Russian Behavior Research Articles

Growing male prostitution in Russia as a social problem

The article actualizes the problem of male prostitution in Russia. The characteristics of males who provide sexual services on a commercial basis are given, it is shown that the provision of these services discredits the gender characteristics of a man, his appearance in the «mirror» of the generally accepted social and moral norms of behavior. The system of factors contributing to the spread of this social phenomenon in Russian society is described: sodo- idedogical (lowering the level of morality); sodo-economic (the formation of a «consumer society», the financial disadvantage of a large part of the population, especially among young people and marginalized groups, the emergence of precariat; the increase in the socioeconomic status of women, the development of the market for erotic and pornographic content); socio-cultural (freedom of sexual behavior, deformation of gender identity of men, tolerance to the practice of same-sex sexual contacts); social-psychological (infantilization of males, the desire to earn «easy money», the absence or reduction of possible ways of self-assertion of the individual in society, the spread of the phenomenon of sodal loneliness, the psychological «liberation» of a modem Russian woman); sodal-pedagogical (educational) (crisis of the family institution, homelessness, lack of a system of sexual education and education of minors and youth); sociomedical (earty sexual life of males, free access to contraceptives). In spite of the fact that there are currently quite a large number of supporters for the introduction of commercial sexual services on a commerdal basis, induding male ones, the author is convinced that the phenomenon deserves a negative sodal and ethical evaluation. Prostitution is a «breeding ground» for the antisocial way of life, leading to various kinds of offenses, induding crime (in particular, «drug crime»). In connection with this, it is required to conduct sdentific research on the social nature of male prostituting behavior in Russia and to develop effective measures for its prevention.

DEVELOPING METHODOLOGY FOR «SMART» SEARCH FOR POLITICAL PROCESS MARKERS IN SOCIAL MEDIA

The paper describes the methodological framework for political process studies based on social media markers. The empirical basis of the paper is a number of authors’ studies carried out using Predictor Mining, an interdisciplinary approach combining Data Mining and Social Computing. Predictor Mining is a computer-assisted technique which allows extracting data from unstructured chaotic large data flow for further analysis and prediction of political protests and their dynamics. A special attention is paid to the core principles of predictive mining related to the creation of protest markers of online user behavior in Russia and abroad. The article describes how Data Mining and Social Computing techniques help to evaluate the risks and possibilities to resist the technologies of mobilization of protest settings in the modern Russian and post-Soviet countries. The authors present the results of a comparative analysis of the specifics of mass political protest in Russia compared with Ukrainian and Moldavian cases. The following measurements related to the cases were made by the authors: analysis of active nihilistic and passive nihilistic data flows in the Ukrainian social media discourse (2014, computer-assisted classification of data flow); analysis of protest-related tag cloud in the Russian social media (2011—2017, discourse analysis); analysis of the use of social media as a tool for mobilizing political protest in Russia (2011—2017; cybermetrics); defining the structure of user roles and the density of social ties in the Russian and Ukrainian VKontakte protest communities (2017, building social graphs); analysis of social and political protest of collective actors in Russia (Manezh square, Kondopoga, Pugachev, Rostovon- Don, Biryulevo, Mineralnye Vody) (2006—2014, triangulation involving event analysis, discourse analysis and cybermetrics). Using a combination of different approaches to data acquisition and analysis such as survey techniques, content analysis, online and offline, qualitative and quantitative, traditional and Big Data techniques which are in fact a methodological experiment, the authors draw certain conclusions and propose recommendations related to the search for political protest markers in the web. As to the prospects of Predictor Mining, the authors consider that there is a need to elaborate a method that could encompass preliminary assessment, scenario planning and forecasting of regional and national social and political processes using the online traces.

Rethinking prices during an economic crisis: Calculation as a new mode of consumer behaviour in Russia

AbstractUsing qualitative data, this study explores Russians’ reactions to increases in consumer prices caused by the current economic crisis. The financial turbulence has reinforced doubts about the fairness of market prices and the overall legitimacy of the market order in Russia. Suspicion and cynicism about the State and seller behaviour become the main mode of price perception, encouraging proactive, calculating price behaviour. Respondents’ narratives reveal that proactive price behaviour is considered to be a sign of social competence, financial independence, and high cognitive capacity. Proactive pricing behaviour allows consumers to use their purchasing power for resistance to market injustice and social insecurity and to increase personal chances for sustainability.

