State Of Bolivia Research Articles

Empoderamiento de la mujer en el turismo. Caso Municipio y Parque Nacional Torotoro en Potosí - Bolivia

This study is an initial contribution to research on women in tourism in the municipality of Potosí and the Torotoro, National Park, a tourist area protected by the Pluri‑national State of Bolivia. The objective is to analyze the current state of the political, social, economic and individual empowerment of women in community tourism in the area. Following a quantitative methodology, the main results show that there are advances in the empowerment indicators and that women have gained important spaces in the public and private spheres. However, there are still pending challenges to be fully incorporated into administrative, public areas and valorisation of their products or services, among others. The study concludes the lines along which work must continue to achieve the empowerment of women in tourism in a more sustainable way over time

Disability Policies and Management in Bolivia: Changes and Challenges

The Plurinational State of Bolivia has experienced significant social changes with a growing commitment toward policies that favor vulnerable populations. Acknowledging movements led by people with disabilities to promote progress in social policies is a crucial task. The public sector has responded to the demands and needs of this population through recognition and promotion of their rights. Nevertheless, to ensure progress, we must support the voices of the stakeholders and promote their participation in identifying the strengths and weaknesses of the system, and the real needs and demands of people with disabilities in Bolivia. To this end, in this study, we gathered statements of key informants, using a focus group technique. The results of the data analysis indicate an increase in social awareness and recognition of the needs of this collective and the importance of their full inclusion in society. However, there is a distortion in the application of certain assistance and inclusion policies in favor of people with disabilities because these policies do not have their intended impact.

Efectos multidimensionales emergentes de la cuarentena como consecuencia del covid-19 en los estudiantes universitarios de Bolivia

Con la declaratoria de alerta roja en relación a la pandemia de Covid-19 para precautelar la salud de la población en el Estado plurinacional de Bolivia, comenzó a regir una cuarentena rígida para evitar que las personas salgan de sus domicilios con el objeto de evitar los contagios, Es así que, como medida inmediata, muchas instituciones educativas privadas, tomaron la iniciativa del uso de herramientas tecnológicas disponibles para garantizar la continuidad de sus actividades académicas. Súbitamente, la disposición fue alargada y muchas universidades comenzaron a emplear plataformas para garantizar la continuidad académica. El presente artículo de análisis crítico, está basado en una comprensión desde una perspectiva compleja y transdisciplinar basada en la experiencia un numero de estudiantes de universidades privadas de distintas carreras, que permitió obtener información para identificar cuáles son los efectos multidimensionales emergentes de la educación virtual que afectan el proceso de enseñanza - aprendizaje como consecuencia de la medida de confinamiento ya que tanto docentes como estudiantes, no estaban preparados para afrontar un cambio tan repentino de esta magnitud, razón por la cual los efectos se fueron suscitando paulatinamente, generando diversas consecuencias clasificadas de la siguiente manera: Efectos en el rendimiento académico por la nueva modalidad de educación a distancia, efectos emocionales y psicológicos como consecuencia de la educación virtual y efectos socioeconómicos en las familias a causa de esta modalidad en el proceso de enseñanza – aprendizaje.

Entrevista con Maria Elena Attard Bellido

María Elena Attard Bellido é advogada boliviana, com pós-graduação e especialização em direito constitucional, processo constitucional, direitos humanos, gênero, pluralismo jurídico e direitos dos povos indígenas. Advogada do Tribunal Constitucional Plurinacional, realizou a sistematização de toda a jurisprudência constitucional no Estado Plurinacional da Bolívia. Ela é professora de pós-graduação em várias universidades na Bolívia, incluindo Universidad Andina Simón Bolivia, Universidad Mayor de San Andrés UMSA, Universidad Mayor de San Simón UMSS, Universidad Gabriel René Moreno, Universidad San Francismo Xavier de Chuquisaca USXCH, Universidad Amazónica de Pando, Universidad Juan Misael Saracho, Universidade Tomás Frías, Universidade Século XX, Universidad del Valle, Escola de Juízes do Estado, Escola de Promotores do Estado, Escola de Administração Pública. Atualmente coordena o Mestrado em Administração de Justiça com foco em direitos humanos da Universidade Chiquitana, voltado para autoridades judiciais e fiscais da Amazônia boliviana. Ela também faz parte da Clínica Jurídica para o litígio estratégico de direitos da Fundação Construir e está vinculada à rede de mulheres constitucionalistas latino-americanas.

