Influence Of Rhetoric Research Articles

Totalitarian and Democratic Rhetoric as an Indicator of the Relations of Power in the Contemporary Information Society

The article is devoted to study of totalitarian and democratic types of rhetoric. The classical dichotomy of rhetorical influence has been discovered: monologic use of rhetoric as a verbal weapon through propaganda, demagoguery, populism, creation of the image of an enemy, division of society (totalitarian type of rhetoric) and dialogical use of rhetoric as consolidating communication, truth-seeking, social consent and understanding (democratic type of rhetoric). It is shown that the trigger of democratic and totalitarian regimes is the existential of freedom. The active influence of the postmodern rhetoric of the information age in its performativity in the acquisition of snack culture is determined, which significantly strengthens the manipulative strategies. Totalitarian tendencies of digital rhetoric are found in information warfare technologies (network trolling, mobbing, hype, hatering, holy waring, click-baiting, sockpuppeting), in the processes of censorship, ambivalence and negativism of information, spreading fake news, igniting conflicts in mass media. Militarization of vocabulary and spread of obscene language in ordinary communication as factors of compensatory aggression of the population, the danger of excessive information transparency of people’s private lives are noted. Democratism of the digital rhetoric is manifested in such phenomena as the direct creation of e-democracy, access of citizens to e-voting, e-services, e-petitions, overcoming digital inequality, the ability to communicate with officials and public officers live on TV and radio, in social networks. Democratic principles of rhetoric, especially in Ukraine as a state of “transitional democracy” should be supported by quality education, fostering critical thinking and activity of civil society.

The Op-ed Articles on the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) Project: A Rhetorical Analysis

This paper attempts to make a rhetorical analysis of six op-ed articles on the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) project, which are published online in the English daily newspapers of Nepal. This study has discussed about how the authors in each article have used the language and context as a medium to persuade the readers in favour or in opposition of the MCC project and also to identify the rhetorical techniques that are used to accomplish their purpose. The rhetorical analysis is supported by the theoretical ideas of Aristotle and Kenneth Burke. In particular, Burke's concept of dramatism pentad has been used to find the answer of what was done (act), when or where it was done (scene), who did it (agent), how he did it (agency) and why (purpose). The findings of the study show that these authors have used effective rhetorical techniques to present the same situation in different ways, using their percussive appeals in their writing and the motive to bring the readers under their rhetorical influence. This study further found that the authors have used logos (logical reasoning) as the major tool to support the MCC project and have mainly used the scene-purpose ratio as a rhetorical tool to push the anti-MCC ideas. Finally, the study concludes that tracing out the relationship between the pentadic elements helps the critical readers to find the specific motives of the authors and also identify the rhetorical techniques used in their writing.

Causa Curiana as an example of the influence of rhetoric on the interpretation of wills in Roman law

The article aims to analyze a hereditary dispute happened in the late Roman Republic and known as causa Curiana. The argumentation of parties ranked for a long time as starting point of the discussion about rhetorical influence on interpretation of Roman lawyers. The author pursues to estimate an influence degree of ancient rhetoric on interpretation in Roman jurisprudence. For that purpose the reconstruction of trial position of both parties is undertaken and compared with rhetorical treatises. Then the main features of interpretation of agreements and testaments are shaped. After that the difference between revealed features and rhetorical approaches of interpretation is underlined. Finally, the appearing of those features in causa Curiana is explained and its significance for Roman jurisprudence is illustrated. The analyze of approaches to Roman law interpretation has shown that legal interpretation of Roman jurists was relied on the same instruments applied by ancient rhetor. Meanwhile Roman lawyers treated such instruments as normative element divided from rhetors who were apt to use them more deliberately according to their tasks. The manner of speech of the parties’ representaties was based on rhetorical terminology in the legal trial. At the same moment the perceiving of testament sense was realized through legal argumentation. This fact does not allow to argue for bride rhetorical influence on Roman law.

