, loyal to the Habsburg monarchy. Later (1894), V. Budzynovskyi and M. Pavlyk condemned the Austrophilic loyalty of the “Rusyns” of that time, while Ivan Franko justified it. Signed at the Slavic Congress in Prague on June 7, 1848, the agreement between Galician Ukrainians and Poles (the first under Austrian rule) on an autonomous Ukrainian-Polish federation in Galicia (within the Austrian Empire) theoretically laid down the most optimal and promising foundations for Ukrainian-Polish understanding, cooperation, and equal coexistence in the region, but was not implemented. The third stage covers the era of reforms: from the beginning of constitutional experiments in the Austrian Empire to the transformation of Galicia into a disproportionate Polish-Ukrainian autonomy (1859-1873). Attempts at Ukrainian-Polish rapprochement were renewed: the governor of Galicia, A. Goluchowski tried unsuccessfully to legalize the conversion of Ukrainian spelling from Cyrillic to Latin (1859-1861), financed the newspaper “Rus” (1867), and the vice-marshal of the Galician Provincial Sejm, Yu. Lavrovskyi, and other Galician-Ruthenian ambassadors initiated the Polish-Ukrainian agreement of 1869-1871 based on a program of 32 articles, which, however, was not adopted in the Sejm. The situation in Austrian-Polish-Ukrainian relations in Galicia changed to the opposite: in 1848-1849, the Austrian authorities fought the Polish nobleman’s revolutionary movement, gaining the loyalty of most Galician Ukrainians, and in 1867-1873, on the contrary, the conservative Polish nobility reached an agreement with the Austrian authorities and achieved national and territorial autonomy for Galicia under Polish domination. Under these conditions, the fourth stage (1890-1897) continued. From the late 1870s to the mid-1890s, a new phenomenon was the attempts at cooperation and interaction between Ukrainian (I. Franko, M. Pavlyk, and others) and Polish socialists in Galicia. The most successful attempts at Ukrainian-Polish political agreement and cultural and educational cooperation in Galicia end this stage with the “New Era” of national democrats O. Barvinskyi and Y. Romanchuk and the stadtholder of Galicia K. Badeni (1890-1894), as well as the “New Course” of O. Barvinskyi (1895-1897). The fifth stage lasted from the aggravation of the Ukrainian-Polish confrontation as a result of the bloody parliamentary elections in March 1897 to the beginning of the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire (October 1918). Under the threat of Ukrainian-Austrian understanding due to the government’s support for Ukrainians, the stadtholder of Galicia A. Potocki negotiated with Ukrainian national democrats (primarily the head of the Ukrainian club in the Galician Sejm, E. Olesnytskyi) in 1907-1908, but their agreements were nullified by a terrorist attack by a student of the University of Vienna, a social democrat, M. Sichynskyi. Under the leadership of the new stadtholder of Galicia, M. Bobrzynski, a Polish-Ukrainian compromise draft of the reform of elections to the Galician Sejm (1913) was developed, but due to the protests of the Polish opposition minority and Muscophiles, Bobrzynski resigned. Under the new stadtholder of Galicia, V. Korytowski, and the decisive role of Greek Catholic Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytskyi, the Galician Sejm in 1914 adopted a reform of the provincial statute and the introduction of a new electoral order to the Sejm. This law (the so-called Galician Equalization) opened up historical opportunities for Ukrainian-Polish dialogue and reconciliation that were unimaginable until then, but were not realized due to the outbreak of World War I.

The Political position of Ulemas of Daru-l Ulum Deoband

The article contains the political positions and experiences of the ulemas of the Daru-l Deoband school, as well as a brief history of the institution. Daru-l Deoband, founded in 1866 as a madrasan in the Indian town of Deoband, is not only an educational institution that provides religious education, but is also considered a school of thought. The establishment of Daru-l Deoband was mainly spearheaded by ulemas in India and they also established the main principles of the madrasan. The second half of the 19th century was a politically difficult period for India. It was the beginning of the national liberation struggle of the Indian people against the colonial rule of the British. In such turbulent times, Deobandi scholars could not stay out of political processes. Along with the Hindu people, Muslim scholars also took an active part in the national liberation struggle and even led some uprisings. In the first half of the 20th century, there were two different views among the Deobandi scholars regarding the future of Indian Muslims: the first group wanted the Indian state to remain independent and intact, while the second group advocated the need to create a separate state for Muslims. The first group belonged to the Ulama of India and supported Mahatma Gandhi’s Non-Cooperation Movement. And the second group created the organization of Islamic scholars. As a result, the independent state of Pakistan was established in 1948. Deobandi scholars continued to influence the politics of Pakistan through various parties. Over time, two groups were formed based on the Deobandi idea. The first is the Tablighi Jamaat, the second is the Taliban movement. The first of these was engaged in religious missionary work, while the second had political ambitions. The article analyzes the political side of the Daru-l-Ulum Deoband school and focuses on the two organizations mentioned above.