O Estado Plurinacional da Bolívia e as garantias constitucionais à reafirmação das horizontalidades geográficas

Nos primeiros anos do século XXI, ocorreu na Bolívia um conjunto de transformações políticas, jurídicas, econômicas e territoriais. Naquele momento a Bolívia promoveu uma assembleia constituinte com o intuito de refundar o Estado, colocando-o a serviço das demandas populares, principalmente na construção de um Estado integral (LINERAb, 2010), da descolonização, integração territorial e nacionalização dos recursos naturais. Nesse sentido foi fundado o Estado Plurinacional da Bolívia, como aposta de solução aos conflitos territoriais do país. Em face disso, este trabalho deseja saber quais são as garantias constitucionais promulgadas pela constituição de 2009 no processo de reafirmação das horizontalidades geográficas. Trata-se de um estudo interdisciplinar entre o Direito e a Geografia, cuja metodologia foi de pesquisa bibliográfica e análise de documentos, estruturados a partir da categoria de espaço geográfico de Milton Santos (2006) e das premissas do Novo Constitucionalismo Latino-Americano, por seus diversos expoentes, especialmente Rubén Martinez Dalmau e Roberto Viciano Pastor (2012).

Bolivia at a Crossroads: Is Consolidation of a ‘Divided Society’ Feasible?

A protest wave which began in 2019 has swept across many Latin American countries. The Multinational State of Bolivia, where rapid destabilization of political situation has led to a serious internal crisis, was no exception. The paper examines the prospects for conflict resolution in Bolivia through the lens of the ‘divided society’ concept. The first section identifies the key fault lines in Bolivia including ethnic, cultural, and civilizational differences, economic disproportions, and high levels of social and political polarization. The author shows how the regime of Evo Morales managed to reach an internal balance and maintain it for quite a long time through complex balancing, concessions, and compromises. The second section identifies the causes behind the 2019 crisis. These include miscalculations of the government which has revealed general instability of the country’s political system and threatened to erode democratic institutions; changes in electoral behavior of the population; the increasing role of the armed forces. The author links the possibilities to overcome these challenges faced by Bolivia with the expansion of the social protection in conjunction with the principle of consociationalism, but stresses that even so the consolidation of the Bolivian society will be a time-consuming process.

Медиаландшафт Боливии

This study analyzes and systematizes the history and political and territorial structure of the Plurinational State of Bolivia, examines the role of international contacts between Russia and Bolivia, as well as analyzes the system of Bolivian media and the nature of their rhetoric towards Russia.

Reflexiones sobre la despatriarcalización en Bolivia

<p>En la última década del siglo XXI, el Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia viene desarrollando cambios importantes en la sociedad boliviana con el objetivo de desmontar las estructuras patriarcales a partir de una visión de vida incluyente. En el marco del Vivir Bien, el Estado se reestructura y la despatriarcalización se constituye en uno de los principales retos de este nuevo horizonte económico y social que pretende visibilizar a las mujeres como las protagonistas de esta<br />alternativa política civilizatoria. En este artículo se hace una revisión y análisis documental de textos oficiales de gobierno: la nueva Constitución Política del Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia, el Plan Nacional para la Igualdad de Oportunidades “Mujeres Construyendo la Nueva Bolivia para Vivir Bien”, así como un conjunto de leyes que se orientan a desmantelar el patriarcado.<br />Se presentan algunas reflexiones sobre los avances y los desafíos pendientes desde un Estado que se resiste a transformar las relaciones de poder que todavía subsumen a las mujeres bolivianas.</p>

