Representatives Of Parties Research Articles

Friends or foes? Europe and ‘the people’ in the representations of populist parties

This article seeks to shine a light on the diversity of populist discourses about Europe and the European Union (EU). It is built upon the existing literature on populist Euroscepticism to elaborate on two underexplored aspects of the relationship between populist discourses and EU contestation. First, it explores the variable and even ambivalent representations of the EU and its main political processes exhibited by populist actors. Second, it focuses on the precise relationship between populism and the representations of the EU to determine whether there is a hierarchical relation, reciprocal influence, or they function as separated ideational ensembles. This research takes a corpus-assisted approach to discourse analysis that is based on the exploration of manifestos and party leadership speeches between 2013 and 2017 of Podemos in Spain, a left-wing populist party, and the Alternative für Deutschland in Germany, a right-wing populist party. The findings reveal that the populist discourse has variable effects on the forms of EU contestation depending on its centrality and that ambivalence is a crucial feature to capture the forms of EU contestation of populist parties. Finally, the article draws several theoretical implications for the research on populism and EU contestation.

Qualifications for Party Representatives and Arbitrators in Nigerian Arbitration: Shell v Federal Inland Revenue Service

AbstractNigeria's Court of Appeal held in Shell v Federal Inland Revenue Service (Shell v FIRS) that only Nigerian enrolled legal practitioners can sign processes for arbitration proceedings in Nigeria. Foreign qualified legal practitioners (FQLP) not enrolled in Nigeria are excluded. Arguably, this limitation extends to the conduct of the parties’ cases and excludes FQLP from appointment as arbitrators where the arbitration agreement specifies that arbitrators be legal practitioners. Shell v FIRS however, contrasts with Stabilini Visinoni v Mallinson, in which the same Court of Appeal had emphasized the flexibility of the arbitral process (which typifies judicial policy in any arbitration-friendly jurisdiction), particularly recognizing that arbitration practice is open to lawyers and non-lawyers alike. Consequently, this note recommends that Nigeria's Arbitration Act be amended to allow for representation by “persons” of the parties’ choice, mirroring the IBA Guidelines on Party Representation in International Arbitration 2013 and article 5 of the UNCITRAL Arbitration Rules 2010.

Gender and parliamentary representation in India: The case of violence against women and children

To better understand how gender impacts parliamentary representation, we analysed representative claims made by parliamentarians in India, the world's largest democracy. Applying critical frame analysis to plenary debates in the Indian Rajya Sabha, we examined four parliamentary bills addressing violence against women and children under four successive governments between 1999 and 2019. Testing six hypotheses concerning who represents and how, our study found women legislators more active in speaking on behalf of women and children than male legislators. Women parliamentarians focused more on rehabilitating victims and expanding the scope of rights and rights-holders. Women were also more vocal in contesting harassment in the workplace than condemning violence against children. Meanwhile leftist party representatives expressed greater condemnation of violence than most other legislators. Our findings reveal the need to modify parliamentary rules, have more women as political party leaders and parliamentarians, and to adopt a more proportional electoral system.

Women’s Representation in Politics: Case Study of Women Legislative Member in Regional of Representatives Nusa Tenggara Timur Period of 2014-2019

This article explores women’s representation in politics in the Province of East Nusa Tenggara (Nusa Tenggara Timur/NTT) between 2014 and 2019. Since 2004, Indonesia has seen the implementation of a strategy to boost the level of female representation in parliament through affirmative action. However, the 30% target quote has not yet been achieved. Women’s representation in politics is an important indicator in the political system reflecting a recognition of the existence and interests of women as citizens. The success of the initiative is highlighted by the fact that the 2014 legislative elections saw female representation in the Regional House of Representatives (DPRD NTT) increase by 100% from the 2009 election representation levels. Using the case study method and analyzing the process, this article argues that NTT women already have the awareness to actively participate in politics and become party representatives and legislative members. The presence of women in parliament is necessary to achieve gender equality and improve women’s welfare through gender-responsive policies.
 Keywords: representation, politics, women, east nusa tenggara

