Role Of International Institutions Research Articles

الصراع والتعاون في العلاقات الدولية: الإسهامات النظرية للنقاش بين الواقعية الجديدة وبين الليبرالية الجديدة

يتناول هذا البحث النقاش[1] بين الواقعية الجديدة وبين الليبرالية الجديدة في إطار حقل العلاقات الدولية ويسلط الضوء على أهم طروحات النظريتين، وخاصة فيما يتعلق بوجهات نظرهما حول هيكل العلاقات الدولية وهل يحكمه الفوضى والصراع أم التعاون. كانت، ولا زالت، دراسة الصراع والتعاون في العلاقات الدولية من المهام الرئيسية للبحث والتحليل بالنسبة لمنظري وباحثي العلاقات الدولية، وأصبح هذا الترابط بين الصراع والتعاون القضية الرئيسية في النقاش بين النظريتين السائدتين في العلاقات الدولية. تعتبر تظريتي الواقعية الجديدة والليبرالية الجديدة من أكثر النظريات تأثيرا على العلاقات الدولية، ويعتبر النقاش بين النظريتين من أكبر واهم النقاشات في حقل العلاقات الدولية. يسعى هذا البحث إلى بيان وشرح الاسهامات النظرية لكل من النظريتين فيما يتعلق بالصراع والتعاون في العلاقات الدولية، ومدى مساهمة طروحات الليبرالية الجديدة، خاصة فيما يتعلق بدور المؤسسات الدولية في زيادة التعاون الدولي، وفي التقليل من هيمنة الرؤية الواقعية في العلاقات الدولية وخاصة فيما يتعلق بسيادة الفوضى والصراع من أجل القوة. تناقش هذه الدراسة أن النقاش بين الواقعية الجديدة وبين الليبرالية الجديدة لم يساهم بشكل كبير في تطوير نظرية العلاقات الدولية، حيث لم يساهم هذا النقاش بشكل كبير في التقليل من هيمنة سياسات القوة في العلاقات الدولية وحل المشاكل الدولية الناتجة عنها.
 [1] المقصود ب (النقاش) هنا هو النقاش النظري بين الواقعية الجديدة وبين الليبرالية الجديدة. وهو أحد (النقاشات الكبرى) أو (الحوارات العظمى)، حسب استخدام الباحثين، في العلاقات الدولية والمؤخوذة من الاصل الانكليزي (Great debates)، والتي تركز على النقاشات النظرية في تطور حقل العلاقات الدولية منذ بداية القرن العشرين. وهي تشمل، في الغالب، ثلاثة نقاشات كبرى: النقاش بين الواقعية وبين المثالية-الليبرالية، والنقاش بين الواقعية وبين السلوكية، والنقاش بين الواقعية الجديدة وبين الليبرالية الجديدة. وهناك من يضيف نقاشا رابعا مهما وهو النقاش بين الوضعية وما بعد الوضعية (انظر مثلا، تيم دان وآخرون، ترجمة ديما الخضرا، 2016؛Lake, 2013; Lapid, 1989 ).

The world after Covid-19

ABSTRACT As countries are firefighting the Covid-19 pandemic, one thing is becoming clear, the post-coronavirus world will be different in many ways economically, socially and health wise. No one will come out of this crisis without losing something. Previous threats to individual and social freedoms could not change our way of life but now this important asset of our civilisation is seriously threat-ened. In a post-Covid-19 world, a new international order will be redrawn by the powerful countries taking into account the lessons learnt in dealing with the current pandemic. The role of international institutions will also be critically reviewed. Developing countries with low GDP growth, high debt and dependence on oil and essential technologies will find it hard to maintain independent foreign policies. IT will play a major role in all aspects of life in education, e-governance, commerce, health and artificial intelligence. Use of tracking devices to monitor citizens would conflict with human rights concerns in favour of security and safety. Tourism will continue but visa regimes will be tightened. The lesson from Covid-19 is poignant. In the march of civilisation, survival of the fittest will not work. We need to take our weak and vulnerable along, even if we have to carry them on our shoulders.

