Sacred Tree Research Articles

Jewellery from Burial 2 Kurgan 1 Filippovka 1 Cemetery: Manufacturing Techniques, Purpose and Semantics of Images

The article is dedicated to the publication of the unique jewelry which was found in the untouched noble female’s grave-pit of the Early Sarmatian elite burial ground located at Southern Urals. It stands out with an unordinary complicated construction, polychrome style, a variety of materials and techniques used in its manufacture, central disc containing cloisonne artwork. Analysis of the item’s burial context convincingly showed this item was not worn as a decoration in social life, but it was the precious relic used in religious ceremonies and ritual practices for short periods of time. A detailed study of manufacturing technology allows us to reconstruct the fastening ways and application methods for this jewelry. The search of analogies for images placed on the central medallion, made it possible to clarify its compositional semantics. Its central character is the sacred tree, guarded by the divine power of “khvarenah” deity. “Khvarenah” is presented by two guises - the winged sun disc and the sacred Veraghna birds. General meaning of the ritual reflects the idea of increasing fertility: ensuring the well-being and increasing offspring numbers, health, wealth and prosperity of the family. New Assyrian compositional scheme used in the medallion. It appeared at the beginning of the IX century BC and actively spread in Urartu and pre-Achaemenid Media since the VIII-VII centuries BC. This relic was found in the early nomadic burial site dating back to the IV century BC. All these show the significant continuity of ancient Iranian religious cults. They continue to exist in the satrapies of Achaemenid Iran, they are perceived by the elite of the Sarmatian tribes of the Southern Urals and they spread in a nomadic environment.

Some Remarks on the iSd tree, the Sacred tree of Heliopolis

According to Ancient Egyptian myths, in Heliopolitan theology, it was in Heliopolis that the god Atum created the world, and the ancient group of the nine gods known as the Ennead were worshipped there. Heliopolis was the main cult center of the sun god Ra who took the leader role in the Ennead of Heliopolis as early as the 5th dynasty. In Heliopolis the cult of stone symbols and sacred animals was known as the bnbn, iwn pillar, the bnw, Mnevis bull and mongoose. Another important symbol of Heliopolis was a sacred Persea tree called iSd. The iSd tree supplemented the cult of stone symbols and sacred animals and became a very important sacred symbol that exceeded the borders of Heliopolis to become a central subject which contained the keys to divine order. The tree appeared in coronation scenes and scenes related to the Hb- festival, in the Book of the dead, besides its importance as a fruit, leaves and flowers. This paper aims at investigating the importance of the iSd tree and its appearance in scenes and texts. This paper begins with an introduction of the importance of the city of Heliopolis and the origin of the iSd tree, then focuses on the practical use of the tree, as well as its religious and spiritual importance. The study ends with a main conclusion.

Local cultural beliefs and practices promote conservation of large old trees in an ethnic minority region in southwestern China

Large old trees are keystone ecological entities and cultural heritages that provide vital services to humans in settlements. We investigated the abundance, species diversity, distribution patterns, and environmental and anthropogenic determinants of large old trees in Wuchuan Gelao and Miao (minority ethnic groups) Autonomous County in southwest China. We examined the role of large old trees in the local culture systems and their management and protection practices through in-depth sociological interviews of local villagers. The 5105 large old trees from 80 species originated either from natural forests (28.1 %) or cultivation (71.9 %). Species distribution differed by elevation and topography units. Cultivated trees (e.g. Cupressus funebris and Phoebe zhennan) were mainly distributed at low-elevation valleys and slopes. Wild trees (e.g. Ginkgo biloba and Liquidambar formosana) mainly distributed in valleys at medium elevation. Most large old trees dwelt in artificial habitats such as house-side (25.0 %), farmland (10.4 %), graveyard (9.9 %) and roadside (8.5 %). Villages located at medium elevation, close to city and with medium human population proportion had higher tree density. Elevation and distance to city had positive effect whereas population density negative effect on wild tree proportion. Villages at medium elevation had higher species diversity, whereas distance to city and farmland-area proportion had negative effect. Local people protected large old trees mainly for cultural reasons. Cultural large old trees accounted for 71.9 % of the trees, of which 65.5 % were fengshui tree and 6.4 % sacred tree. Proportion of culturally protected large old trees was positively correlated with population density, but negatively with Han population. Protection of sacred trees depended on traditional taboos, and of fengshui trees on local customary laws and family regulations. These effective traditional beliefs and practices contributed to persistence of large old trees in artificial habitats around villages despite a long period marked by rapid cultural, political, and economic changes. Wuchuan can serve as exemplary of protecting large old trees based on local culture and regulation at the community and family levels. The findings informed that large old trees need dedicated protection measures that stress their main values and threats. In addition, local customary laws, traditional culture and ecological compensation should be integrated into conservation policies and practices.