Innovation vs. Normalization: Politicians’ Twitter use at the early majority stage of its diffusion in the Korean assembly

ABSTRACT This study seeks to answer to the question of whether new media innovate/replicate the existing pattern of political communication by looking into Korean politicians’ Twitter, relying on data collected at the early majority stage of its diffusion in the Korean Assembly. This study reveals politicians who represented an educated district and were prominent in traditional media were more likely to adopt Twitter. Opposition party members and representatives of a high-income constituency had more followers, as well as utilized Twitter more actively. While those who were experienced and prominent in legacy news media had more followers, those who represented an educated district had fewer followers. These findings suggest that, at the early majority stage of its diffusion among Korean politicians, while Twitter enhanced politicians’ chances to contact with voters, it reproduced the existing pattern of political communication in terms of political leverage. Twitter in Korean politics can be seen as both innovation and normalization rather than clearly one or the other.

Hawkish Partisans: How Political Parties Shape Nationalist Conflicts in China and Japan

AbstractIt is well known that regime types affect international conflicts. This article explores political parties as a mechanism through which they do so. Political parties operate in fundamentally different ways in democracies vs. non-democracies, which has consequences for foreign policy. Core supporters of a party in a democracy, if they are hawkish, may be more successful at demanding hawkish behavior from their party representatives than would be their counterparts in an autocracy. The study draws on evidence from paired experiments in democratic Japan and non-democratic China to show that supporters of the ruling party in Japan punish their leaders for discouraging nationalist protests, while ruling party insiders in China are less likely to do so. Under some circumstances, then, non-democratic regimes may be better able to rein in peace-threatening displays of nationalism.

Standing on Their Shoulders: Suffragists, Women’s PACs, and Demands for Women’s Representation

Although 2018 has been called another “Year of the Woman,” increases in women’s representation that year were party-specific. Historically, women’s organizations fought to expand women’s representation in both parties; however, the fruit of these efforts is currently concentrated among Democrats. Indeed, women contributed funds in record numbers in 2018, but the majority of women donors supported Democratic women candidates (Haley 2018), and liberal women’s political action committees (PACs) played a prominent role in raising those funds.

Kıbrıs Türk Federe Devleti’nin (1975) Kuruluş İlanına İngiliz Parlamentosunun Tepkisi

This study examines the approach of the British parliament to the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus (TFSC), announced on 13 February 1975. Britain together with Turkey and Greece became one of the three guarantor powers of the Republic of Cyprus founded in 1960. Britain also has two military bases on the island. Thus, Britain closely followed the developments in Cyprus. After the Cyprus Peace Operation in 1974, a new situation emerged on the island. Turkish Cypriots established the TFSC in the north of the island. In the statements made by the British government, there was a negative reaction to this new administration. British deputies brought the issue to the agenda of the British parliament. Both opposition and ruling party representatives reacted negatively to the announcement of the establishment of the TFSC. They also criticized the ruling Labour Party government for failing to prevent the announcement of the TFSC. In addition, the steps which Britain could take in the Cyprus problem were discussed in parliament. Within this context, the article analyses the debates in the British parliament after the announcement of the establishment of the TFSC and gives a general assessment of Britain’s approach to the Turkish Cypriot decisions. This study, which is the result of a detailed examination of minutes taken at meetings of the British parliament, contributes to the field by examining British policy towards the Cyprus issue and Turkish-British relations.