KYRYLO STUDYNSKYI'S MEMORIES OF THE STRUGGLE FOR THE UKRAINIAN UNIVERSITY IN LVIV AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 20th CENTURY

The source study highlights one of the aspects of the Ukrainians' struggle for the opening of a national higher school in Halychyna at the beginning of the 20th century, in particular the events of January 23, 1907, as a result of which more than a hundred students were arrested. The published memoirs of Lviv University professor Kyrylo Studynskyi are an invaluable source for understanding the public attitude to the problem of the Ukrainian university in Lviv. The positions of the teaching staff, the administration of the educational institution, and some representatives of the regional organization are analyzed. Indicated differences in the views of Ukrainian professors – from non-acceptance and ignoring to a clear awareness of the need to continue the struggle. Special attention is focused on the clear position of K. Studynskyi and O. Kolessa, who, despite personal misunderstandings, came to the defense of the students. Based on the analysis of the general meetings of the Lviv University teaching staff, discussions and verbal altercations, it is revealed the negative influence of the chauvinist-tinged rhetoric of the contemporary press on the formation of prejudiced views of the majority of Polish teachers towards Ukrainian youth. The reluctance of those who influenced the formation of students' identity and worldview to understand the nature and motivation of their protest actions and deeds is also indicated. At the same time highlighted the wait-and-see position of the regional administration on this issue. The publication reveals the author’s position, particularly his emotional states, experiences during speeches and conversations with teachers, court officials, representatives of authorities, concern for the fate of youth, and active participation in supporting arrested students. Reproduced a detailed chronology of events in which K. Studynskyi participated: the general professors meeting of the Lviv University, the arrests of Ukrainian youth, their detention in a pre-trial prison, the discussion of the consequences of student riots at a meeting of the Regional School Council, a personal audience with the Governor, etc. The formation of the reputation of K. Studynskyi as a sincere supporter of Ukrainian students in the youth environment is shown. Keywords Kyrylo Studynskyi, Ukrainian university, Halychyna, youth, arrests.

Erasing All the Darkness

Despite the Mormon Church having policies and doctrines that discriminate against 2SLGBTQIA+ folks, some queer people choose to stay in the organization. This study explores how collective forgetting is used as a strategy among queer Mormons as they navigate Othering. By employing a critical thematic analysis of semi-structured interviews with 15 queer and actively involved members of the Church, this research examines the tensions of remembering and forgetting discrimination and traces how official religious rhetoric influences interpersonal and identity decisions. Discussions on how the findings connect with whiteness and anti-queerness are presented within the context of the Church. Limitations and future paths of study are offered.

“Fake” Phenomenon in the System of Types of Linguistic Manipulation

The article is devoted to the definition of the linguistic status of the “fake” phenomenon, the study of the sources of its destructiveness as one of the types of linguistic manipulation. The work examines speech models of argumentation, persuasion, communicative pressure and fake in order to establish a number of their differential and integral features, to distinguish fake from related linguistic phenomena. The material for the study is represented by the web pages of print and online media of various levels and formats, blogs operating within the framework of public discourse. The basis for the analysis is an approach taken to distinguish between linguistic and rhetorical norms, according to which the argumentation should be considered as a correct non-rhetorical type of persuasion. In turn, as rhetorical types of persuasion, one should consider conviction, which is realized as a correct rhetorical influence, communicative pressure and fake, which are incorrect (destructive) rhetorical types of linguistic manipulation. Analysis of the components of the speech model of these linguistic phenomena and the establishment of the sources of their destructiveness makes it possible to more clearly determine fake as a separate type of linguistic manipulation. It is concluded that fake differs from argumentation by the presence of pathos in the structure of the speech model of persuasion; from argumentation and persuasion - by the implicit nature of the intention and destructive communicative orientation. Fake should also be distinguished from communicative pressure, based on the following principles: fake is unreliable false information, as well as an implicit form of intention; communicative pressure is an excess of the permissible norms of morality and ethics of a measure of influence, as well as an explicit form of intention.

