Strategic Interests Research Articles

Manipulating the Self‐Trapped Excitons in the Lead Iodide/Hexagonal Boron Nitride van der Waals Heterostructures

AbstractThe self‐trapped excitons (STEs) in soft van der Waals (vdW) materials have aroused tremendous attention. The conventional methods to manipulate the STEs include the introduction of permanent defect or lattice distortion, which lead to the suppression of the inherent structures and properties. Developing a non‐destructive method to achieve room temperature STEs with high tunability is thus of strategic interest. Stacking 2D materials to form a vdW heterostructure will introduce many‐body interactions, which should be exploited to tailor STE emissions controllably. To this regard, the highly tunable STE emissions in vdW heterostructures composed of lead iodide, hexagonal boron nitride, or molybdenum oxide are demonstrated. It is found that the synergistic effect of the dielectric screening and interfacial many‐body interaction improve the temperature characteristic and emission properties of STEs. The strong STE emissions with highly tunable center energies in a broadband spectrum range from ≈625 to 750 nm are verified at room temperature. This work provides a non‐destructive method to manipulate the STE emissions at room temperature in rigid lattice vdW materials, which is expected to open the potential of STEs for next‐generation optoelectronics.

¿Por qué se aprobó el voto voluntario en Chile? Razones y argumentos que impulsaron la reforma

Teóricamente, con voto voluntario baja la participación electoral y tienden a votar más los ricos que los pobres, generando lo que la literatura denomina como sesgo de clase. Entonces, ¿qué lleva a los políticos a optar por un régimen de voto voluntario? Considerando el caso de Chile, nuestro objetivo es identificar las razones que impulsaron la reforma. Metodológicamente, utilizamos tres fuentes de información: discusión legislativa, encuestas de opinión y una inédita encuesta aplicada al 100% de los diputados luego de aprobada la reforma. Nuestros resultados indican que la reforma se aprobó producto de la interacción entre intereses estratégicos de la coalición de gobierno (de centro-izquierda) y de la oposición. Mientras el gobierno impulsó la reforma creyendo que los nuevos votantes serían principalmente de centro-izquierda, la derecha lo hizo pensando en que sus nuevos electores tendrían mayor probabilidad de votar dado su mayor nivel de ingresos. A esto se sumó un amplio apoyo ciudadano a la reforma expresado en las encuestas, lo que pudo presionar a los diputados. Constatamos que en la centro-izquierda hubo rápidas señales de arrepentimiento, pues el 70% de los diputados –en una encuesta hecha a meses de la reforma– se mostró partidario del voto obligatorio.

The Transformation of Neo-Ottomanism Under Justice and Development Party (JDP) Rule in Turkey (2002–2022): The Central Asian Vector

Introduction. The paper describes aspects of the transformation of neo-Ottomanism under Justice and Development Party (JDP) rule in Turkey (2002–2022), with a focus on the situation in Central Asia. Methods and materials. The article employs the case study method and examines the Central Asian vector of Turkish foreign policy from 2002 to 2022. Analysis. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, filling the political power void in Central Asia has been one of Turkey’s key foreign policy interests. This interest was reinvigorated by the domestic political transformation in light of the accession of the Justice and Development Party in 2002. The neo-Ottomanism that formed the basis of JDP’s foreign policy, on the one hand, elaborated on the Ottomanism of the last century and, on the other hand, mirrored the changes in the political system of the country after 2013, such as the authoritarianization of the ruling regime and the rise of Islam as a tool for public support consolidation. Results. As a result, the conclusion was drawn that over the past twenty years, neo-Ottomanism has come to represent a broadly circumscribed liberal economic approach combined with an appeal not only to the common Ottoman past and pan-Turkic sentiments but also to the Muslim present. Meanwhile, Turkey’s cultural and religious rapprochement with the region is driven by its strategic economic interests, for which Central Asia is an integral component of Turkey’s new international role. Thus, Turkey’s policy towards Central Asian states reverberates the outcome of the transformation of the neo-Ottoman discourse as a product of the country’s changing domestic political landscape while shedding light on the strategic priorities it encompasses: becoming a regional hub and a proactive regional power. Authors’ contributions. T.V. Marmontova – preparation of the structure of the article, methodology, and review of literature, M.B. Zhiyenbayev – “Regionalization” of foreign policy of Turkey and the place of Central Asia in the pan-Turkic picture of the world, E.A. Vaseneva – assessment of the policy of the Justice and Development Party in Turkey in 2002–2022.