Economic Influence on Electoral Behavior in Russia: Is “Contract” between Power and Society Working?

Economic Influence on Electoral Behavior in Russia: Is “Contract” between Power and Society Working?

Взаимосвязь социокультурных ценностей и репродуктивного поведения населения России: социолого-статистический анализ

Взаимосвязь социокультурных ценностей и репродуктивного поведения населения России: социолого-статистический анализ

Интерпретационный подход к голосованию. Российский опыт

In the last 15 years Freedom House has downgraded Russia’s status from “intermediate” into “consolidated authoritarian” political regime. Despite its gradual sliding in terms of political rights and civil liberties since the early 2000s, the country did not witness any significant change, either upward or downward, in terms of voting turnout in the federal elections. either for President or for the lower house of parliament. Why people keep voting in Russia within little margins after all? What is the meaning of voting if it does neither fundamentally change the government nor seems to dramatically influence its decisions? When voting turnout presents puzzles, the literature usually looks for explanations in different directions: from mass electoral frauds to sudden improvement in governmental performance. The main problem with all these explanations lies in the fact that, usually, they are not tailored to any specific national case. Ecological fallacy may lead to wrong conclusions about individual cases based on inference from correct statements about the entire group. Thus, when the usual arguments are put to the test in the case of Russia, we may find serious theoretical mistakes or shortcomings in any of them. Instead of deductively testing general hypotheses on a specific case, wouldn’t it be more appropriate to inductively build theoretical framework based on existing data? From a theoretical point of view, induction provides a good starting point for investigating new phenomena or for investigating old phenomena in a new context. This paper answers the research question by analyzing Russian public opinion expressed within the frame of the last available data from World Values Survey (2011‑2014), a multinational and multi-wave study on different social attitudes since the early 1980s, some dealing with political system. Beyond the specific Russian case, this research is another brick that bridges the gap existing between statistical and interpretative approaches in political science. It provides cultural studies the rigidity of statistical methodology, and statistics the richness of hermeneutics. Reaching beyond citizens’ material interests and expectations, which traditionally are at the center of voting turnout explanation, this study finds clues to something conceptually very close to the sense of civic duty as a voting incentive. The main difference between the traditional sense of civic duty and the meaning of voting in Russia lies in the fact that Russian citizens do not consider voting as an order mainly coming from above or from outside, but from inside, from their intimate sense of doing what is right. In general terms, the puzzling phenomenon of persistent voting behavior in Russia can be explained in terms of cultural significance of the national belonging and pride. On this a rather large foundation four independent from one another add-ons suggest the existence of cultural sub-groups that understand voting as a sign of: 1) confidence toward the strong political leader, 2) confidence toward all public institutions, 3) altruism, and, lastly, 4) traditionalism.

ЭКОНОМЕТРИЧЕСКИЕ ПОДХОДЫ К ОЦЕНИВАНИЮ КРЕДИТНОГО ПОВЕДЕНИЯ НАСЕЛЕНИЯ В РОССИИ

ЭКОНОМЕТРИЧЕСКИЕ ПОДХОДЫ К ОЦЕНИВАНИЮ КРЕДИТНОГО ПОВЕДЕНИЯ НАСЕЛЕНИЯ В РОССИИ

Estimating Effects of 2007 Family Policy Changes on Probability of Second and Subsequent Births in Russia

From 2007 to 2014 total fertility rate in Russia increased from 1.42 to 1.75. To what extent this growth is related to a package of family policy measures introduced in 2007? Although the maternity (family) capital program is the most well-known innovation of the 2007 reform, we argue that the new rules of monthly childcare allowance assignment is its another major component. Since all measures were introduced simultaneously, it is only possible to estimate their cumulative effect on subsequent fertility behavior. Using panel Russian Generations and Gender Survey data collected in 2004, 2007 and 2011, this study assesses how family policy changes introduced in 2007 were related to the fertility behavior in Russia in recent years. We find a statistically significant increase in the chances of having second and subsequent births in September 2007 to Summer 2011 in comparison with the period of Summer 2004 to September 2007. We interpret that as a cumulative effect of the 2007 policy changes. We acknowledge that the observed effects might be related only to the calendar shifts in fertility behavior and further data and studies are needed to make any conclusions about completed fertility of the cohorts affected by 2007 family policy measures