GENDER INEQUALITIES ACROSS THE REGIONS

This article will analyse the evolution of gender inequalities in different regions, highlighting the main aspects of gender inequality, the role of international institutions in addressing gender inequalities. A special attention will be paid to the anal

Регулирование социально-трудовых отношений: роль международных институтов

Регулирование социально-трудовых отношений: роль международных институтов

The role of international institutions in fostering sub-Saharan Africa’s electrification

International institutions, such as multilateral development banks and national development agencies, are crucial in funding the provision of electricity services in sub-Saharan Africa. This article discusses the role of these institutions in bringing electricity to the region. The article shows that the scale and focus of global initiatives is wide and eclectic, and coordination between large and smaller funders remains critical. It highlights how over the past decade, 92 percent of international financial support to SSA’s electrification came from World Bank Group (WBG), the African Development Bank (AfDB) and the European Union (EU). The EU’s actions in the field appear to be particularly fragmented. The WBG, the AfDB and the US have streamlined their actions largely by focusing resources on a few initiatives. The article concludes with recommendations to help get more large-scale projects funded, and increase technical assistance and capacity building. Better coordination and information-sharing mechanisms to track the rapidly-changing landscape will be critical to achieve the energy access goals in sub-Saharan Africa.

Brics and New Multilateral Development Banks: Towards Recalibration of Global Economic Governance

This article addresses selected issues enmeshed into global economic governance debate. It focuss on a role of international institutions in transforming world order, in particular the rise of emerging powers increasingly categorised or acronymised as BRICS, their resources, power and vested interests. The main narrative brings close the phenomenon of the new reshuffling in multilateral development banking (MDB). The New Development Bank (NDB), and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) as ‘products’ of the third wave of MDB emergence, fit well into the process coined as ‘the recalibration of the world economy.’ It is expressed by shift of the centre of global economic gravity towards non-western actors and can be explained by arguments derived from game theory. They elucidate exit – voice nexus, where the cost of exit for both organisation leaders (Western donors) and members (EMDCs, BRICS) is fragmented multilateralism and where thecost of voice is decreasing capacity to influence principles and procedures of multilateral development lending. The article in the first section starts with overview of three waves of multilateral development banking, where the most recent of them is partially explained using game theory argument. Second section starts from accentuating common characteristics of NDB and AIIB and then examines the differences between NDB and AIIB – entities which emerged during the third wave. The final section provides summaries and conclusions.

Human Rights Violation in Kashmir and the Responsibility of International Institutions