La ambigüedad en el uso terminológico del asilo y refugio en la región de América Latina y el Caribe

Currently human mobility is increasing, especially driven by reasons that push them to involuntarily migrate through the region, reasons such as the generalized and systematic violence of the Central American countries, the acute crisis of the countries of the region, currently Venezuela , Argentina, Nicaragua, among others, climate change, among other causes, added to this, international refugees from the war in Syria.A human tragedy of unprecedented magnitude, which gives rise to the frequent use of legal institutes of international protection, asylum and refuge, used interchangeably and often imprecisely and even confused, especially in the Latin American and Caribbean region. In Latin America and the Caribbean, depending on the country or the regional regulation in question, both terms are used inaccurately or in synonyms in their domestic legislation, something that is erroneous and that is intended to be evidenced in this work or to conclude with proposals for terminological unification and differentiation of both legal protection figures.Different legislations of Latin American countries and regional legislation are analyzed, as is the case of the Brazil Action Plan, highlighting its inaccuracy. The two advisory opinions of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, OC-21/14, the Pacheco Tineo Family case against the Plurinational State of Bolivia of November 25, 2013, which deals with a pronounced inaccuracy in both institutes when trying to define asylum are also exposed. When in reality it is about refuge. And the last advisory opinion OC-28/18 at the request of the Republic of Ecuador where the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, tries to find a conceptualization and differentiation of both institutes through an integrating and enlightening classification of the functions of both institutes.

Gênero e constitucionalismo: sobre a Lei de proteção às mulheres do Estado Plurinacional da Bolívia

Resumo: No artigo busca-se explorar as interseções entre gênero e cultura na diversidade do Constitucionalismo latino-americano. Baseando-se nos estudos de gênero decoloniais, a questão central é problematizar a Lei de proteção às mulheres do Estado Plurinacional da Bolívia. Ao mesmo tempo, o Constitucionalismo latino-americano é interpretado em seu pluralismo epistemológico que resulta de sua vinculação a movimentos sociais distintos. Para tanto, no artigo são exploradas as discussões de gênero na América Latina e a forma como as questões de gênero ganharam uma narrativa específica distinta da eurocêntrica.

Labour Bureaucracy and Labour Officialdom in Evo Morales's Bolivia

ABSTRACTEvo Morales has labelled his government the ‘government of social movements’, and much has been written on relations between social movements and the state in Bolivia since the turn of the century. The Central Obrera Boliviana (COB) — Bolivian Workers’ Central — has, however, remained largely absent from discussions in much of the literature. This article seeks to analyse the position of the COB under Morales, and to explore the nature and consequences of its relationship with the government over the past 12 years. The article differentiates between the concepts of labour bureaucracy and labour officialdom and examines how they can be used as analytical lenses that shed light on the position of the COB today. The author argues that during Bolivia's neoliberal period (1985–2005) the need to look after the COB bureaucratized union structures, as personal needs of the leadership were placed above those of the Bolivian working classes. This then allowed Morales's government to easily co‐opt sections of the labour movements’ leadership to form a labour officialdom, leaving the COB unable to challenge the continuation of the neoliberal structure of the economy and represent the majority of the country's working classes.

Ontological disputes between Indigenous communities and the state in Bolivia

ABSTRACTA broad consensus exists among scholars about the contributions of culture to both state formation and the legitimation of state rule. Historically, cultural homogeneity became the language of the state, couching ways of world making in a discourse of cultural diversity. Focusing on the disputes about territory in Bolivia, this article illustrates how the universalisation of modern territorial practises left no part for Indigenous practises of territory-making. Inspired by the work of Marisol de la Cadena, this article argues that the legitimation of state rule is ‘not only’ a cultural effect but is also associated with the partition of the sensible into a universal nature and culturally diversified humanity. Despite this, because Indigenous practises of territory making ‘exceed’ the limit of what the state recognises as legitimate, they challenge the limits imposed upon them, undoing the state and pluriversalising society. Some of these transformations were enshrined in the 2009 Political Constitution, whose preface reads that Bolivia ‘left the colonial, republican and neo-liberal state in the past’. Others, including the call to depatriarchalisation, did not have a place in the Constitution.