‘Sao Hai’: the city pillar, the crying tree trunk, the goddess shrine, and contradictions in the sacralization of nature

ABSTRACT‘Sao Hai’ (2003) is a short story by the renowned Thai author Daen-aran Saengthong that retells the myth of the crying pillar, a female spirit believed to have dwelt in an ironwood for a millennium before the tree was hewn down and transported to the capital, Bangkok, to serve as the city pillar in 1782. Transforming this oral, provincial tale into a literary text, Daen-aran adds depth to the myth of Sao Hai by personating the compelling figure of this grieving goddess, now a sacred tree trunk worshipped by locals in Saraburi province. Noting the absence of any ecological agenda in either of the versions of the Sao Hai story, this research paper critiques the socio-political and environmental implications of the quest for the city pillar. Its central argument concerns the inseparable contradictions that lie between the sacralization of nature and the dominant royalist-nationalistic discourse in Thai literature and culture. The paper further enquires into the acts of transformation – materially that of the tree and aesthetically that of the story – in relation to environmental conservation at large. At the same time, questions are raised regarding the author’s representation of the non-human and the story’s prevailing note of loss.

Athenian Regulations for the Protection of Sacred Trees to Apollo Erithaseos

The inscription is a religious regulation found in a suburb to the north-east of Athens, dated to the second half of the 4th century BC. The place of discovery corresponds to the location of an ancient attic deme. The purpose of the regulation was to protect the sacred grove of Apollo Erithaseos from cutting trees and collecting dead branches or leaves, and more generally from damaging plant elements. The punishment for the violators is different for slaves and for free men. The priest, together with the demarchos, has the legal right to impose a fine and perhaps, through the delivery of the name, the judicial procedure against the guilty continued according to the laws of the polis.

Census of Sacred Groves in Cape Comorin, Peninsular India

Sacred groves are tracts of virgin forest that are left untouched by the local communities, harbours rich biodiversity and are protected by the local people for their spiritual and religious significance. They are the immaculate patches of native biodiversity that are preserved in their original state. They are the sites to conserve habitats and serve as sanctuaries for endemic species. During the field survey, 289 sacred groves were identified from Kanyakumari district in which Vilavancode taluk possess 155 (54%), followed by Kalkulam 101 (35%), Thovalai 19 (6%) and Agateeswaram 14 (5%) taluks of the district. Totally 614 plant species were recorded from the studied groves. Most of the sacred groves are governed by a single family (Thani Kaavu). Nagaraja was worshiped commonly as main deity or along with other deities. Ficus benghalensis and Ficus religiosa were the dominating sacred trees. These conservation pockets of biodiversity are on the verge of extinction. So we should take necessary steps to conserve biodiversity by conserving these precious groves.

КУЛЬТ СВЯЩЕННОГО ДЕРЕВА В ТРАДИЦИОННОЙ ПРОМЫСЛОВОЙ ОБРЯДНОСТИ МАЛОЧИСЛЕННЫХ НАРОДОВ ПРИАМУРЬЯ И ПРИМОРЬЯ

The article considers the role of a sacred tree in the cultures of Tungus-Manchu ethnoses of Priamurye and Primorye. In the culture of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Primorye the sacred tree is known under the names tun (Udege), tuigu (Nanais), tu (Orochs), toiga , toro , turuu (Negidals). The similar tree named toro is found among the Koreans as well. There are 2 types of sacred trees: shamanistic and patrimonial ones. A shaman’s tree can only be a larch, not strict and harmonious, but with unusual double or triple trunk. The shaman looks for such tree for years. Sometimes it is found tens of kilometers from the settlement. The shaman cuts down the found tree leaving the thickest and clumsy branches. Men of the settlement bring the tree to the village and set it to that place which the shaman pointed to. The sacred patrimonial tree grows in the wood near the settlement. As a rule, it has unusual crown of two or three grasps thick. A triangular notch is made on the tree meter from the butt, which is called piukhe ...

