In Holy Nation: The Transatlantic Quaker Ministry in an Age of Revolution, Sarah Crabtree calls on historians to integrate the Society of Friends into “mainstream historical literature” to highlight “the inherent tension” (218) between religious belief and nationalism between 1750 and 1830. Quaker historians—most notably Frederick B. Tolles—have long recognized the transatlantic nature of the Society in the eighteenth century, but Crabtree makes transnationalism the primary frame through which to understand Quakers before 1830. Her perspective offers some valuable insights about the relationship between religion and nationalism before 1815, but it also leads her to make less credible claims about the sources of the schisms that plagued American Friends after 1820. After 1750, Crabtree argues, Quakers, guided by their traveling ministers and influential elders (Public Friends), forged a transnational “holy nation” that transcended the geographic boundaries of rising nation-states. Embracing their cosmopolitan community, they rejected mounting patriotic appeals and the military demands of citizenship. Crabtree emphasizes the theological roots of Friends’ identity as a chosen people who believed themselves subject to divine authority and responsible for criticizing political leaders and non-Quakers who lacked righteousness. But their posture, she emphasizes, had political consequences. In an era of war between empires and nation-states, pacifist Friends faced persecution and suspicion from political leaders and fellow citizens who viewed their cosmopolitan community as a threat to a cohesive and united nation. Still, Crabtree notes, Friends survived the period with their community largely intact. After 1770, Friends embraced benevolence to contribute to the societies in which they lived, seeking to gain the acceptance of their fellow citizens by improving the moral and physical welfare of all. In the process, they forged alliances with non-Quaker reformers and their transatlantic networks provided the infrastructure and much of the wealth that undergirded the reform movements of the era. Friends also established sectarian schools—“walled gardens”—where their children enjoyed a “guarded” Quaker education and learned the skills and confidence to pursue reform in the wider world. But if Friends’ transnational holy nation survived the stresses of war and persecution, it disintegrated in the face of peace after 1815. By the late 1820s, American Friends had divided into Hicksite and Orthodox factions, the result, Crabtree argues, of “a changing definition of citizenship, the growing power of the state, and an increasing pressure to adopt a nationalist identity” (206).