COMMON AND DIFFERENT IN THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE PEOPLES OF CENTRAL AND SOUTH-EASTERN EUROPE IN MODERN TIMES (XVI - EARLY XX CENTURIES)

Life prompts researchers from different countries to study the historical experience of the peoples of Central and South-Eastern Europe. Especially since the reasons that give rise to the common problems that bind this part of the continent together continue to persist. Historians should more actively turn to the method of comparison and analysis of regularities and thus seek answers to the issues of the time. That is true that direct adaptation and automatism do not work here. The article summarizes our practical experience of learning the history of individual countries in the new era, as well as pointing out those objective factors that combined their fate not only led to unity and interdependence but also to significant features that distinguished them. At the end of the 18th century, all the peoples of the regions completely lost their independence. Still, with the beginning of the 19th century, the reverse process of national liberation struggles began, which was crowned with success at the beginning of the 20th century. Despite all the differences in the ethnic-social and state associations that were formed, and despite the features that characterize the two main regions – Central European and the Balkans, the nations that arose in this historical and geographical area included such essential features that distinguish them from the peoples of the western part of Europe. The article highlighted the unity of the neighboring regions and their difference from the rest of the continent was formed over a long period. Still, it was evident in the 18th and 19th centuries. The 20th century also added new touches. We understand that the peoples of Central and South-Eastern Europe in the 16th - 17th centuries found themselves between two shores – German and Turkish, and in the 18th -19th centuries – German and Russian, so they always had to put up with one or another rule. An objective analysis shows somewhat better political, economic, cultural, and spiritual development opportunities, which have opened up to the Central Europeans compared with the Balkan peoples.

The practical philosophy of Hryhorii Skovoroda in the light of our experience

The article deals with the practical philosophy of Hryhorii Savych Skovoroda from the point of view of the leading trends of modern philosophical thought: the «rehabilitation of practical philo- sophy» and the communicative turn in philosophy, the components of which are the neo-Socratic dialogue, the philosophy of communication, and the ethics of discourse. The interpretation of Skovoroda’s philosophy is carried out not only in accordance with the principle «know yourself» as a method of knowledge, but primarily in the dimension of the Socratic dialogue, when the methods of morals and elenctics are used in the joint search for truth, solving moral problems. The dialogic nature of Skovoroda’s method consists in searching for the truth together with other people through argumentation, the truth that also appears as a moral category. The article shows the actualization of Skovoroda’s philosophy in the pre-Soviet, Soviet and modern periods of the study of his work in independent Ukraine. The main thesis of the work consists in the statement that Skovoroda did not reduce philosophy to life, but raised life itself to philosophy. Philosophy was his life — a practical philosophy of life that formed his dialogical habitus. Socratic dialogue appears in philosophy, in everyday practices of communication with people, in particular, in the itinerant habitus of the thinker. Traveling is an important element of his philosophy, his life, and his habitus. The itinerant nature of Skovoroda’s habitus takes his dialogues beyond epistemology, transferring the dialogue to a practical, or rather, moral-practical plane. Skovoroda as an educator, relying on the habitus of Ukrainian culture and dialogic practices, transcends this habitus, elevating it to the habitus of reason. The work asserts the opinion about the need and necessity to develop and practice neo-skovorodinian dialogue as a component of the worldwide trend of development of dialogic practical philosophy and dialogic civilization. The article shows not only the significance of Skovoroda’s philosophy as a historical-philosophical phenomenon, but also its role in modern philosophical research in Ukraine, as well as the national liberation struggles of the Ukrainian people in the fight against Russia’s aggressive policy.

Українська преса Сірого та Жовтого Клинів у 1917–1918 рр.