Аналогии в сюжетных мотивах якутского олонхо и хакасского алыптых нымах

The article conducts a comparative-typological study of the ancient plot motifs of the Yakut Olonkho and Khakass Alypty nymah .Based on the material of the heroic epic texts «Girl-hero Jyrybyn Jyrylyatt» and «Ai-Huuchin», analogies of plot motifs include the first creation of the world, possessions of heroes, miraculous birth of heroines, naming of heroines, main functions of heroines, beauty of heroines, departure of the hero, descriptions of the struggle of heroines with monsters, physical strength of female heroes, laboriousness, brutal massacre of the corpse of a defeated enemy, the messenger horse, help from relatives, descriptions ofmonsters – enemies,and the establishment of a peaceful life. These motifs are common and canonical for archaic epics of Turkic-Mongolian peoples about militant girl-heroes. Originating in the epic works of the ancient ancestors of the Turkic-Mongolian peoples, these ancient tales were transmitted and distributed in compliance with original epic canons. The persistent characteristics of Turkic-Mongolian traditional canons is evidence that the narrators, P.P. Yadrikhinsky and P.V. Kurbizhekov continue the epic tradition of the Turkic-Mongolian story.However, there are not only analogies, but also differences in plot motifs: thus, in the Khakass epic there are none of the archaic mythological images which are obligatory for the Yakut epic, such as the patron saints of the family and children Ieiyehsit Hotun and Aiyysyt Hotun, the spirit-empress of the Middle World Aan Alahchyn Hotun, spirit of fire Hatan Temeriei, and the sacred tree of Aal Kuduk Mas. These differences are evidence that as a result of the territorial separation of the Turk-Mongolian peoples from each other, the epic culture of each of these peoples began to develop in its own way. &nbsp

Guernica en la escena, la página y la pantalla: Evento, memoria y patrimonio by Elena Cueto Asín

Reviewed by: Guernica en la escena, la página y la pantalla: Evento, memoria y patrimonio by Elena Cueto Asín Douglas LaPrade Cueto Asín, Elena. Guernica en la escena, la página y la pantalla: Evento, memoria y patrimonio. U de Zaragoza, 2017. Pp. 533. ISBN 978-8-41693-561-1. Ekphrasis is an ancient Greek rhetorical device whereby the speaker comments upon a visual work of art, thereby illuminating it. Picasso's Guernica has inspired other artists to create works that allude more to Picasso's iconographic painting than to the Nazi bombardment of the Basque town on April 26, 1937. In Guernica en la escena, la página y la pantalla: Evento, memoria y patrimonio, Elena Cueto Asín argues that the painting has assumed preeminence over the bombardment itself, which is the supreme testament to the efficacy of ekphrasis. The public's imagination has been molded more by the painting than by the historical event, which justifies Cueto Asín's formidable chronicle of artistic works inspired by Picasso's painting. Cueto Asín has gathered, summarized, and analyzed countless works in all languages and genres about the bombing of Guernica and about Picasso's painting. The book is divided into three parts: works produced during the Spanish Civil War, works produced between the war and the Transition, and works produced since the Transition. Cueto Asín sustains her rhetorical [End Page 277] emphasis on ekphrasis throughout, nimbly constructing a semiotic argument featuring Picasso's painting as a cultural phenomenon that has inspired later artists. The introduction offers succinct histories of both the bombardment and the painting. Cueto Asín astutely documents the first journalistic accounts of the bombing of Guernica, which were published before the town's name became linked inextricably with Picasso's painting. War correspondent George Steer sent a telegram to The Times with the first journalistic report of the bombing. Cueto Asín refers also to Fascist accounts of the event, some of which suggested that Republicans were responsible for incinerating the town. Cueto Asín cites the famous book by anti-Franco historian Herbert Rutledge Southworth, which demonstrates how the history of the bombing of Guernica has been manipulated for propaganda. The history of the painting is likewise a story of competing ideologies and propagandistic maneuvers. The Spanish Republic commissioned Picasso to produce the painting Guernica in 1937 for exhibition in the Spanish Pavilion during the International Exposition in Paris. The painting was designed to call the world's attention to the Fascist atrocities in Spain because the US, the U.K., and France had adopted a posture of non-intervention during the Spanish Civil War. With the outset of World War II, the painting found safe haven in New York, where it became a universal anti-war emblem. During Spain's Transition after Franco's death, Spain claimed the painting as a symbol of its nascent democracy, and the painting was transferred from New York to Madrid in 1981. Cueto Asín suggests that the semiotic interpretation of the bombing of Guernica began before Picasso painted the event. Before the war, Guernica already was a metonymy of the Basque Country, as Cueto Asín calls it, because the famous tree of Guernica has been a symbol of Basque freedoms for centuries. Cueto Asín presents the tree of Guernica as a symbol of ancient traditions, and the airplane as a symbol of modern warfare that destroys those traditions. The bombardment is thus an allegorical assault on democracy, in addition to the real cruelty of the massacre. Curiously, Picasso depicts neither an airplane nor the tree of Guernica in his painting. Ishaan Tharoor wrote an article in The Washington Post on April 26, 2017, to commemorate the eightieth anniversary of the bombardment. Tharoor writes about the symbolism of the tree of Guernica as follows: "Guernica contained nothing of real military value. It was, and remains, a Basque cultural center and home to a sacred tree that symbolized the traditional freedoms of the Basque people—privileges Franco had little interest in defending." Like Cueto Asín, Tharoor quotes George Steer, the first journalist to report the bombardment: "Guernica was not a...