The international community’s endeavors to help resolve the Kashmir issue began only weeks after the dispute erupted in 1947. All have recognized that India, after increasing international pressure, plainly consented to the U.N mandated plebiscite, leaving the people of the state to decide their future political destiny. The United Nations passed a multitude of resolutions pressing upon Indian authority to desist from its adamant stance in order to have the conflict resolved. All have recognized that the continuing refusal of the Indian government to countenance a resolution to the Kashmir issue led to the outbreak of an insurrection against Indian rule in the Kashmir at the end of 1989. It is by the coercive and suppressive policies of India that Jammu and Kashmir and the life of its people have been reduced to that of two legged helpless creatures put under the ferocious clutches of barbaric army rule. India has ratified Geneva Convention and has even enacted Geneva conventions Act 1960, but in practice, India has decided to overlook common Article 3 in its special enactments, applicability and Supreme Court rulings. Moreover, it is normally and more extensively argued that no point has the situation in India met the thresh hold required for the application of common Article 3. Thus India has not accepted the application of Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions to the situations prevailing in the country. The reports on hundreds of mass graves in Kashmir, torture, hostage taking and rape have all been prominent abuses in the Kashmir conflict by security forces. Another example is Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act 1958. It enables security forces to “fire upon or other wise use force, even to the causing death” where laws are being violated. It says no criminal prosecution would lie against any person who has taken action under this act. While Article 3 prohibits killing of innocent civilians in non-international armed conflict. AFSPA under section 4(a) gives wide ranging powers to the armed forces to the extent of causing death on mere suspicion. Various reports, academic views as well as conferences have time and again highlighted the need for India to actually accept the common article 3 in practice. The judiciary has failed its duty in this context by overlooking Judicial guarantees as required by article. The situation of conflict that persists in Kashmir and the North-East explains the reason for the state’s anxiety that this matter of violence could be referred to the international criminal court. India continuously evades application of Common Article 3. Some help could have been taken from Additional protocol II were a lower threshold is found under Article 1(2) but India has not ratified the same .even, the inclusion of ‘armed conflict not of an international character’ defining war crimes in Article 8 of the statute of an ICC met with resistance from the Indian establishment. Further elements giving rise to India’s misgiving are the fear that the court might be used with political motives, the power conferred on the prosecutor to initiate investigation proprio motu and the role allotted to security council. Prosecution of Indian officers, leaders and army by ICC is an overstretch and the jurisdiction over India under the UNSC referral process is possible even if India stays out of ICC. This paper will discuss human rights violation in Kashmir and role of international institutions.

The possibility to apply the democratic peace theory as a solution for disputes between the KRG and Iraq

Democratic peace thesis expresses the essential principles of liberalism in many areas, but the most significant elements are power of individuals, international institutions and economic cooperation. This theory is a significant attempt to solve issues related to war and peace between states. This theory may account as tool for solving disputes between federal government in Iraq and the Kurdistan Region, if elements of the theory apply properly. While, Iraqi Kurdistan's referendum in 25th of September2017 reignited many disputes between Baghdad and Erbil, there is a possibility to solve these issues peacefully. This paper argues that, if both sides practice democracy, there will be peace and prosperity between them. Therefore, the paper illustrates democratic peace theory by focusing on relationship between liberal theory and democracy in the  first part of the research. The second part of the paper applies the democratic peace theory in three major areas regarding relationship between Baghdad and Erbil. Firstly, it explains the role of individuals and power of citizens in democratic states. Secondly, role of international institutions as a core point in liberal theory. Finally, it also illustrates the role of economic cooperation for achieving peace between states in national sphere.

The Role of International Institutions in Protecting Indigenous Knowledge

Indigenous knowledge has been with society right from when society was in its infancy, this materialises in rich culture, embedded in beliefs, folklore, medicine, religion, marriage, education etc. The indigenous people display a great deal of commitment to the protection of their heritage. These knowledge are passed down from generation. With the advent of modernization and civilization, as society grows, and as the international community emerge into international organizations and institutions, the need to protect the indigenous knowledge thus become necessary. This essay will attempt to highlight measures the international institutions have made to protect the indigenous knowledge and how it has been preserved. This paper will make use of both primary and secondary sources of research as its methodology.

The International Politics of Legal Reforms: Hard Bilateralism, Soft Multilateralism and the World Bank’s “Doing Business” Indicators

Abstract The Law and Development literature still debates on the role of international institutions in promoting legal reforms as a means of inducing economic growth. This article takes one step further by arguing that incremental circumstances compelled such institutions to change from bilaterally-binding pressures to soft-based multilateral strategies, by analyzing the gradual rise of the World Bank’s “Doing Business” initiative.Keywords: legal reforms, international development, World Bank, Doing Business, Latin America, Asia Received: December 13, 2016 Accepted: May 4, 2017 Introduction W hat has been the role of international institutions in the promotion of legal reforms across developing countries? The debates concerning market-oriented legal reforms and their effects on economic growth have long been a central subject of interest in global development studies (World Bank 2015; Krever 2011). However, while much of the literature discusses how these efforts may have significantly changed their approach and theoretical assumptions over time, there has been less attention to how international institutions (and particularly international law) have had specific functions in order to reflect those continuous developments.This article argues that, while the deliberate promotion of reforms in laws and judicial procedures is not a new phenomenon in development policy, the role of international institutions in this process has varied in both scope and intensity. In this context, we provide a critical assessment of the legal reform policies that gained momentum since the 1960s, by explaining the origins of the