Television and the Internet

The article considers the consumption of television and the Internet in Russia. The concepts of relative constancy and the theory of utility and demand of the media are the theoretical basis of the analysis. The empirical basis is drawn from the results of a study of communicative behavior of Russia's urban population. The article proposes a typology of the consumption of television and the Internet in terms of the duration of media consumption, and discusses the factors that determine the characteristics of the current state of affairs and prospects for the consumption of television and the Internet in the future.

Reinvestigation of the West's Sanctions against Russia in the Crisis of Ukraine and Russia's Reaction

Abstract Sanctions are such measures that are used before resorting to force and war. Sanction has been used repeatedly throughout the history. But the frequency of the use of sanction, as a tool to change the behavior of a regime or even a regime change, significantly increased after World War. But the most widespread and newest use of sanctions is between the West and Russia in Ukraine's crisis. In this crisis, America and European Union are trying to change Russia's behavior by imposing large volume of commercial and financial embargo and sanctions against individuals. On the other hand, Russia tries to deal with Western sanctions by imposing sanctions on Europe's citrus as well as European officials. In general, there is an obstacle, called the right of veto, for consensus on the sanctions against Russia and on the other hand, the other multilateral and unilateral sanctions outside the mechanism of the Charter is not contraindicated, but they cannot be imposed unlimitedly and regardless of imperative laws, the general principles of law, the specific rules of the Charter, human rights and humanitarian law. However, in this crisis, the political umbrella has made it actually difficult to apply definitive legal opinion.

ІСТОРИЧНІ ПІДСТАВИ АГРЕСИВНОЇ ЗОВНІШНЬОПОЛІТИЧНОЇ СТРАТЕГІЇ РОСІЇ

Unprovoked armed aggression of Russia against Ukraine after victory of the Dignity Revolution in it and annexation of Crimea, kindling and financial and material support of separatist rebellions in the eastern regions of our country actualized analysis of international historical reasons of aggressive behavior of Russia, primarily regarding the former Soviet republics. Therefore, an attempt to look back this problem in the context of the medieval international relations in Central and Eastern Europe and the formation of autocratic ideology Grand Duchy of Moscow, Moscow kingdom and the Russian Empire was made in article. In view of that Rurik dynasty and related to them by women Romanovs had the beginnings from rulers of Kyivan Rus, Moscow grand dukes, kings and Petersburg emperors saw all the lands, that once belonged to it (mainly Ukrainian), as part of their historical heritage. Joining and later incorporation of Ukraine into the Russian Empire, from their point of view, was like returning of lost once patrimony. And the fact that Ukrainian and Belorussian lands formerly were part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Rus and Rzeczpospolita, or had their own political autonomy and time to develop a separate cultural, religious and public-political tradition, was seen as distortions caused by ostensibly forced distancing of these countries from the king. Leading Moscow and St. Petersburg intellectuals both conservative and liberal-democratic were able and can to argue about the nature of Russian nationality, but they never had the slightest doubt as to «russkost» of Ukrainian, Belarusian and Baltic lands. This view completely coincides with the official position of the Russian autocracy and is now the basis for the foreign policy strategy of Vladimir Putin.

Putin's Russia in the Middle East

Abstract Nizameddin traces the continuity and change in Russia's evolving Middle East policies from the final days of the Soviet Union through the emergence of Vladimir Putin in 1998 and his return to the presidency, for a non-consecutive third term, in 2012. Russia's behavior in the Middle East is reminiscent of Soviet behavior during the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s. As Nizameddin's recent book shows, Russia is not only pursuing its interests in the Middle East, it is actively working with regional actors (Iran and Bashar al-Asad) to subvert Western objectives and interests in the region. Putin hopes to profit at the West's expense, just as he believes the West tried to profit at Russia's expense in the decade that followed the end of the Cold War.