Features of representative office in civil law

The article analyzes the concept, features of representation as an important procedural means of representation and protection of the interests of the parties and other participants in civil proceedings. Its essence is the procedural activities of a representative or attorney, aimed at protecting the subjective rights and legally protected interests of another person as a party or third party involved in the case, state and public interests, as well as assisting the court in comprehensive, complete and objective clarification of the circumstances of the case in order to make a lawful and reasonable decision on the case. The author of the article propose an alternative perspective that in the science of civil law in relation to the legal nature of representation, there are two main concepts: the concept of action and the concept of legal relationship. According to the concept of action, substantiated and supported by many scientists, representation is the commission of transactions and other legal actions by one person – a representative within the powers on behalf of another person represented. The article gives a comprehensive and clear idea of the current understanding of legal relationship. The article gives consideration of representation as a unity of legal relations necessary and sufficient to achieve the purpose of representation, the internal legal relations, on the contrary, are part of the representation, although the presence of this relationship is not enough to achieve the purpose of representation. The most common case of legal representation is the representation of minors and minor children by their parents. If the child cannot exercise his/her rights independently, these rights are exercised by parents, guardians or trustee. The basis for the emergence of a commercial representation may be a civil law contract concluded between the entrepreneur, who acts as a person represented and a commercial representative. The contract of commercial representation must be concluded in written form, and its provisions must define the set of powers of the commercial representative. If the contract does not contain a clear list and meaningful definition of the powers of the commercial representative. A commercial representative is a person who constantly and independently acts on behalf of entrepreneurs when concluding contracts in the field of entrepreneurial activity (Part 1 of Article 243 of the Civil Code) and this activity is one of the forms of entrepreneurship. Commercial representatives may be legal entities established in the manner prescribed by law, or natural persons - entrepreneurs. The article says that commercial representative has the right to represent simultaneously two parties in the contract, if they have their consent, as well as such a possibility is provided by law. In cases of simultaneous representation of different parties in the contract, the commercial representative has the right to demand payment of remuneration, the amount of which is determined by the provisions of the contract between him and the person he represents. In addition to the payment of remuneration, the commercial representative has the right to reimbursement of expenses or losses incurred by him during the execution of the order. The most common case of representation is power of attorney. In accordance with Part 1 of Art. 244 of the Civil Code, representation, which is based on the contract, may be carried out by power of attorney. Contracts, on which the representation is based, are the subject of which is to make a transaction on behalf of the representative and in the interests of the principal – the party to the contract. Such agreements include power of attorney agreements, joint activities, agency agreement, which should indicate the obligation of the principal to issue a power of attorney to the representative. Transactions provided for in the contract, committed by a representative without a power of attorney issued by the principal, must be recognized as committed by an unauthorized person. The power of attorney, along with the general requirements for its content, should contain a reference to the contract on which such a power of attorney is based. The power of attorney is presented to the third party by the representative or is sent to the person represented directly to the third party. In the latter case, the power of attorney is sent to a third party without providing a representative and its content may indicate a specific third party with whom the representative must make a transaction. To summarize, it should be said that representation by law is a type of mandatory representation, which determines its characteristics and specific features. Legal representation is characterized by the focus on the protection in the field of material and procedural relations of the rights and interests of persons who, due to infancy, dementia or mental illness, cannot take care of themselves.

Influence of Fairness Perceptions on Cooperative Behavior in Construction Arbitration

Construction arbitration is characterized by incessant challenges to its awards. Although these challenges suggest dissatisfaction with the outcomes, the role of perceived fairness in influencing disputants’ cooperative behavioral reactions to arbitral awards remains unclear. To address this research gap, a qualitative multiple case study involving documentary analysis and 13 semistructured interviews of arbitrators, parties, and party representatives in five exemplifying cases was undertaken. Findings indicate that although fairness is an integral aspect of the dispute resolution process, perception of its influence on disputants’ cooperative behavior varied. While award favorability influenced perceived award fairness and consequently award acceptability and postdispute relations, perception of procedural and interactional fairness influenced the choice of arbitration as an avenue for resolving future construction disputes. Thus, the extent to which the awards were favorable to one party, based on the degree of control commanded over the process, determined disputants’ cooperative behavior. These findings are significant because they provide a nuanced understanding of how the various components of organizational justice interacted in influencing cooperative behavior in construction arbitration among the cases studied.