Supplying protection: The United Nations and public support for humanitarian intervention

This paper examines the role of the constellation of interveners, along with the approval of international institutions like the United Nations, on public support for military interventions to protect civilians during war. Concerns over burden sharing and free riding have figured prominently in recent debates over the provision, or lack thereof, of humanitarian interventions. An experiment embedded in a survey of a representative sample of the US public shows that citizens are influenced less by the extent of material contributions from other countries than by whether the United Nations sanctions the mission. Further analysis indicates that the United Nations functions as a legitimating device that can help overcome collective action problems, rather than through alternative approaches emphasizing the signaling of information or ensuring greater military resources. The findings have implications for research on the role of international institutions and the domestic politics of support for the use of force.

América Latina: la acumulación de capital, la salud y el papel de las instituciones internacionales

During the second half of the 20th century, there have been great transformations in the world's social and political organization. While the colonial system was being dismantled, international institutions were being built and the large multinational enterprises that took on the function of capital accumulation for the new transnational bourgeoisie began to emerge. This paper analyzes such transformation in the health sector and provides information on the role of international institutions in capital accumulation. The World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the World Trade Organization are used as examples, as well as international cooperation agencies. Two major policies are addressed: health reforms and medicine-related policies. The analysis shows that reforms and medicine-related policies have not aimed at complying with the Latin American countries' constitutional mandate requiring Governments to provide health services to everyone but at accumulating capital. Multinational enterprises have used international institutions to ensure their aim of accumulating capital, and the paper concludes by suggesting that they were created for that purpose.

Desafíos de la globalización económica

Este artículo pretende analizar los elementos principales del proceso actual de globalización económica como lo son la liberalización del comercio y el flujo de inversión extranjera directa y la movilidad de capital. Las consecuencias de estos elementos exigen una serie de críticas y propuestas relacionadas con la forma en la que los gobiernos locales deben enfrentar la globalización y cuál debería ser el papel de las instituciones internacionales como instrumentos que contribuyan a la integración a la economía mundial, sobre todo en el caso de los países menos desarrollados. El propósito de este estudio es determinar empíricamente los efectos positivos y negativos de la globalización económica en las sociedades nacionales, para poder generar mejores políticas públicas que permitan una alternativa a la gobernabilidad global y una rápida adaptación a la integración global.

The Role of International Cooperation in Demarcation of Territorial Boundaries in International Law and Procedures

Non-judicial developments in the field of boundary issues, with the aim of achieving stability and preserve it, move toward the ideal of international community. The ideal is to maintain international peace, order and security. Developments and advances are in the service of this ideal and countries take steps in this direction with responsibility than before and with believe in integrity of international peace, order and security, and apply technical and human progresses in this way. International organizations and countries, as the main subjects of international law, with understanding adverse consequences of instability, use all the tools necessary to achieve this goal and non-judicial developments occurring in delimitation of international territorial boundaries, are in line with this excellent goal. Today, countries cooperate wider than past in different ways and in all fields including boundary issues. Deep understanding toward the importance of international peace, order and security and legal belief to necessity of such cooperation, undoubtedly have facilitate today direction. Of course, the role of international institutions and organizations was very dramatic in developing such belief.