The Motive of Thunderstruck Tree in Connection to Wedding Customs

Latvian folksongs of three types (LD 33802, 34043, 34047) and a Lithuanian song Aušrinė (‘the Morning Star’) published by Liudvikas Rėza (Ludwig Rhesa, RD I 62) depict a tree struck by the Thunderer (Latvian Perkons). The kind of the tree may vary: usually, it is an oak, but sometimes it may be an apple-tree. Researchers of Latvian mythology and folklore call it Saules koks (‘the tree of the Sun’). In different variants, the striking of the tree tends to be part of the plot of the heavenly wedding. Sometimes Perkons allegedly strikes the tree in order to express his objections regarding the Sun’s decision to marry off her daughter to an “unsuitable” groom.Scholars interpret this image of the thunderstruck tree in different ways. Wilhelm Mannhardt thought the image to have stemmed from a natural phenomenon – the rays of the setting Sun. Vyacheslav Ivanov and Vladimir Toporov attributed this motive to the symbol of the World Tree and the Indo-European “basic myth” that they had reconstructed. According to Pranė Dundulienė, the thunderstruck oak is a symbolic representation of the bridegroom. Having amassed considerable ethnographic and folklore data, the author of this article questions the earlier explanation presented by Leopold von Schröder and Haralds Biezais. According to them, the motive of Perkons striking the oak may stem from the traditional Latvian wedding custom: the bride’s coachman makes a sign of the cross on the gate or the door with his sword upon arrival, imitating the cutting. Our analysis employs the comparative method. The appreciation of this motive requires considering the connections between the Thunderer and the oaks that exist in numerous ancient Indo-European religions (including Greek, Roman, Celtic, and Baltic). The lightning strike to the oak, possibly, only added some extra meaning to this connection (the thunderstruck wood was used for magic purposes), which emphasized power and strength attributed both to the thunder and the oak. The plausibility of relating the powerful celestial oak to the sacred tree of the homestead would require further discussions. Some variants of the mythological folksongs suggest that the oak hit by Perkons must have been growing by the gate. However, in folksongs and customs, this particular location emerges as liminal and unsafe in relation to home.Although Biezais used the Latvian example, similar customs of imitated cutting of the gate, door, or beam are also widespread in the Eastern Slavic lands. This enables us to understand better their nature, variations, and possible origins. Currently, we can use more ample Latvian and Lithuanian data. In wedding customs, actions similar to cutting or striking mostly indicate the active or masculine principle, including clashing between the bride’s and the groom’s parties, and invading of the foreign territory; but generally are characteristic of both sides. The fierce and militant character of Perkons is especially evident in this liminal sphere; there, as wedding customs and songs clearly indicate, also the hardest clash between the opposing parties takes place at some stage of the wedding. Although this clash is most prominent at the beginning of the wedding ceremony (during matchmaking, and particularly when representatives of the groom arrive to take the bride to her new home), certain “active response” is also evident in the way that the bride’s party behaves at the gate or door of the groom’s house. This may also include new elements, such as threatening to break the table with a specific musical instrument. Taunting of the wedding parties while using similar images and formulas to those used by folksongs describing animals enable us to see more clearly some peculiarities of the Thunderer’s image apparent in the songs describing the heavenly wedding (his attribution to the bride’s party and unexpectedly destructive character). The selected folklore and customs serve to considerably widen and deepen the possibilities of discussing the hypothesis raised by von Schröder and Biezais. However, this does not solve the main issues inherent in the substantiation of this hypothesis – e. g., it contradicts the authentic storylines of the songs describing the heavenly wedding; objects that are cut differ as well, while the consequences of the action – the destruction of the oak – do not ground its possible ritual purpose. The use of the sign of the cross is also ambivalent in customs, since it can serve both as means of protection against the adversary of the Thunderer – the devil, and against the thunder itself.However, the collected comparative materials provide a better idea regarding the meaning of this mythic thunder strike in the wedding contexts, elucidating certain regularities and inconsistencies.