ExTRUST: Reducing Exploit Stockpiles With a Privacy-Preserving Depletion System for Inter-State Relationships

Cyberspace is a fragile construct threatened by malicious cyber operations of different actors, with vulnerabilities in IT hardware and software forming the basis for such activities, thus also posing a threat to global IT security. Advancements in the field of artificial intelligence accelerate this development, either with artificial intelligence enabled cyber weapons, automated cyber defense measures, or artificial intelligence-based threat and vulnerability detection. Especially state actors, with their long-term strategic security interests, often stockpile such knowledge of vulnerabilities and exploits to enable their military or intelligence service cyberspace operations. While treaties and regulations to limit these developments and to enhance global IT security by disclosing vulnerabilities are currently being discussed on the international level, these efforts are hindered by state concerns about the disclosure of unique knowledge and about giving up tactical advantages. This leads to a situation where multiple states are likely to stockpile at least some identical exploits, with technical measures to enable a depletion process for these stockpiles that preserve state secrecy interests and consider the special constraints of interacting states as well as the requirements within such environments being non-existent. This paper proposes such a privacy-preserving approach that allows multiple state parties to privately compare their stock of vulnerabilities and exploits to check for items that occur in multiple stockpiles without revealing them so that their disclosure can be considered. We call our system EXTRUST and show that it is scalable and can withstand several attack scenarios. Beyond the intergovernmental setting, EXTRUST can also be used for other zero-trust use cases, such as bug-bounty programs.

On the necessity of shaping Bulgarian national interests in terms of global uncertainty

The global security system is undergoing a profound transformation. In this process, the international community is seeking the shape of a new security architecture and international order. At the same time, the Bulgarian state is characterised by a lack of clearly articulated strategic interests. This circumstance is reflected in the weak role of the Bulgarian state in regional and international affairs. In this regard, it is necessary to formulate Bulgaria's main foreign policy interests that will position the country in the new global system.

İki Devlet Tek Millet Perspektifinden; Türkiye-Pakistan İlişkilerinin Savunma Sanayii Bağlamında İncelenmesi (2001-2021)

This study focuses on analyzing the cooperation between Turkey and Pakistan and evaluating the general circumstances in the defense sector. Pakistan and Turkey are considered two key military and geopolitical powers of the world. The relations between Pakistan and Turkey do not rely on regular politics, but since the first World War, the people of the two countries have had a sincere and strong relationship based on their mutual love and friendship. In the last 20 years especially, Turkey and Pakistan have played an important role in Asia in counterterrorism, regional security issues, and long-term defense strategies and have formed strong cooperation. This study, thus, aims to examine and evaluate joint defense industry cooperation between Pakistan and Turkey in terms of their core security and strategic interests, especially in the context of rapidly developing and unstable international relations after the September 11 attacks in 2001. The study utilizes the systematic literature review method to achieve its aim. The findings show that Turkey and Pakistan have strengthened ties in the last 20 years, but there is still more room for potential cooperation.