Inequalities in the reduction of child stunting over time in Latin America: evidence from the DHS 2000–2010

This article analyses the evolution of child stunting in seven Latin American countries during the 2000s, based on repeated cross-sections of Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS). The incidence of stunting differs from country to country, ranging from 27% in the Plurinational State of Bolivia to 6% in Brazil. The largest reduction in stunting took place in Peru, where it declined from 28% in 2007 to 18% in 2012. The decrease in Haiti is also noteworthy, from 29% in 2006 to 21% in 2012. Although all countries were able to reduce the incidence of child stunting, inequalities in child stunting evolved differently. Whereas in Brazil and Colombia inequality in child stunting decreased, in Peru and Bolivia it rose. In the rest of the countries, improvements in child stunting took place jointly with no statistically significant change in its inequality. Results from the decomposition analysis indicate that the unequal distribution in stunting is accounted mainly by the wealth index, and to a lesser extent, by maternal characteristics such as weight, education, and children ever born. Factors such as breastfeeding and diarrhoea exert smaller effects. In all countries, inequality in wealth was the main contributor to changes in stunting inequality, with equalizing or un-equalizing effects depending on the country.

5.4-O8Ethnic group classification in the pluri-national state of Bolivia

5.4-O8Ethnic group classification in the pluri-national state of Bolivia

State Governance and Micropractices of Power in the Process of Decolonizing the State in Bolivia

This article investigates how multiple and nuanced micropractices of power work through everyday bureaucratic actions in the course of major state transformations. It argues that it is not solely the grand ideological battles or global asymmetries of power that impede the implementation of revolutionary political alternatives. More attention should be paid to the internal functioning of state governance and its micropractices of power in processes of change. Empirically, it examines the process of decolonizing the state in Bolivia, where the notion of Vivir Bien (Living Well) has been introduced into policy-making processes since 2006. Initially, it was portrayed as a democratizing, decolonizing, and ecological policy alternative deriving – to an extent – from indigenous cultural heritage that provides locally grounded solutions to societal problems. While many of the outcomes of the shift in public policy have been critically assessed, there is still a lack of showing how difficulties in implementation emerge. By discussing the contested nature of everyday bureaucratic practices in Evo Morales’ Bolivia, this article tries to fulfill the gap. It is demonstrated that multiple everyday techniques, procedures, and routines of the state continue to create and reproduce various forms of coloniality. The ethnographic evidence of the continuation of neoliberal rationalities suggests that it is these exact – and assumingly insignificant – bureaucratic routines that derogate Vivir Bien transformation agenda internally. Consequently, together with opposition and outright racism by public servants, it is shown that deep ruptures have emerged between political rhetoric of decolonization and concrete everyday actions amidst state bureaucracy.

New responses to mining extractivism in the Bolivian lowlands: the role and potential of indigenous cooperatives in self-managing mining resources

ABSTRACTThe plurinational state of Bolivia serves as role model for the implementation of indigenous peoples’ participatory rights in extractive projects. However, recent cases reveal significant deficiencies in relation to budget, corruptive practices and lacking respect for indigenous structures, customs and traditions in Chiquitano territories. This article questions the legitimacy of said processes and demands alternatives to guarantee indigenous peoples’ genuine participation in projects which affect them. Apart from hydrocarbon extraction, other natural resource sectors remain to be explored and exploited; in this case mining extraction plays an essential role. Due to high levels of institutional empowerment of indigenous peoples’ organisations in the Chiquitano lands, corporate and state-led mining exploitation has encountered opposition and led to alternative management of resources in said territories. Indigenous cooperatives that self-manage mining resource use exemplify the latest response to state and corporate extractivism. At first view, participatory rights have been ruled out due to a sophisticated and widely recognised system of indigenous cooperative mining resource exploitation. However, the consistent presence of state and corporate actors, as well as other outside pressures, jeopardise the smooth functioning and role of such new actors in extractive industries.