Addressing social polarization through critical thinking: Theoretical application in the “Living Well With Difference” course in secondary schools in England

Responding to international calls for critical thinking programs to address social polarisations and extremism through education, this article examines the cognitive and socio-psychological foundations of a critical thinking programme for secondary schools in England called “Living Well With Difference” (LWWD). The aim of LWWD is to develop critical thinking about issues of social polarisation, prejudice and any kind of extreme thinking. These issues often involve the interaction of emotion and thinking, which is understood using a dual systems framework, illustrated with examples of course methodology and content. The learning process aims to promote more cognitively flexible, complex and integrated thinking, measured by integrative complexity, and is supported by meta-awareness to enable emotion management. The aim is for participants to engage with difficult social issues through structured group activities, while becoming aware of social, emotional, textual, visual and rhetorical influences to increase Media Information Literacy, as a foundation for engaging with differing perspectives in order to reduce barriers between groups in society.

Israel in Foreign Policy of the United Arab Emirates: from Confrontation to Normalization

The article analyzes the transformation of the UAE policy towards Israel. Special at- tention is paid to the development of the country’s foreign policy priorities amid consolida- tion of the federal state. Strengthening relations with the Arab states during the first decades of the UAE history, participation in the Arab League, which consolidated the states of the Arab world, support of its opposition to Israel were the factors determining the anti-Israeli policy of the Emirates. The official position of the UAE was formulated under the influence of pan-Arab rhetoric and in no way differed from the position reflected in the documents of the Arab League summits. The peace process around the Arab-Israeli conflict launched since the 1991 in the framework of the Madrid Peace Conference did not result in the establish- ment of contacts between the UAE and Israel. The adjustment of Emirates’ foreign policy began after the aggravation in the Middle East, when countries such as Syria, Yemen and Libya were engulfed in conflicts. During this period, the Arab-Israeli conflict gradually lost its central role for the Arab world; the states of the Persian Gulf began to establish contacts with Israel, united by common fears about the strengthening Iran. The article discussed the path of stabilization between the United Arab Emirates and Israel including the role of their informal ties. The normalization between the UAE and Israel, outlined in August 2020 with the active participation of the United States, gave impetus to the establishment of relations between the two countries in various areas of mutual interest. The article traces the connec- tion between the specific areas of cooperation with Israel and those which were set byа Abu Dhabi as the key priorities of its national strategic development.

Our Suffering Brethren: Foreign Captivity and Nationalism in the Early United States by David J. Dzurec III

Reviewed by: Our Suffering Brethren: Foreign Captivity and Nationalism in the Early United States by David J. Dzurec III Sarah Sillin (bio) Our Suffering Brethren: Foreign Captivity and Nationalism in the Early United States david j. dzurec iii University of Massachusetts Press, 2019 236 pp. David J. Dzurec III's Our Suffering Brethren traces a history of white American captivity from the American Revolution to the end of the Barbary War. Throughout this era, the British navy and Barbary corsairs repeatedly captured American ships—whether to impress, imprison, ransom, or enslave those aboard—thereby evoking a sense of American vulnerability (7). Dzurec's history demonstrates that captivity profoundly influenced early US politics by eliciting widespread public concern; it thereby became a source of nationalism that served complex, sometimes contradictory interests. Americans' loss of freedom offered a key justification first for the Revolutionaries' cause and then for a stronger federal government. Yet rather than simply unifying the country, captivity became the subject of fierce political debates. Indeed, Dzurec argues that Federalists' and Republicans' responses established a key pattern in US politics: each party asserted its unique ability to provide national security, even as both invoked the same nationalist rhetoric by playing on fear of a foreign threat (194). In examining such rhetoric, Dzurec develops a nuanced reading of how international encounters shaped the government's relation to citizens. Federalists and Republicans alike located political capital in American captives' suffering, as they claimed authority to enter into new wars, negotiate for US captives, or forge treaties. But even as politicians played on voters' anxieties, he suggests, so too did public discourse inform US politics. The apparent arbitrariness of captivity, which elicited concerns that "any American could be taken captive," also thereby fostered a sense that "any American could join the debate about the nature of Independence" (38). Though the nation's early presidents responded to this sentiment with [End Page 300] calls for limiting public involvement—like the private fundraising efforts to redeem Americans captive in Algeria—public opinion and political policies continued to shape one another. To understand the reciprocal influence of public opinion and political rhetoric, Dzurec explores a rich historical archive. His readings of sailors' letters and narratives (with particular attention to Ethan Allen's and John Dodge's memoirs) highlight the influential role of their accounts in circulating news of captivity and shaping Americans' impressions of these events. Moreover, he delves into Americans' responses to such accounts by analyzing the more official discourse of political policies and representatives' correspondence, alongside public commentary in news editorials, plays, and printed accounts of local festivities. Together, these texts allow him to argue that politicians' and private citizens' responses informed one another, while considering how they shifted over time. Captivity became first a touchstone in arguments for American independence and confederation in the late eighteenth century and then a lightning rod in early nineteenth-century political debates as the Federalist and Republican parties both purported to be the party of national security. Dzurec moves chronologically, so that the first half of Our Suffering Brethren identifies how captivity fostered American nationalism, starting with British impressment. Of course, captivity was not a new experience or trope; rather, Dzurec contends, colonial-era captivity narratives provided revolutionaries with "a historical precedent for the type of threat they faced" (37). Moreover, he suggests that stories of captivity became a means for revolutionaries to claim sympathy. Yet rather than halt captivity, the end of the war left Americans unprotected by British treaties with Barbary states. When Algerian corsairs captured American merchant ships in 1785, captivity took on new importance in US politics by fostering interest in a stronger federal government. Even as Americans' captivity strengthened arguments for the federal government, though, it also raised new possibilities for individual Americans to participate in foreign relations. Dzurec explores how such private involvement ebbed and flowed. In the 1780s, Americans began fundraising to help ransom their countrymen, then paused this involvement when the Constitutional Convention afforded the government more power to act on their behalf. Although Washington and the Federalists believed "public sentiment ought not play a role in politics outside of election" (63), the [End Page 301] formation of Democratic...