CHINESE PERSPECTIVES ON ALLIANCE AND ALIGNMENT: ENTRAPMENT CONCERNS IN CHINA’S FOREIGN RELATIONS

The article traces concerns about entrapment in Chinese thinking about foreign relations and how these concerns have resulted in a general rejection of alliances. The People’s Republic of China was born with entrapment dilemmas vis-à-vis the Soviet Union that became real when Beijing was drawn into the Korean War at a time that did not suit Beijing’s strategic interests. During the post-Cold War era, China’s dialogue and coordination with NATO has given its leadership greater knowledge of the alliance’s strengths and weaknesses and confirmed Beijing in its scepticism towards formal alliances. Instead, China has set out to build more flexible partnerships, particularly with Russia, that allow both sides of the arrangement to avoid entrapment in each other’s different geopolitical security agendas. In an era of strategic competition with the United States, Beijing’s partnership with Moscow has become the cornerstone of Chinese efforts to protect its global power and influence. At the same time, China’s leadership has sought to avoid new entrapments by expanding its security engagement with countries in the “Global South”. Besides commitments to limited cooperation such as joint exercises and training, protection of Chinese overseas interests in arms sales, in countering Western strategic aims, and in establishing a strategic military presence are at the centre of such engagements. Far-reaching commitments to protect the security interests of other countries and close integration of Chinese and foreign military forces are not on the cards. Such agreements would come at the cost of flexible partnerships and Beijing’s freedom of action.

2014 takeover of the SBU headquarters in Lugansk as an example of the operation of the Russian special services

The author analyzes the seizure of the SBU headquarters in Lugansk in 2014 by pro-Russian demonstrators. The author presents well-documented evidence that the Luhansk SBU was selected by the Russian secret services as a “trigger” of the uprising in the Donbas, due to the accumulation of a huge amount of ammunition, weapons and explosives, thanks to which the separatists could immediately start creating military structures after the attack. In the author’s opinion, the infiltration of the Ukrainian SBU and the Ministry of the Interior was facilitated by the existence of branched clientelist networks within them, enabling politicians hostile to the new prowestern government to steer state institutions in the name of the strategic interests of the Russian Federation.

Strategic Partnership between Russia and India from the Perspective of National Elites

The focus of the article is the analysis of the prospects of the relationship between Russia and India. The author examines the attitudes of the elites in both countries towards each other, using historical sociology, the theory of cultural hegemony, and post-colonialism to explain the formation and perspectives of these elites. The objective and subjective economic and political conditions have, until recently, hindered any genuine efforts towards bringing the two countries closer, as both sides perceived the West as a more promising partner. This attitude has been shaped by historical factors, such as the formation of the Indian elites under the influence of British political, economic, and military culture, and the reckless admiration of the victors of the Cold War by the Russian elites, which attempted to abandon the Soviet legacy after the collapse of the USSR. Despite declarations of strategic interest in forming a polycentric world and developing bilateral Russian-Indian relations, economic ties have not supported these intentions. However, the conflict in Ukraine and the imposition of Western sanctions have compelled the Russian elites to re-evaluate their priorities. They have been faced with a choice: either to return to a Western orientation, which could lead to internal discontent, or to build stronger ties with China or India. The path chosen will depend on the position of the Indian elites, who have the freedom to take a neutral stance in a conflict far from their borders, and on the outcomes of the Ukrainian crisis.

The “CNN Effect” and Its Influence on US Foreign Policy Decision-Making

The “CNN effect” is a term that has been used to describe the influence of 24-hour news coverage on foreign policy decision-making, particularly in the context of the United States. The term was coined in the early 1990s following the Gulf War, during which CNN's live coverage of the conflict was widely credited with shaping public opinion and influencing US foreign policy decisions. Since then, the concept of the “CNN effect” has been the subject of much debate and analysis in the field of media and foreign policy. The aim of this paper is to examine the impact of the 'CNN effect' on US foreign policy, with a specific focus on its role in shaping public opinion and influencing policy outcomes. Through a case study of US foreign policy initiatives in Somalia, this study analyzes the relationship between media coverage and policy decisions. The methodology used in this study involves conducting an in-depth analysis of media coverage and policy decisions in the selected cases. A combination of primary and secondary sources, including news reports, government documents, and academic literature, was used to develop a comprehensive understanding of the “CNN effect” on US foreign policy decision-making. The findings of this study suggest that the “CNN effect” is a real phenomenon that has had a significant influence on US foreign policy decision-making. Media coverage can create pressure on policymakers to take action by generating a sense of urgency and demand for response among the public and other stakeholders. In addition, media coverage can shape the international community's response to a crisis or conflict, which can further influence policymakers. However, the impact of media coverage on foreign policy decisions is complex and multifaceted, as decision-makers must balance the information presented in the media with other factors, such as strategic interests and long-term goals. This paper contributes to the understanding of the relationship between media coverage and foreign policy decision-making, highlighting the importance of considering the influence of media in policy outcomes. Understanding the “CNN effect” can inform the strategies of policymakers, journalists, and the general public in shaping the discourse and decisions of US foreign policy.
 