Adorning and Adoring

Sacred trees are found throughout India and venerated by those of varied religious groups, including animists, devotees of local cults, Hindus, Buddhists, and Jains. Since 2003 I have travelled the sub-continent of India, conducting interviews and photographing the aesthetic enhancement of trees as an act of worship. Here, examples of veneration and a selection of the myths, beliefs, and rituals that underlie this practice are provided. These trees, through their adornment by worshippers, become subjects of adoration for not only Indians, but also for outsiders as well. In reflecting on this, the link between the aesthetic and the sacred is shown to have the potential to inspire ethical, eco-conscious, and transcultural responses to the natural world.

Special Feature Introduction

Special Feature Introduction: The Sacred Tree

The Glastonbury Thorn in Vernacular Christianity and Popular Tradition

This article considers the most famous English sacred tree, the Glastonbury Thorn, which has a special place in vernacular Christianity and popular folklore. It was part of the pilgrimage site at Glastonbury during the Middle Ages and after the Reformation, Puritan soldiers chopped it down during the Civil War (1642-1651). However, elaborate folklore concerning the Thorn developed between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries. according to these tales, Jesus came to Britain with his mother's uncle, Joseph of Arimathea, who planted the Glastonbury Thorn. The Thorn is considered miraculous, as it flowers twice yearly, with the second flowering in winter at Christmas. It also plays multiple roles in England's past and present. For example, all Christian traditions that assert that Jesus walked on soil other than that of the Middle East are engaged in the sacralization of territory, the transformation of the periphery into the center. English tales that claim Jesus visited Somerset and Cornwall bestow upon England the status of a 'Holy Land'. Further, the Thorn is part of the web of connections linking Glastonbury with the English Crown. This article considers the symbolism of the Glastonbury Thorn and assembleshistorical accounts, folklore, and popular cultural practices to investigate its historical importance and its contemporary significance.

Mythological Image in Olonkho of the North-Eastern Yakut Tradition: Sacred Tree

The article discusses the problem of studying the North-Eastern tradition of the Yakut epic. This tradition is part of the Northern regional tradition of the Yakuts. At the moment, the problem of studying the Northern regional tradition remains open. The study was based on the works of P. Ergun, V.N. Toporov, L.V. Dmitrieva, I.V. Pukhov, N.V. Emel'yanov, L.N. Semenova and others. The images and semantics of the sacred tree in the Olonkho of the North-Eastern tradition are considered in detail. This image is characteristic for the 8 texts of the 14 considered Olonkho from momskiy, verkhoyanskiy, abyiskiy and srednekolymskiy districts or Sakha (Yakutia) Republic local traditions. In Olonkho texts of studied tradition the sacred larch image is widespread. As the researchers note, the sacred larch image is the most archaic. Carried out a comparative analysis of the sacred tree in Olonkho from three traditions (Vilyui, Central and North-Eastern). The sacred tree descriptions in the three traditions had their own regional differences. As a result of sacred tree semantics comparison in Olonkho of three traditions had been revealed the following. In the Central tradition, the sacred tree does not reach the Upper and the Lower worlds. In the Vilyui tradition, the tree penetrates through the Middle world and reaches the Upper world, becomes the horse standing for the Supreme deity Urung Ayý toyon ‘White Creator Lord’. In Olonkho of the studied tradition the top of the sacred tree goes to the Upper world and roots penetrate deep into the Lower world. In the middle world the tree Al Luk Mas appears as a center of the world and a sacred place. In the Lower world the sacred tree appears as a hook for the things of its Lord Arsan Tolaya. The main results of the work allows to suggest that the sacred tree semantics in the Olonkho of this tradition is more interesting and distinctive from the Olonkho of other regional traditions.