Reforming education and science in Russia as manipulating with the mass consciousness

The technique and methods of manipulating with the mass consciousness started to attract the attention of researches at the latter half of the XXth century, although the practice of such forms of influence on the mass audience existed almost at the earliest stages of human development. Paralogisms as a way of rhetorical influence on the listener were specified by Aristotle, who dedicated his students into the sacraments of exposing false arguments and other manipulative techniques with which the speaker is working with the audience. The modern manipulators are actively using both ancient and modern methods of influencing the mass consciousness. Researches of various specialties were describing and exposing them: among them sociologists, psychologists, political scientists, and journalists. In the present work the author demonstrates how through the usage of the ancient archetypes of the collective unconscious, as well as new manipulative practices (that were invented for the unhindered sale of goods and services that can guarantee getting of surplus profits) large capital holders are seeking for changing the value orientations of society, that leads to the reformation of the various social institutions. These reforms are causing the irreparable damage to the majority of the country's population, are infringing rights and social privileges, but allow to the financial and industrial syndicates to establish the full control not only over wallets, but also over people's minds. Manipulations of consciousness, conducted through the media, are making large social groups of people to vote against their own interests. The result of the reforms is not only the impoverishment of the citizens, but also the huge change in the appearance of the cultural elite. A significant help to manipulators in achieving their goals becomes the digitalization of all aspects of social and cultural life.