The article is devoted to research of a little-known fragment of 20th century Ukrainian press history. These are the newspapers «Zoria Novoho Zhyttia» (Slavhorod, 1917), «Orenburske Ukrainske Zhyttia» (Orenburh, 1918), «Ukrainets na Sybiru» (Omsk, 1918), «Ukrainske Slovo» (Tomsk, 1918) and «Ukrainskyi Holos» (Omsk, 1917–1918). From 1917–1918, they presented political views and helped consolidate Ukrainians of the Siryi Klyn (also: Grey Ukraine; “Grey Wedge”) and Zhovtyi Klyn (also: Yellow Ukraine; “Yellow Wedge”) – the regions of the compact residence of Ukrainian lands natives in Russia. The purpose of the article is to reconstruct the history of the Ukrainian press in Grey and Yellow Wedges, to determine the intention and tasks of the studied newspapers, to analyze their content, and to list the names of the people who participated in their creation and functioning. To achieve this goal, general scientific (analysis, synthesis, generalization) and special (reconstruction of historical events, functional analysis, content analysis) methods of scientific research were used. The analyzis of scientific research of Ukrainian press history in Russia in the time of the national liberation struggle of 1917–1921 proved that the stated topic has not been discussed in the scientific space of Ukraine and the world up to the present time. The article has systematized all known information about the researched print media, established the time and approximate duration of publication and periodicity, recorded the names of editors and authors, analyzed the content of these newspapers, and defined their political positions. The conclusion notes that in the process of researching the individual fragments of the history of Ukrainian printed journalism, it is possible to discover and highlight little-known facts about the history of the newspapers and unknown aspects of the creative biographies of people involved in their functioning. Besides, such research helps to discover the lacunas in the history of the press and outline the directions and prospects of further scientific research. Keywords: Grey Ukraine, Yellow Ukraine, Ukrainian press, «Zoria Novoho Zhyttia», «Orenburske Ukrainske Zhyttia», «Ukrainske Slovo», «Ukrainskyi Holos».

Mykhailo Verikivskyiʼs “Five Pieces For String Quartet on Folk Themes”: Principles of Folklore Processing

Relevance of research. The introduction to the musicological using of the manuscript of M. Verikyvskyi's early work, which was previously only briefly mentioned in the literature, is connected with the current scientific trend of studying little-known pages of the history of Ukrainian music of the era of national liberation struggles of the 20th century. The return of the forgotten artefact of the composer's heritage is intended to contribute to the establishment of more complete and objective picture of the development of genres, stylistic trends, individual authorial style, etc. The purpose of the study. The purpose of the article is to explore the principles of processing folklore in the M. Verikyvskyʼs cycle "Five pieces for a string quartet on folk themes" in the genrestylistic aspect, to find out the extent of the influence of theoretical views and didactic instructions of B. Yavorskyi on the writing of the work, to outline the meaning of the composition in the context of the evolution of the author's creativity and directions development of Ukrainian quartet music of the 20th century. Methods. The article uses source, genre and style studies, structural and intonationalconstructive methods of analysis of musical work. The results and conclusions. The composer's notes in the margins of the manuscript are commented in the context of the artist's creative life (1921), social-political and aesthetic-artistic trends of the era, communication with the teacher of composition. The stylistic features of neofolklorism were revealed in the work: appeal to folk archaic and principles of folklore thinking, combination of folk elements with technical and compositional means of the modernist era, subjugation of the folklore theme to an individual artistic idea. The influence of the theoretical and didactic instructions of B. Yavorskyi, M. Verikyvskyiʼs teacher at the Kyiv Conservatory, can be observed on two levels: 1) general aesthetic views on the use of folklore in the composer's work, 2) specific compositional and stylistic techniques in the plane of lado-harmonic processes (the role of the tritone, constructive and modal continuous exposition), dynamization of the metrorhythm, texture, formation. In the composer's creativity, this work initiates the genre of instrumental folklore composition, prepares the appearance of large-scale neo-folkloric compositions (oratorio, symphonic uite, ballet, opera), tests for the first time the model of the five-part suite cycle, built on the principles of contrast, symmetry and concentricity. In Ukrainian quartet music, this opus is located near the origins of the folklore line of development of the genres of piece (folk miniature) and suite.