 Received: 05 May 2022 / Accepted: 18 May 2023 / Published: 20 May 2023

Diplomacy as a Tool for Conlict Resolution in Inter-States Relations: Lessons from Russia’s War on Ukraine

The ongoing Russia’s war on Ukraine has created a necessary condition for a call for diplomatic resolution to the conflict. This is particularly so because of the far-reaching implication of the war on global security. This paper adopts a qualitative approach to examine the issues generated by the conflict between the two aforementioned states. In doing so, both extant and current literatures were relied upon to generate the required data for analysis. The study discovered that Russia’s aggression on Ukraine is based on her strategic national interest in the region (to optimize and consolidate her sphere of political and economic influence, an interest that is also the desire of the West). Furthermore, the Russian war on Ukraine ranges as a result of the conflicting strategic interests and power politics among the major powers of the world. The work concludes that Russia’s war on Ukraine constitutes an aberration and contravenes the UN Charter on sovereignty and self-determination. Also, that Russia, by its demands, is desirous to reclaim the territories of the defunct USSR. In sum, the paper recommends that, in order to end the present hostilities, a diplomatic solution that is driven by the collective interests of not only Russia and Ukraine, but also that of the international community is urgently needed.

Military Activities or Law Enforcement Activities?: Reflections on the Dispute Concerning the Detention of Ukrainian Naval Vessels and Servicemen

Abstract The interpretation of “disputes concerning military activities” under Article 298(1)(b) of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) rests on a sensitive balance between the protection of strategic interests of States and the need for peaceful settlement of international disputes. There, an essential issue arises how an adjudicative body acting under Part XV UNCLOS should assess the nature of conducts of State for the purposes of Article 298(1)(b). This issue was vividly raised in the dispute between Ukraine and the Russian Federation with regard to the detention of Ukrainian naval vessels and servicemen. In this regard, both the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) and the arbitral tribunal set out in accordance with Annex VII UNCLOS wrestled with this issue. This article examines the manner of the interpretation of the concept of the military activities for the purposes of Article 298(1)(b) by comparing the approaches taken by ITLOS and the Annex VII arbitral tribunal.

The COVID-19 Pandemic and Major Power Rivalry in Africa

Abstract Not immune from the nature of international relations, the COVID-19 pandemic has invoked the polarizing dichotomies of East-West and North-South as attempts to forge a collective response to fight the disease have only attained mixed results. The discourse of Africa being a battleground of competing foreign interests has consequently emerged. These foreign interests are mainly expressed in terms of economic, security and political benefits. While the pandemic has not changed the motives of competition, it has contributed to new forms of rivalry in what has become to be known as ‘coronavirus diplomacy.’ This paper reveals that the pandemic is being used to advance political, economic and strategic interests. It thus divulges that, efforts by major powers to help African countries deal with the disease, while appreciated, are not entirely benign. At the heart of such efforts are the “fixed universals” inherent in the realist tradition i.e., state, interest and power.