Cahiliye Asrından Abdülkahir el-Cürcani Dönemine Kadar Belağat Gelişimi

Bu çalışmanın amacı,Abdulkahir el-Curcani çağına kadar, belagat ilminin tarihi ve gelişme sürecine genel bir bakış sağlamaktır. Diğer bir ifadeyle tedvinden önce ve sonra belağat ilmi denilebilir.Çalışma, aynı zamanda alimlerin beleğat ilmine dair kaideleri belirlemede dayandıkları usul ve esaslara ışık tutmak hedefi ile, belagat ilminin çeşitli dönemlerde geçirdiği süreci de konu edinmektedir. Belagat tarihini ve gelişme dönemini incelen araştırmacı özellikle son dönem alimlerin önceki dönem bilginlerinin eserlerini inceleme konusunda ortaya koydukları gayreti görecektir. Ayrıca belagat ilminin öncelikle zevk, sonrasında eleştiri ve daha sonra belagatı kaideleştirme olmak üzere üç merhaleden geçtiğini ve belagatın edebi eleştiri geleneğinden doğduğunu görecektir. Araştırmanın önemi, neden ve sonuçlarında kendini göstermektedir. Ortaöğretim, lisans ve lisansüstü eğitimin çeşitli kademeleri sırasındaki derslerde edebi zevkin eksikliği ve zayıflığı fark edilmiştir. Belagatın ihmal edilmesi ve yalnızca genel sanatsal imaja odaklanılması gerektiği iddiasında bulunan veya belagatin Arap kökenli değil de diğer medeniyetlerden alındığını iddia eden ya da batı metodolojisine uygun modern kavramlarla belâgat ilmini güncelleme çağrısında bulunan bazı seslerin arasında bizim kendi öğrencilerimizin birçoğunun eleştiri belagatın zayıflığını saymıyorum bile. Dolaysıyla bu çalışma bilim adamlarımızın çağlar boyunca özgünlük, edebi zevk ve eleştirel açıdan belagatın gelişimini ortaya koymak için yapmış oldukları çaba ve gayretlerini göstermek içindir. Araştırmanın önemi, aşağıdaki hedeflere ulaşmayı amaçlamasıyla ortaya çıkmaktadır. • Belagatın ortaya çıkış tarihi ve çağlar boyu gelişimi üzerinde durmak. • Edebi zevki geliştirmede Arapça gramer, biçim bilgisi ve dil ilkelerini kullanmak • Bilim adamlarının belâgat ilmindeki çalışmalarına vakıf olarak kelimeler ve cümledeki bileşenlar arasında ki farkları ortaya koyma konusunda ne denli mahir olduklarına tanıklık etmek. • Edebi metin örnekleri üzerinde düşünerek okuyucunun belagat ve eleştirel melekesini geliştirmek. Çalışma şairlerin, dil ve kulaklarının aşinalığı sebebiyle doğaçlamaları neticesi çok güzel bir performans sergiledikleri ve yargılarının çoğunlukla bir illete ve sabit belagat temellere bağlı olmaksızın sırf edebi zevkin olduğu İslam öncesi çağda, İslam'ın ilk zamanlarında ve Emevi’ler dönemindeki belagat gelişme aşamalarını ele alacaktır. Doğaçlamaların sağlam olmasından herhangi bir analiz ve eleştirel yargıya ihtiyaç duymadılar, bu da onların tek kabahatidir. Cahiliye dönemi hükümdarlarından en önde geleni “en-Nâbiga ez-Zübyânî”dir. İslam'ın ilk zamanlarında Basra’daki “el-mirbed” ve kûfe’deki “kunâse” pazarları aynen cailiyye dönemindeki Ukâz pazarına benzemekte idi. Bu pazarların en önemli öncüleri arasında Cerîr, Farazdak, zürrumme ve Leylâ el-Ahyeliyye sayılabilir. Edebiyat kitapları, Araplarda kelime ve anlamların doğru seçimlerinden neşet eden edebi güzelliğin ölçülerini gösteren örneklerle dolup taşmıştır. Onlardan bazıları hatip ve şair olarak meşhur olurken, Züheyr b. Ebî Sülma, el-Hutye ve daha başkaları gibi bazıları da kelimelerde doğru seçim, kompozisyon bütünlüğü ve doğru ifade gibi hususlarda ön plana çıkmıştır.

The influence of foreign elite rhetoric: National identity, emotions, and attitudes toward austerity

How does foreign elite rhetoric affect citizens’ emotions and attitudes about austerity? In a survey experiment conducted on the online blogs of the two major Italian newspapers, participants read a fictional news article where the German Chancellor addressed Italians. Across treatments, I varied whether the message blamed or praised Italians, and whether the message focused on economic or symbolic concerns. Praise generated enthusiasm whereas blame spurred anger and anxiety. Moreover, respondents with a strong national or European identity who read a message of praise were more enthusiastic, less angry, and less opposed to austerity. Finally, people who identify strongly with the nation reacted more to economic messages whereas those who identify strongly with Europe reacted more to symbolic messages. The results suggest that rhetoric by a prominent European leader can influence citizens’ emotions and attitudes toward austerity in the emerging European public sphere.