DEMOCRATIZATION PROCESS AND THE UNFOLDING HISTORICAL DIALETICS OF WOMEN POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA

The main thrust of this paper is centered around examining the historical challenges confronting women political participation in the democratization process of the Sub-Saharan African countries. In the past, indeed, women were never equal to men in the political sphere, because in the precolonial Africa, they were being allowed by men to ruled kingdoms, established cities, launched military conquests, and formed states. However, they unfortunately lost out in such arrangements and the social status with the coming and spread of Islam and Christianity and later colonization. Although women are key actors in the democratization process world over, they have now been politically, socially and economically marginalized especially in the Sub-Saharan African region. Marginalization has been a great challenge to the women of the region due to some socio-religious beliefs that came to the fore particularly with the emergence of Islam and Christianity. Likewise, in the contemporary African politics women are relegated to the background, hence sidelined, without tolerable and equal participation in the governance of their own social formations. The paper, therefore, adopts historical and descriptive approaches to argue that despite the increasing number of women in politics, the political landscape is still largely occupied by men. This is seen in the challenges facing the active political participation of women in the process such as cultural factors, lack of adequate representation and consultation in the political parties’ decision-making processes, gender discrimination, lack of fund and so on which the paper revealed. The paper concludes that the involvement of West African women in the democratization process would provide a new track in the developmental agendas of the entire region. And, a specific step to promote gender equality which would advance the status of women and young girls in the process of democratization in Sub-Saharan Africa is greatly needed.

When long-distance relationships don't work out: Representational distance and satisfaction with democracy in Europe

We assess the impact of party representation on satisfaction with democracy. Our proposition is that such representation is not only about having a chosen party in government; citizens also derive satisfaction from having their views represented by a political party. We test this through an individual-level measure of policy (in)congruence: the ideological distance between a voter and his or her closest party. Via multi-level modelling of European Election Study data from 1989 to 2009, we find that perceived policy distance matters: the further away that voters see themselves from their nearest party – on either a left-right or a European unification policy dimension – the less satisfied they are with democracy. Notably, this effect is not moderated by party incumbency or size. Voters derive satisfaction from feeling represented by a nearby party even if it is small and out of office. Our results caution against a purely outcomes-driven understanding of democratic satisfaction.

Ethics of Counsel in International Arbitration: The Need for A Uniform Code of Conduct

An unethical code of conduct of counsel or party representatives can lead to various procedural inefficacies and delays in the arbitral proceedings, which might risk the integrity of the arbitration process. Although it is an accepted principle that counsel are governed by the rules of conduct of their national bar associations, this very principle gives rise to ambiguity in the regulation of conduct in the international regime, due to the existence of several inconsistencies between rules of ethical conduct of the various legal jurisdictions that the counsel belong to. Even when counsel are similarly placed in terms of their national ethical rules, absence of an internationally agreed ethical conduct may give rise to inconsistencies either due to difference in interpretation or unfair use of a principle for client’s benefits, as there is no supranational authority governing their conduct. These inconsistencies impair fairness of the arbitral proceedings and encourage parties to choose counsel from a jurisdiction that has lower standards of professional conduct. Consequently, “counsel ethics in international arbitration remains an ethical no man’s land,” with the absence of a level-playing field. Hence, stems the need for regulation and elimination of such an unethical conduct through the adoption of a uniform code of ethical conduct.