Bipolar Membrane Capacitive Deionization for pH-Assisted Ionic Separations

Selective ionic separations represent an increasingly important technical area for the strategic interests of the U.S. economy─for example, securing critical minerals and materials and circular economy aspirations that include recovering organic acids from processed biomass. This work disseminates bipolar membrane (BPM) capacitive deionization for selective ionic separations from multicomponent, ionic species mixtures. The selective separations are guided by the Pourbaix diagram and acid–base equilibria principles. BPM capacitive deionization was demonstrated to generate alkaline or acidic process streams depending upon the location of the BPM in the electrochemical cell. The role of system operating parameters, such as the cell voltage, residence time, and feed concentration on effluent stream pH was studied. It was observed that the pH adjustment in BPM-CDI/MCDI (MCDI, membrane capacitive deionization) was more sensitive to the cell voltage when compared to the process stream residence time and salt feed concentration. The BPM-MCDI gave over 6 times higher percentage of copper(II) removal when compared to sodium ion removal from brine mixtures. Finally, BPM-MCDI demonstrated over 40% greater removal for copper ions from brine mixtures and fivefold higher removal for itaconic acid from brine mixtures when benchmarked against a traditional flow-by-MCDI setup.

Obama, Trump, and Indonesian foreign policy under Jokowi: anticlimactic bilateral relations and the perseverance of structural preeminence (2014–2021)

This paper investigates the fluctuations in Indonesian-US bilateral relations during 2014–2021, a period which encapsulated the second term of US president Barrack Obama (2013–2017), that of US President Donald Trump (2017–2021), and that of Indonesian president Jokowi Widodo (2014–Present). Two empirical puzzles are addressed: stagnant relations during Jokowi and Obama’s terms despite strong expectations to strategically evolve bilateral relations and the lull in ties during Jokowi’s and Trump’s presidencies despite the convergence of strategic interests in the region. This qualitative discourse analysis assesses the bilateral relations between 2014 and 2021 by employing three foreign policy variables: personalistic, ideational, and structural factors. The article contends that in comprehending the fluctuating ties, all three variables need to be considered, allowing us to determine which factors outweigh others in certain circumstances. This article concludes that despite the personal rapport established between Jokowi and Obama in overcoming bilateral disagreements, the Freedom of Navigation operations continued to be viewed by Jokowi and Indonesian elites as provocative maneuvers. Meanwhile, Trump’s election saw a loss of personal rapport between US and Indonesian leaders due to Trump’s apparent lack of sensitivity on vexed issues, including that toward the Muslim world, which remained an irritant to the bilateral relations.

Underestimated Ally: Ukraine during the Polish–Soviet War of 1920 in Polish Underground Publications (1976–1989)

This article examines Polish underground publications (samizdat) interpreting Ukraine’s role in the Polish–Soviet war of 1920. The research analyzes a large number of underground journals, newspapers, and books. It shows the relationship between the political thought of Polish émigrés and the opposition within the Polish People’s Republic. The article argues that the Polish oppositionists considered rethinking the history of relations with Poland’s eastern neighbors an essential precondition for gaining its sovereignty. They regarded the Polish–Soviet war of 1920 as one of the most critical episodes in Polish–Ukrainian–Russian relations in recent history. A common feature of most opposition publications on the Polish–Soviet war was emphasizing the joint struggle of Ukrainians and Poles against the Bolsheviks. The authors often emphasized the combat value of Ukrainian units and stressed that Poland did not correctly appreciate their contribution to the common struggle. They also believe that the conditions of Polish aid were too painful for Ukraine. The defeat of the project for an independent Ukraine laid the foundations for the Soviet attack on Poland in 1939. The main conclusion from this historical episode, for most Polish oppositionists, was that supporting Ukraine’s independence was of strategic interest for Poland. In turn, Poland must abandon competition with Russia for Ukraine as a sphere of influence in the future. Only equal relations with its eastern neighbors will give Poland lasting security.

A Measuring Method Based on Graph Structure for Decision-Making Complexity in Major Science and Technology Projects

Unlike general large-scale projects, major science and technology projects (MSTPs) are strategically positioned to meet national needs, reflecting the forward-looking direction of science and technology development. The correctness of decision making for MSTPs is crucial for the long-term development and strategic interests of the country. To measure decision complexity accurately, we propose a graph-based approach that utilizes information entropy theory. This approach provides decision makers with a theoretical foundation for effectively managing decision complexity.