Naqd-i Khayāl: Barrasī-i Dīdgāhʹhā-yi Naqd-i Adabī Dar Sabk-i Hindī

Naqd-i Khayāl: Barrasī-i Dīdgāhʹhā-yi Naqd-i Adabī Dar Sabk-i Hindī

Classroom Teaching as an Intercultural Communication Phenomenon: A Thematic Analysis of a Foreign Teacher’s Rhetorical Practices as Communication Dynamic

ABSTRACT Theoretically, this study is framed within the rhetorical tradition of communication theory which theorizes communication as the practical art of discourse and problems of communication as social exigencies requiring collective deliberation and judgement. Methodologically, this study is influenced by hermeneutic empiricism as a qualitative/interpretivist framework which helped in making sense of human participant data guided by the rhetorical criticism as a lens. The rhetorical nature of classroom teaching as an intercultural communication phenomenon can create social exigencies in communication when the culture of students is in conflict with the culture of teachers when it comes to teaching, and when intercultural problems emerge in the classroom. To resolve these social exigencies, teachers participate in discourse by performing rhetorical practices in the classroom. This discourse paves the way for feedback to emerge as a communication dynamic and helps in the accomplishment of learning. A theoretical implication of the findings of this study underscores the potential for building existing knowledge about the rhetorical influence of imperatives and appeals as feedback dynamics in the intercultural classroom, as well as the role of intercultural teaching in dealing with intercultural problems that emerge in class.

Fugiendum necne sit in persecutione— Zur rhetorischen Strategie und Disposition von Tertullians Traktat de fuga in persecutione

Abstract In his treatise de fuga in persecutione Tertullian argues that flight is not allowed for any Christian in times of persecution. As persecution originates in God and his will, there is no possibility to flee and avoid it. Such a behaviour would be nothing else than apostasy and would result in the loss of eternal life. Only by submitting oneself completely to God and his providence and the guidance of the Holy Spirit (Paraclete) it is possible to endure persecution and fulfil God’s demand for steadfastness. To convince his addressee Fabius, Tertullian gives his treatise a classical rhetorical disposition and arranges his arguments according to the partes orationis. This article investigates the rhetorical substance of the treatise and outlines its disposition as a deliberative speech. It is demonstrated, how Tertullian’s rhetoric influences and strengthens his argumentation.

Appeals to Authority in Political Rhetoric: Machiavelli in the Italian Parliament 1945–1994

AbstractScholarship in rhetorical political analysis and parliamentary studies devoted little attention to study how politicians employ intellectuals’ authority and theories in their discourses. We offer methodological directions to navigate this territory, combining quantitative and qualitative analyses to investigate the employment of Machiavelli’s figure in the Italian Parliament. We show that Machiavelli is regarded as a contested authority and that appeals to his arguments can perform different rhetorical functions, which are countered with different rhetorical tactics. In particular, we show that the right appropriates the realist Machiavelli, especially in foreign policy, both as a national symbol and as a legitimate source of insights on political affairs, while the left and the centre resist these claims with alternative rhetorical tactics. Finally, we provide an original dataset and a new theoretical framework for future explorations of intellectuals and other authoritative figures’ rhetorical influence on politics.

Public Opinion and the Legitimacy of Global Private Environmental Governance

The rise of global private environmental governance has inspired substantial research assessing whether organizations like the International Organization for Standardization (ISO) and the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) are legitimate. These organizations address global challenges and help overcome collective action problems, but public opposition can severely curb their effectiveness. Yet, we do not know whether the public supports such organizations and perceives them as legitimate. This article draws on diverse political science literatures to outline why a focus on public opinion is important. The article tests two competing arguments explaining potential opposition toward organizations like the ISO and the FSC: accounts centered on the role of sincere preferences over the legitimate locus of authority and on the influence of domestic elite rhetoric. Results suggest that public opinion is generally positive and that elite rhetoric about a potential democratic deficit rather than simple information about the bodies’ governance structures decreases favorability.