Indigenous Movements and Building the Plurinational State in Bolivia: Organisation and Identity in the Trajectory of the CSUTCB and CONAMAQ ‐ by Powęska, Radoslaw

Indigenous Movements and Building the Plurinational State in Bolivia: Organisation and Identity in the Trajectory of the CSUTCB and CONAMAQ ‐ by Powęska, Radoslaw

Estado y centralidad política en Fausto Reinaga y René Zavaleta Mercado: dos interpretaciones clásicas del pensamiento político para comprender el Estado Plurinacional en Bolivia

<p>René Zavaleta y Fausto Reinaga, dos autores imprescindibles que deben ser estudiados, reflexionados y discutidos, para entender las dificultades por las cuales el proyecto del Estado Plurinacional todavía no llega a constituirse en un sentido pleno. Este artículo busca recuperar el debate sobre la idea de centralidad política que postulan Reinaga y Zavaleta para explicar la dimensión ideológica de la disputa con relación a la dupla movimiento indígena y Estado en Bolivia. La tesis indianista de las “dos Bolivias” que formula Reinaga en su obra para referirse al rasgo colonial que persiste, aun después de la colonización europea sobre la región andina, sigue vigente en sus alcances explicativos. A este planteamiento, hay que agregar, por supuesto, la condición aparente que teoríza Zavaleta con relación a la ausencia de materia estatal en un país complejo como el boliviano.</p>

Implementing ‘Vivir Bien’: Results and Lessons from the Biocultura Programme, Bolivia

In Bolivia, an alternative vision of development has emerged that relies on the concepts of Madre Tierra (Mother Earth) and Vivir Bien (Living Well), and promotes balance and harmony between humans and nature. It aims to break away from the economic model previously adopted by Bolivia, a model that has made the country highly dependent on the export of raw materials. This chapter analyses the Biocultura programme, a project launched in 2008 by the Government of the Plurinational State of Bolivia and the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC), which aims to translate this alternative vision of development into concrete practices. Stemming from a participatory approach, this initiative shows that it is possible to reconcile the conservation of biodiversity with raising incomes and the promotion of local knowledge. It also contributes to the creation and strengthening of institutions and policies in line with Vivir Bien. This chapter is based on documents and ideas developed by the Biocultura programme and the SDC, as well as on fieldwork carried out between 2013 and 2015.

BASF and Toda Kogyo Corp enter negotiations to collaborate in cathode active materials in North America

In this article, we argue that relationships between key actors in extractive industries – in our case, mining cooperatives and the state in Bolivia – develop not only on the basis of calculated interest-perceptions and advocacy of rationally understood concerns and goals in policy negotiations, but also on the basis of histories and memories. These influence attitudes and negotiation or confrontation strategies on both sides. The relationship between, on the one hand, individual mining cooperatives and a national federation of cooperative mining organizations, and on the other hand, the Bolivian state, demonstrates that it is crucially important to take into account the specific historical, regional and intra-organizational aspects and memories. More specifically, we show that there is a contrast between the strategy of the national mining cooperatives federation FENCOMIN and a local mining cooperative (ASOBAL), and that to understand this contrast we need to introduce a historical and cultural dimension. After sketching more general conceptual and regional matters, we move on to the current position of cooperative mining in the country and the strategies deployed by FENCOMIN, and subsequently address the situation of a case-study cooperative called ASOBAL. We connect stands and negotiation strategies to issues of identity, memory and place.