Putin's Russia in the Middle East

Abstract Nizameddin traces the continuity and change in Russia's evolving Middle East policies from the final days of the Soviet Union through the emergence of Vladimir Putin in 1998 and his return to the presidency, for a non-consecutive third term, in 2012. Russia's behavior in the Middle East is reminiscent of Soviet behavior during the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s. As Nizameddin's recent book shows, Russia is not only pursuing its interests in the Middle East, it is actively working with regional actors (Iran and Bashar al-Asad) to subvert Western objectives and interests in the region. Putin hopes to profit at the West's expense, just as he believes the West tried to profit at Russia's expense in the decade that followed the end of the Cold War.

What Influences Stock Market Behavior in Russia and Other Emerging Countries?

ABSTRACTWe empirically test the dependence of the Russian stock market on the world stock market and world oil prices in the period 1997:10–2012:02. We also analyze countries that can be considered to be relatively similar to Russia, e.g., Poland, the Czech Republic, and South Africa. First, we apply a rolling regression to identify periods when oil prices or stock indices in the United States and Japan were important. Surprisingly, oil prices are not significant for the Russian stock market after 2006. Second, we employ a TGARCH-BEKK model to assess the degree of correlation between the markets in question, taking into account the global market stochastic trend. Correlation between markets increased between 2000 and 2012.

EU POLITICAL DYNAMICS AND THE RUSSIAN-AMERICAN PERSPECTIVE

Abstract: The article describes key political, economic, demographic, social and foreign issues facing EU and challenging its further development prospects. The analysis of further broadening of the EU relations with Russia and EU-US-Russia triangular relations leads the author to conclude that double standards are applied towards Russia: «reset», minimal concessions and the containment policy. The possible versions of the EU-US-Russia configuration are dependent on the behavior of Russia, thus it is necessary for Russia to develop a more precise strategy of foreign policy. The civilizational analysis of US, Europe and Russia proves that while the US and Europe are two variants of one civilization, Russia is a separate civilization, and this has to be accounted for in formulating Russian foreign policy standpoint in the EC-US-Russia triangle.

Possible Scenarios of Russian Luxury Market Development under Economic Uncertainty and Turbulence

Unstable political and economic situation in Russia and in the whole world affect all the product markets. In 2014 in Russia, the downturn of purchasing activities of customers was registered and as a result the decrease of the sales on the auto moto market, the retail market as a whole were registered as well. The market of luxury and premium products and services is also affected by economic uncertainty and turbulence. Experts had forecasted the changes in the consumer behavior and turn of the consumers to the less expensive and prestige products and services. This article is describing the typology of consumer behavior in Russia during economic unstable external marketing environment and turbulence. It also gives the description of possible scenarios of the Russian luxury market development during the period of economic sanctions.

The Budapest Memorandum and Russia's intervention in Ukraine

Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States extended security assurances to Ukraine in December 1994 in an agreement that became known as the Budapest Memorandum. This agreement was part of a package of arrangements whereby Ukraine transferred the Soviet-made nuclear weapons on its territory to Russia and acceded to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) as a non-nuclear weapon state (NNWS). Russia's violations of the Budapest Memorandum, notably its annexation of Crimea, could have far-reaching implications for nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament because of the questions that Russia's behaviour has raised about the reliability of major-power security assurances for NNWS parties to the NPT. Doubts about the reliability of such assurances could create incentives to initiate, retain or accelerate national nuclear weapons programs. Moreover, because the Budapest Memorandum included restatements of UN Charter provisions and principles articulated in the Helsinki Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, Russia's disregard for the Budapest Memorandum has raised fundamental questions about the future of international order. The Russians have demonstrated that, despite economic sanctions and international condemnation, they are prepared to disregard longstanding legal and political norms, including those expressed in the Budapest Memorandum, in pursuit of strategic and economic advantages and the fulfilment of national identity goals. Unless Russia reverses its dangerous course, the fate of the Budapest Memorandum may in retrospect stand out as a landmark in the breakdown of international order.