Yugoslav Communists between peace and dispute

The Yugoslav Communists, since their very appearance on the socio-political scene, have occupied a significant place in the historical perspective. During the Second World War in Yugoslavia, there was a significant change in political and social relations. The existence of ideological and civil war in the period 1941-1945 is crucial for understanding war and post-war events. The People's Liberation Army, ie the party's military instrument for the implementation of political and social changes, proved to be a key and decisive factor for the establishment of communist rule. The communist party did not observe the war in Yugoslavia through anti-fascism and anti-fascist struggle but through the so-called national liberation struggle and the socialist revolution. The key goal of the Communist Party was a fundamental change of social paradigm. In order to realize that idea, the party acted realpolitik. Initially, the party promoted common goals. Nevertheless, the party turned to its partial interests as soon as favorable military-political circumstances were created. The initial promotion of common goals was just a mimicry of the real intentions of the party. The Communist Party had a clearly defined political platform and goals for the national liberation struggle. These goals included taking over and establishing power, modeled on the Soviet Union. The conflict in Yugoslavia contained all the elements of an ideological-civil war because all the warring parties used the turmoil of war to carry out their political goals. In the context of the CPY, the basic form of the uprising was the partisan war, which escalated into a war against the enemy, those who were considered a threat to the party's future plans. In 1942, the People's Liberation Army was formed with the first divisions and corps (within it), while the decisive battles in 1943 definitely strengthened the People's Liberation Movement. A real understanding of the place and role of the Yugoslav communists, within the framework of historical reality, is the basic problem of this research. The aim is to review this phenomenon without any idealization, but also without the reduction of historical relevance, to review this phenomenon. There is no doubt that the Yugoslav communists achieved enormous success, in a political and social context. In the first years of first Yugoslavia, it was a marginal group, which was soon banned. However, during the great war, in which the collapse of the previous state took place, as well as the forms of civil war, the Yugoslav communists had the opportunity to reorganize the social, political, and economic order. The research within this paper is limited by the interest in the activities of the Yugoslav communists, from their appearance on the political scene to the moments when they become a powerful political force, without which the period behind us cannot be understood. The elaboration of the mentioned topic implied the application of all basic methods of scientific research. Of the general scientific methods, the hypothetical-deductive method and the comparative method were used. Obtaining empirical data was achieved by applying the method of analysis (content) of relevant documentation.

РУСЬКА ПРАВДА ТА ЇЇ ВПЛИВ НА СТАНОВЛЕННЯ І РОЗВИТОК УКРАЇНСЬКОЇ ПРАВОВОЇ ТРАДИЦІЇ

The article characterizes the place and role of the Rus’ Truth in the history of the state and law of Ukraine and determines its influence on the formation and development of the Ukrainian legal tradition. It is noted that legal traditions are directly related to the state traditions of the Ukrainian people. The state-legal traditions of the Ukrainian people are a centuries-old continuous process of development of the Ukrainian people, aimed at the formation of the state, passed down from generation to generation and preserved for a long time. The state-legal traditions of the Ukrainian people have an uninterrupted duration, since it includes not only the periods of the existence of the state, but also the periods of struggle for its restoration, national liberation struggles. The state-legal traditions in Ukraine began with the state of Antes, later the state of Kyivan Rus’, the Galicia-Volyn state, continued during the time of the Ukrainian Cossack state, and in the 20th century were represented by the period of the revival of an independent state on Ukrainian ethnic lands in 1917–1921 in the form of the Ukrainian People’s Republic under the Central Council, the Ukrainian State under Pavlo Skoropadskyi, the Ukrainian People’s Republic under the Directory and the West Ukrainian People’s Republic, the declaration of statehood and rights of Carpathian Ukraine (1939), of the Ukrainian state (1941); quasi-states and rights of the USSR. The state-legal traditions of the Ukrainian people embodied the desire to have their own state and law, republican forms of people’s power, electability of the state power, democratic principles of state construction and local self-government, freedom, equality, justice and orderliness in social relations, respect for a person, their life, health, dignity, attachment to private property, to the legal method of protection of violated rights, etc. The Ukrainian people, even during periods of prolonged stay under the rule of foreign states, without having their own state, preserved and developed their own national state-legal traditions and always showed an affinity for the traditions of Western European statehood and law. The state-legal traditions of the Ukrainian people are closely related to such a formulation as «the centuries-old history of Ukrainian statehood», an important component of which was the centuries-old struggle of the Ukrainian nation as an indigenous, titular nation for the right to create its own state. The foundation of national statehood is a long-term, complex process of birth, formation and development of Ukrainian statehood, which results in the creation of a Ukrainian state as a result of the Ukrainian nation development. Considerable attention is paid to the characteristics of the origins of the Ukrainian legal tradition, which go back to the legal culture of the Kyivan Rus’ state, where the foundations of law and the legal worldview were laid. As mentioned above, the formation and functioning of the Ukrainian legal tradition during the period of the Kyivan Rus’ state was positively influenced by the law-making of the Kyiv princes, the application of customary law, the reception of Byzantine and, through it, Roman law, trade and political ties of the Kyivan Rus’ state with Byzantium, Germany, France and other countries. Ancient Ukrainian law was codified for the first time in the Kyivan Rus’ state, the result of which was the adoption of the first legal code – the Rus’ Truth, a source of knowledge of the state-legal development on Ukrainian lands in the 9th-12th centuries, reflecting the level of socio-political, economic and cultural relations of the ancient Ukrainian society. It reveals the generalized legal worldview of Ukrainians regarding the legal foundations of their development, the peculiarities of the regulation of social relations. The Rus’ Truth was the fundamental normative legal act in the Kyivan Rus’ state. The Rus’ Truth was an important normative legal act that influenced the process of formation of Ukrainian law. The formation and development of the legal system of Ukraine began with Ukrainian customary law, princely legislation, and especially the Rus’ Truth in the times of the Kyivan Rus’ state.