Phytochemistry and Pharmacology of Ficus religiosa

Herbal medicine is one of the oldest valuable bestowal that was given to mankind. Many plants and herbs hold their prestigious position in the field of medicine among which Ficus religiosa belonging to the family Moraceae is the vital one. It is commonly named as “sacred fig”, “Bo tree” “Peepal” or “Ashwattha” in Sanskrit. It is found all over India, as it is one of the sacred tree worshipped by Hindus. The different parts of the F. religiosaspecies tree namely bark, fruits, leaves, seeds and latex are used as chief indigenous medicines to cure various ailments. Recent studies have reported that F. religiosa is used in the traditional medicine to relieve about 50 types of disorders including diabetes, diarrhea, epilepsy inflammatory disorders, and gastric problems, sexual and infectious disorders. Green synthesis of Nano Particles (NPs) plays significant roles in medicines, clinical applications and in vitro diagnostic applications. This has also attracted the use of F. religiosa in the process of green synthesis of NPs where specific targeted treatment and theranostics are made easier. The applications of the green nanotechnology using F. religiosa has shown that the phyto-chemical investigation of plant extracts exhibits the presence of flavonoids, tannins, phenoids, alkaloids, saponins and terpenoids. The studies also prove that the extracts express pharmacological activities like anti-oxidant, anti-bacterial, hypoglycemic, hypo-lipidemic, wound-healing, anti-helmintic, immune-modulatory, anti-convulsant and anti-ulcer in Humans. The present study is an attempt to compile and provide a brief review on the phyto-chemical investigations and pharmacological applications of F. religiosa. How to Cite this Article Pubmed Style Enit Beena Devanesan, Arumugam Vijaya Anand, Palanisamy Sampath Kumar, Puthamohan Vinayagamoorthy, Preethi Basavaraju. and Pharmacology of Ficus religiosa. SRP. 2018; 9(1): 45-48. doi:10.5530/srp.2018.1.9 Web Style Enit Beena Devanesan, Arumugam Vijaya Anand, Palanisamy Sampath Kumar, Puthamohan Vinayagamoorthy, Preethi Basavaraju. and Pharmacology of Ficus religiosa. http://www.sysrevpharm.org/?mno=302644547 [Access: March 28, 2021]. doi:10.5530/srp.2018.1.9 AMA (American Medical Association) Style Enit Beena Devanesan, Arumugam Vijaya Anand, Palanisamy Sampath Kumar, Puthamohan Vinayagamoorthy, Preethi Basavaraju. and Pharmacology of Ficus religiosa. SRP. 2018; 9(1): 45-48. doi:10.5530/srp.2018.1.9 Vancouver/ICMJE Style Enit Beena Devanesan, Arumugam Vijaya Anand, Palanisamy Sampath Kumar, Puthamohan Vinayagamoorthy, Preethi Basavaraju. and Pharmacology of Ficus religiosa. SRP. (2018), [cited March 28, 2021]; 9(1): 45-48. doi:10.5530/srp.2018.1.9 Harvard Style Enit Beena Devanesan, Arumugam Vijaya Anand, Palanisamy Sampath Kumar, Puthamohan Vinayagamoorthy, Preethi Basavaraju (2018) and Pharmacology of Ficus religiosa. SRP, 9 (1), 45-48. doi:10.5530/srp.2018.1.9 Turabian Style Enit Beena Devanesan, Arumugam Vijaya Anand, Palanisamy Sampath Kumar, Puthamohan Vinayagamoorthy, Preethi Basavaraju. 2018. and Pharmacology of Ficus Reviews in Pharmacy, 9 (1), 45-48. doi:10.5530/srp.2018.1.9 Chicago Style Enit Beena Devanesan, Arumugam Vijaya Anand, Palanisamy Sampath Kumar, Puthamohan Vinayagamoorthy, Preethi Basavaraju. Phytochemistry and Pharmacology of Ficus religiosa. Systematic Reviews in Pharmacy 9 (2018), 45-48. doi:10.5530/srp.2018.1.9 MLA (The Modern Language Association) Style Enit Beena Devanesan, Arumugam Vijaya Anand, Palanisamy Sampath Kumar, Puthamohan Vinayagamoorthy, Preethi Basavaraju. Phytochemistry and Pharmacology of Ficus religiosa. Systematic Reviews in Pharmacy 9.1 (2018), 45-48. Print. doi:10.5530/srp.2018.1.9 APA (American Psychological Association) Style Enit Beena Devanesan, Arumugam Vijaya Anand, Palanisamy Sampath Kumar, Puthamohan Vinayagamoorthy, Preethi Basavaraju (2018) and Pharmacology of Ficus Reviews in Pharmacy, 9 (1), 45-48. doi:10.5530/srp.2018.1.9