Methodological Issues in Studies of Cultural Legacies in Post-Socialist Russia’s Civil Society

AbstractThe state of civil society in post-socialist Russia and other former socialist countries is of great interest to social scientists, policy makers, and development-oriented practitioners. Numerous theoretical assumptions and methodological approaches have been used by researchers to describe, analyze, and assess the state of civil society in Russia, for example. One of the key issues addressed has been the influences on citizens’ civic and social activities and the historical conditions and cultural environments that have generated – and continue to generate – these activities. This critique focuses on the concept of “communist legacies” which has been applied at the individual level to explain people’s preferences, attitudes, and forms of behavior in Russia and other post-socialist countries. The concept is influential, in large part, because it has been supported by empirical research, especially the highly influential empirical research of Marc Howard. This paper takes a critical look at this research, including its theoretical frame and the methodology associated with the frame.

Values, Efficacy and Trust as Determinants of Innovative Organizational Behaviour in Russia

This study examines the relationship between values, efficacy, trust and innovative organizational behaviour in Russia. We analyse the direct and indirect effect of gender, age and education on innovative behaviour via values, trust and efficacy. For the measurement of values we employed a new revised value instrument with 19 values. We found that Openness to Change values had a significant positive effect and Conservation values a significant negative effect on innovative behaviour in organizations; efficacy and trust had a significant positive effect. Moreover, the effect of values is moderated by the level of efficacy. Gender, age and education directly influence innovative behaviour and determine such behaviour via values, efficacy and trust.

Russia and the West from Alexander to Putin: Honor in international relations, by Andrei P Tsygankov

Andrei P Tsygankov Russia and the West from Alexander to Putin: Honor in international relations Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012. xii + 3l7pp., $107.95 (cloth) ISBN 978-1-1070-2552-3Since the Soviet Union's collapse there has been much disagreement among scholars about Russian foreign policy. Russia is often labelled as non-cooperative or irrational in relations with the West, even as anti-Western. How can we explain and understand Russia's behaviour toward the West? Using a social-constructivist approach, Andrei Tsygankov, a professor at San Francisco State University and author of a number of works on Russia's international relations, proposes a novel interpretation of Russian foreign policy: the concept of honour best explains Russia's actions toward the West over the past 200 years.Tsygankov's study is organized into four parts. In Part I, the most important section of the book from a theoretical perspective, the author presents an explicitly developed theory of Russian-Western relations. Europe and the West, Tsygankov argues, created the meaningful environment in which Russia's rulers defended their visions of national honor and interests (51). The Russian myth of honour, rooted in Eastern Christianity, is a distinctive concept of spiritual freedom and the ideal of a strong and socially protective state (28). These aspects of the Russian myth of honour have operated differently across history. During the Tsarist period, the Russian conception of honour was embedded in Orthodox Christianity, autocracy, and support for Orthodox and Slavic peoples abroad. With the establishment of the Bolshevik regime, communist ideology took the place of religion; the autocratic state and support for the Orthodox and Slavic peoples abroad were replaced respectively by Communist Party rule and by a commitment to Communist regimes. Post-Soviet Russia, the author contends, is in the process of defining a new ideological framework, one that includes Russian civilization, a strong state, and support for Russian and pro-Russian communities (34). Tsygankov advances three distinct patterns of Russian behaviour toward the West based on the idea of honour: cooperation, defensive reaction, and assertiveness. In each case, policy choice is influenced by a combination of Western recognition (or nonrecognition) of Russian interests, honour, and perceived domestic strength.In the subsequent three parts of the book, the author tests his theoretical framework by applying the concept of honour to 10 historical case studies of Russian-Western interaction. Tsygankov groups the case studies thematically around his three distinct patterns of behaviour-cooperation, defensiveness, and assertiveness-and each is compared to realist explanations. In Part II, which comprises four case studies of Russia's cooperation with the West (the Holy Alliance, 1815-1853; the Triple Entente, 1907-1917; collective security, 1933-1939; and the War on Terror, 2001-2005), Tsygankov observes how Western states accepted Russian interests, and Russia in turn, guided by its honour-based commitment, collaborated with them. Part III examines cases where the West did not accept Russian interests, and Russia, again bound by a sense of honour, turned to a defensive foreign policy (the Recueillement, 1856-1871; peaceful coexistence, 1921-1939; containing NATO expansion, 1995-2000). …