Imagined Solidarities: Cairo‐Moscow and the Struggle for Realist Art

This essay examines an understudied history of reciprocal art exhibitions between Cairo and Moscow during the Cold War period. It focuses on the work of Gamal El Sagini, Inji Efflatoun, and Hamed Owais, and sets out their role in forging new networks of revolutionary art in the Soviet Union. By addressing how post‐colonial art was received and utilized in Soviet Russia, this article uncovers the extent of Soviet cultural engagement with Egypt, the African national liberation struggles, pan‐Arabism, and international solidarity amongst the Second and Third Worlds more broadly. Offering a more complex reading of the processes behind Soviet involvement in the utopian project of socialist worldmaking, this essay argues for the need to assess critically Soviet claims to anti‐imperialism, peace, international solidarity, and friendship. It discusses the role of art in these processes, and addresses the changing definitions of realism, nationalism, and humanism in the socialist world, making a contribution to alternative understandings of post‐war figuration.

The Evolution of the Status of Women in Tunisia (On the 75th Anniversary of Tunisia’s Declaration of Independence)

In the article, in the context of the recognition of socio-cultural determinants of gender history and critical analysis of foreign studies by the author, an attempt was made to generalize the evolution of the position of women in Tunisia in the 20th and early 21st centuries. It is the Tunisian version of solving the problem of women’s emancipation that most modern researchers consider as the most successful example for the Islamic world. The views of well-known feminists and representatives of the Islamic world regarding actualization of the problem are presented. The influence of the French authorities on the manifestations of the ideas of Western feminism, as well as the influence of Islamic reformists on the problems of women’s education and women’s participation in social and political life, is shown.
 In the course of the research, the author substantiates the following conclusions, namely: during the century, the social evolution of Tunisian society was determined by the process of adaptation and change of traditional socio-cultural foundations to new historical conditions. The established secular regime, after the proclamation of the Republic, for a decade was under pressure from the Islamic opposition, which initially existed in a cultural and educational form, and in the last decade of the 20th century took shape as a political one. The history of the last decade of the Republic shows that socio-cultural traditions have become the most important mechanism for the formation of intellectual and political values that contribute to national unity. This process determined both the nature and the stages of the women’s movement, which was formed during the period of the national liberation struggle, being its component. After the declaration of independence, Tunisian women de jure received political and social rights. There was a process of organizational design of the women’s movement, but this movement experienced decades of paternalistic control during the rule of Habib Bourguiba.
 A qualitatively new stage is associated with the presidency of Ben Ali and his politics: from “managed democracy” to a totalitarian regime, which led to the formation of a female political opposition. As mentioned above, the events of the 2010s opened perspectives in the issues of overcoming gender asymmetry.

A comparison between Kurdish political literature to the beginnings of Kurdish journalism's emergence with the political literature of neighboring nations

This research is an evaluation, definition and analysis of political literature (poetry and prose) in terms of history with examples. The emergence of this literature in the countries and the national liberation struggle, as well as the history of its emergence as an independent literary genre among the Kurds and how it spread in the works of poets and writers, especially in the pages of newspapers and magazines, and determining the factors that prevented the Kurds from transmitting their political messages outside Kurdistan. Most of these works have remained in Kurdish societies and have encouraged and developed national feelings. It is clear that the nervousness and selfishness of the occupied peoples and the religious differences led to the dominance of the political literature of the occupiers. In this study, these factors are addressed with examples.

EXPERIENCE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF VIETNAM IN LEADING VIETNAM’S RELATIONSHIP WITH THE SOVIET UNION IN THE 1975 – 1991 PERIOD

The cooperation as well as the great help of the Soviet Union made an important contribution to the victory of the Vietnamese revolution in the history of the struggle for national liberation as well as in the construction of socialism. Promoting Vietnam's relations with socialist countries, especially the Soviet Union in the 1975-1991 period, has become an important policy in the foreign policy of the Communist Party of Vietnam. The experience of the communist party of Vietnam in leading Vietnam’s relationship with the Soviet Union in the 1975 – 1991 period is a “guideline” to orient foreign policy in the period of renovation and integration, which needs to be applied and promoted more effectively in the current period.<p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0517/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>