Günther Weber, Benjamin Sass and Eduard Philipp Körber, Lutheran Pastors of Võnnu: Sacred Trees, Felling of a Sacred Oak and Planting of an Oak to Herald Freedom for the Estonian People

Günther Weber, Benjamin Sass and Eduard Philipp Körber, Lutheran Pastors of Võnnu: Sacred Trees, Felling of a Sacred Oak and Planting of an Oak to Herald Freedom for the Estonian People

Triangles, tropes, and τὰ τοιαʋτ̃ α: a Platonic trope theory

In Plato’s Phaedrus (229 a 8­‑c 5) figures a plane tree growing by Ilissos; it hosts Socrates’ and Phaedrus’ discussion. Socrates refers later (275 b 5­‑c 2) to the oak of Zeus at Dodona. Our paper is articulated around certain capital aspects of the symbol of the ‘sacred tree’, detecting their presence in the dialogue, in view of sheding some new light on the role that the plane tree of Ilissos and the oak of Dodona could play in this philosophical text. We may thus distinguish better the elements that Plato borrows from the religious thought and his innovations.

Symbolic functions of trees in Slavic traditional culture: Linden

The article is dedicated to the symbolic and ritual functions of trees in Slavic traditional culture. On the one hand, linden has several cult functions and is considered a sacred tree. On the other hand, it symbolizes weakness and short lifespan, and thus is connected to some negative meanings and motifs.

Beliefs and rituals related to Chao Bao Noi, a sacred tree on Khuan Sung hill, Southern Thailand

This study explored beliefs and rituals related to Chao Bao Noi (the Little Bridegroom) on Khuan Sung hill, Southern Thailand. The data of this qualitative study were collected from related documents, research reports, and in-depth interviews with Phru To locals. The study found that the beliefs in Chao Bao Noi have existed for over 100 years and Phru To locals still have a strong belief that Chao Bao Noi is the sacred tree dwelled in by gods. In the past, Phru To locals tended rice farming and fruit plantations and had to depend on the uncertainties of nature. Thus, they had to learn to struggle for survival by adapting to nature and requesting Chao Bao Noi to give them soil fertility, and when their wishes were fulfilled, they performed rituals as repayment for the favors given by Chao Bao Noi. However, villagers of the new generation, especially those of working age, still want Chao Bao Noi to provide them with spiritual support but they have adapted the rituals of paying respect to Chao Bao Noi to suit the present social situation.

The Old Syrian Temple N’s Carved Basin and the Relation between Aleppo and Ebla

The ritual limestone basin TM.72.N.468, found in place, intentionally heavily damaged, inside the cella of Shapash/Shamash’s temple (Area N) at Ebla, is the only such basin carved on all four faces. It dates from 1850–1750 BC, perhaps at the beginning of Middle Bronze IIA. The scenes on the rear face feature two high officials embracing each other and grasping a kind of sacred tree; on the two sides there are figures of lesser front-facing goddesses. The ritual acts of the officials are interpreted as a commemoration of an important political alliance, where the goddesses represent the guarantee of the divine approval of the alliance. Some iconographic details of the reliefs are typical of the Old Syrian cylinder seals made by the Aleppo workshops. The proposal in this contribution is that the dedication of the basin in the temple of the solar deity, traditionally presiding over juridical acts, celebrates the alliance between Ebla and Aleppo, most probably made Ain the times of Yarim-Lim I of Aleppo.