Характеристика мовної особистості президента США Дональда Трампа

The article analyzes the linguistic personality of President Donald Trump, taking into account this status in political discourse. The president, as an elected representative of power, acts primarily in certain communication genres, and the content of his speeches, statements, appeals reflects both the policy of the state in general in a certain period of time, and specific political intentions. Thus, even within the limits of the regulated political discourse in modern conditions of communication individual features of the person as the president of the country are seen. The article analyzes Trump’s speeches and tweets in terms of their lexical, syntactic, and epideictic content, highlights the key words that denote the basic concepts of President Trump’s activities and serve as a means of rhetorical influence. The article presents and analyses the key words in Trump’s speeches. They are as follows: America, Americans, democracy, success, president, to defend, hounorable, responsibility, to promise, which, in general, help to form the image of the President who is ready to take responsibility for the democratic values of Americans. The traditional topics of the President’s speeches are finance, war and peace, protection of the country, its food and legislation. Syntactically, Trump’s speeches and statements are characterized by the use of simple, short sentences, in the content of which there is the use of simple, unambiguous nouns with the strong emotional meaning – fear, pride, crisis, dream, success. As a means of rhetorical influence, Trump places the most meaningful positions of his speeches at the end of sentences with logical emphasis on them. A lot of points in Trump’s speeches are the expressions of gratitude, jokes, references, and other means of establishing the connection with the audience and expressing hi own personal position. A feature of the linguistic personality in modern communication is the use of social networks, where there may be some deviations from the formalized institutional political discourse in terms of grammar and style, and this fact as clearly as possible also characterizes Trump’s language personality. For political discourse, especially in the country with the democratic values, the reaction of the society, feedback from the people of a government official’s activities is important, and social networks can fully provide the people’s immediate response to the President’s activity, so the communication can be full, not one-sided.

The evolution of conceptual modeling of “magic” and “medical” metaphors in Ancient Greek rhetorical and philosophical discourse

Using the theory of conceptual metaphor as a theoretical framework, this paper explores the metaphorical use of the magical and / or medical concepts in Gorgias, Empedocles, Plato, Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Pseudo-Longinus. It examines how a deep level of the cognitive image of magic and medicine echoes ‘frames’ that constitute the target domain of rhetoric in the Ancient Greek language. This study focuses on Gorgias’ speech “Encomium of Helen” as both the one of the earliest and most representative in the use of such conceptual metaphors within Ancient Greek rhetorical and philosophical discourses. Judging by the text of Gorgias and other works of Ancient Greek literature, the slots of the source domain of the metaphor intersect with the etymological bases of the magic lexicon (“power”; “sound suggestion” and “formation of visual images”), and are supplemented by new ones (“unnatural influence”, “efficiency”; “carelessness of target audience”, “change of emotional and cognitive state”). This Gorgias model of rhetorical influence found its fruitful application in Plato and rhetoricians of the Hellenistic-Roman period, though with diametrically opposite axiological meanings: negative in Plato and positive in Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Pseudo-Longinus. Indeed, in Hellenistic rhetorical theory, negatively marked slots of the metaphorical frame disappeared (probably because of the influence of the then-current views in medicine), as well as concepts with ambivalent treatment, such as φάρμακον. Finally, it seems that among the above-mentioned authors the only one who has paid attention to the methodological similarity between rhetoric and medicine, given the medical terms and metaphors used by Gorgias, was Plato.

Parenethic Rhetorics in the Orations In Matthaeum of John Chrysostom: Diatribe, Lalia, Protrepticus

The article examines the relation between classical pagan and Christian rhetoric in the late antiquity through the case study of literary genres of moral exhortation in the homilies of John Chrysostom (347–407). First, it discusses the elements of diatribe, lalia and protrepticus as rhetorical forms of parenetical and counselling (psychogogical) character which were partly already known from the traditional classical Greek rhetoric and partly developed by the circles of late antique Hellenistic philosophers and theoreticians of rhetoric and style. The second aim of the article is to show in what measure these genres are present in the Chrysostom’s elocutio in the homilies In Matthaeum (Hom. 1, 7, 23). By doing this, the author presents some new insights on the influence of pagan rhetoric on Chrysostom, who uses some of the pagan literary forms to shape his moral exhortation, but he does this in an original style.