CORRUPTION, CAPITAL ABUNDANCE AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: EVIDENCE FROM THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES

The aim of this paper is to establish and clarify the relationship between corruption level and development among European Union countries. Out of the estimated model in this paper one can conclude that the level of corruption can explain capital abundance differences among European Union countries. Also, explanatory power of corruption is higher in explaining economic development than in explaining capital abundance, meaning stronger relationship between corruption level and economic development than between corruption level and capital abundance. There is no doubt that reducing corruption would be beneficial for all countries. Since corruption is a wrongdoing, the rule of law enforcement is of utmost importance. However, root causes of corruption, namely the institutional and social environment: recruiting civil servants on a merit basis, salaries in public sector competitive to the ones in private sector, the role of international institutions in the fight against corruption, and some other corruption characteristics are very important to analyze in order to find effective ways to fight corruption. Further research should go into this direction.

The Company States Keep: International Economic Organizations and Investor Perceptions. By Julia Gray. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013.

How do countries establish a reputation for being creditworthy? Previous research focuses on the economic fundamentals, policy reforms, political environment, and past behavior. Julia Gray posits a new mechanism—peer effects. Through close association with low-risk countries, a government can improve its own reputation among investors. Likewise, the reputation of a country worsens when it hangs out in the wrong crowd. Membership in regional economic organizations provides the key forum for establishing a peer group in Gray’s book, and she presents comprehensive evidence that documents the impact of membership on sovereign credit risk. The argument is original and compelling, with profound implications for rethinking investor decisions and the informational role of international institutions. The deft use of evidence that ranges from sophisticated statistical analysis of bond yields to interviews of government officials sets a model for scholarship. In a novel twist, The Company States Keep highlights a role for institutions to provide information beyond the specific reforms that are demanded of entrants. In contrast to theories that argue that institutions help states make credible commitments to policy reforms, for Gray the partners in the organization are more important than the policies—a state with a high risk profile can in effect borrow credibility by virtue of its shared membership in an organization with other states that are low risk irrespective of whether the state implements extensive reforms. This argument relies on a view of investors who are flooded with information and seek cues to inform their credit valuations. Accession to regional economic organizations leads investors to place a government into a new category of risk level based on what they know about the other members of the organization. Is this an irrational investor decision? Not necessarily. Certainly the

An Overview of the Role of International Institutions and Regional Bodies in the Promotion, Enforcement and Protection of Human Rights

The dissertation interrogates and examines the role of international institutions and regional bodies in the promotion, enforcement and protection of human rights and concludes that, there are sufficient international instruments for the promotion of human rights but what is lacking or the gap in the existing instruments is the effective means or corresponding framework for the enforcement of decisions of supranational bodies on human rights domestically. In furtherance and search for a solution to the identified problem of lack of effective enforcement framework, the dissertation asserts and recommends inter alia that, there should be an establishment of a World Court of Human Rights(WCHR) at the United Nation level and the adaptation or adoption of the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Dispute(ICSID) model of enforcement of Arbitral award in the United Nation human rights system and the regional human rights systems respectively, to enable the enforcement of the decisions or judgements of supranational bodies on human rights at the domestic level as final judgements of the highest Court of the state or nation involve.

International Multilateral Assistance for Socio-Economic Development of the Poorest Countries of South-East Asia

The article is focused on the issues of social and economic development of the poorest countries of the South-east Asian region and the role of international institutions in this process. The article tries to assess the impact of multilateral mechanisms for international development cooperation on the social and economic development of this group of countries. A special emphasis is made on the role of the Russian Federation as a new donor and emerging economic power in the South-east Asian region. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

The Role of International Institutions and Organizations in Sovereignty Conflicts in the Arctic

The Role of International Institutions and Organizations in Sovereignty Conflicts in the Arctic

International Multilateral Cooperation for Socio-Economic Development of the Poorest Countries of Asia-Pacific Region

The article is focused on the issues of social and economic development of the poorest countries of Asia-Pacific region and the role of international institutions in this process. The author tries to assess the impact of multilateral mechanisms for international development cooperation on the social and economic development of this group of countries. A special emphasis is made on the role of the Russian Federation as a new donor and emerging economic power in the Asia-Pacific region.