Statecraft and international intervention: Israeli diplomacy and UN peacekeeping forces in the 1960s*

ABSTRACT The nature of the relationship between statecraft and third-party interventions is complex and remains an issue that has not been fully explored in the academic literature. Experience shows that the two often interact, at times creating harmonious coordination, at times exacerbating tensions. These actions and reactions were present for Israel after the War of Independence as it worked to form an effective approach to the UN and its peacekeeping forces that were created to supervise implementation of the 1949 Arab-Israeli armistice agreements. This article examines how Israel strove to develop its own foreign policy statecraft strategies and to protect its national and strategic interests in the early 1960s, while contending with the involvement of UNTSO under the activist leadership of Swedish Maj. Gen. Carl Von Horn.

Quo Vadis ASEAN Security Amidst the United States-China Rivalry in the Southeast Asia Region

Tensions between the United States and China intensify globally, particularly in Southeast Asia. Therefore, ASEAN countries should re-assess the ties between these two great powers, both within the ASEAN region and with external counterparts. Given the strategic value of the region, Southeast Asia has become the venue for strategic competition between the United States and China over the past decade. Therefore, rowing the ASEAN's boat among the two gigantic reefs in the ocean requires ASEAN resilience as a Community to overcome the current and future challenges. Potential conflicts intra-ASEAN could be entry points for major powers to weaken ASEAN's unity. The study aims to analyze the most suitable approach for ASEAN regionally to deal with the challenges and to meet the expectations for a sustainable ASEAN Community and assess whether ASEAN's orientation in maintaining neutrality against major powers remains suitable to serve the strategic interests of the member states in the current environment. In this regard, a qualitative method and concepts of Amalgamated Security Community and Pluralistic Security Community are applied to analyze the study. The results of the study show realistic calculation can never be overlooked to preserve sustainable common strategic interests for the member states, which include economic growth on the one hand, and stable regional peace on the other hand. In this regard, “a manageable United States-China rivalry” by a solid ASEAN Pluralistic Security Community in the region guarantees more sustainability of national strategic interests for its member states and ASEAN.

AWARENESS OF THE POPULATION ABOUT CARDIOVASCULAR FACTORS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF DISEASES AS A RESULT OF THE APPLICATION OF A POPULATION STRATEGY

At the state level, measures have been carried out in different years to form a sustainable understanding of the importance of health as a personal value by the population. This is due to the global strategic interests of the Russian Federation in preserving and strengthening the health of the population.
 In our study, the awareness of working-age patients of primary health care about the risk factors for the development of cardiovascular diseases and their frequency of occurrence was analyzed, taking into account the standardization of statistical indicators for 5 years (2014-2018) in the office of prevention of hypertension.
 Materials and methods. The study was conducted on the basis of urban clinics of the Krasnoselsky district of St. Petersburg in two stages. At the first stage, a sociological survey was conducted using a specially designed questionnaire. At the second stage, an analysis of 807 cases of patients aged 18 to 65 years in the office of prevention of arterial hypertension was carried out.
 As a result of the sociological survey, respondents among both men and women are well informed about the influence of a number of behavioral risk factors on the occurrence and development of cardiovascular diseases.
 Conclusion. There is a high awareness of risk factors for the development of non-communicable diseases, including cardiovascular diseases, in patients of working age, which is a positive result of the implementation of a population and high-risk strategy.
 But there are significant reserves for improving behavior for those who are ready to change it in favor of choosing a healthy lifestyle.
 Within the framework of primary health care, medical examinations and preventive medical examinations are aimed at increasing the awareness of the population about risk factors for the development of non-communicable, including cardiovascular diseases through medical consultations. The work of Health Centers, prevention offices, Health Schools should be aimed at low-informed patients, examine and determine the functional reserves of their body with the possibility of subsequent correction of the identified disorders.
 In our work, low awareness was noted in 13% of respondents. Low awareness of patients creates a high risk of unfavorable outcomes of diseases. If the patient understands the essence of his illness and the importance of following the doctor’s recommendations, then the situation may change for the better.