General theoretical bases of the political decision-making process

In the framework of reformation changes in the state and society, the issues of the political decision-making theory developing on the basis of neoclassical realism are of particular relevance and determine the directions for research of specialists of different industries.
 Domestic and foreign researchers in the field of political science, who study the process of political decision-making, analyze it at three principal levels: global, state and sub-state. The global level reflects the international character of states’ activities; includes the global dependence of political decision-making, in which international organizations, institutions and norms reduce the anarchy of political decision-making in the country; is formed under the influence of the building and distribution of states and international system images. The state-level reflects the degree of unity that is achieved with the joint participation of both the state and the entire national community of people in political decision-making and in responding to the challenge posed by the international environment. Not only the state level, which considers the attributes of the state as a system of different institutions with their peculiarities of political decision-making, should be distinguished, but also the sub-state level, in which the interaction of social, including individual, and state actors in the process of political decision-making takes place.
 The issues of population mobilization in the course of implementing a political decision in the Ukrainian context are determined as the presence of various domestic «obstacles» to the implementation of those initiatives that come from the state or public structures. The authors distinguish the most important of them: the bureaucratic nature and corruption of the implementation process of public initiatives in political, social or economic spheres; low political diversity, lack of political party representation in parliament and low functional «maturity» of the legislative branch; an underdeveloped political culture of participation creates burdens when making a political decision since the political system lacks information at its «entrance»; socio-economic problems of the majority of the population that prevent it from responding to political initiatives

Русский народ и инородцы: национальный вопрос у крайне правых в Российской империи начала XX века в контексте процессов нациестроительства

Ultra-right parties in the Russian Empire are traditionally presented as supporters of aggressive Russian nationalism, seeking to russify all nations of the country. However, the analysis of the views of various representatives of the right-wing parties shows that there existed several points of view on the national question that differed significantly from each other. Agreeing that Russia should remain a unified empire without any federalization, the authors described different principles of interaction between Russians and other peoples. In addition, there was no common understanding of the criteria that determined belonging to the Russian people. Therefore, the Russian people could be understood as estate, ethnic and civil communities. Very often the distinctive marker of a Russian was just “not belonging to the Inorodtsy”, who were understood not as a legally defined group, but as Russian statehood opponents. As the result, the intelligentsia and privileged classes of the empire could be excluded from belonging to the Russian people. The serious differences in the views of the ultra-rightists led to the fact that they could not present an integral program for the solution of the national question.

Buying Secrecy: Non-Disclosure Agreements, Arbitration, and Professional Ethics in the #MeToo Era

We’ve heard the horrific reports of sexual assault on children, women, and men, in the context of the workplace, Hollywood, sports, and even sacred places. Now. But often these incidents took place many years ago, and we are just learning why and how. Secret settlements. Deals reached in private to buy secrecy in exchange for the release and dismissal of claims. Oftentimes through private and alternative dispute resolution (ADR) processes such negotiation, mediation, or arbitration. In most cases, the parties were represented by lawyers, loyal advocates, who are also officers of the court; third-party neutrals serving as mediators or arbitrators administered the dispute resolution process. While the immediate cases were privately resolved, the accused harasser/predator remained at large. This paper examines the role, use, and possible misuse or complicity of lawyers, neutrals, and ADR in the process of procuring and enforcing “secret settlements” in cases that effectively shielded predators, harassment, and other misconduct and left similarly situated non-parties at risk. This Article examines the existing rules, structures, and rationales for confidentiality and private dispute resolution, alongside the ethical considerations for lawyers, neutrals, and the ADR process in reaching and enforcing “secret settlements.” The paper explores the legal and ethical considerations for the professionals involved in situations where a secret settlement or provision for non-disclosure leaves similarly situated non-parties at risk. The Article counsels that lawyers, neutrals, and ADR consider the impact on others and protection of vulnerable persons from potential harm as professional ethics obligations in the advocacy and representation of parties to private settlements in order to ensure integrity of people, process, and substantive outcomes.

Alasan Iran Memblokir Konsensus Dalam Sidang Arms Trade Treaty Tahun 2013

ABSTRACT The purpose of this paper is to explain the importance of Iran which is the main reason for blocking consensus in the Arms Trade Treaty session held in 2013. Meanwhile, the object of this research leads to the activities of transferring Iranian weapons to terrorist groups such as Hezbollah, Hamas, and Palestinian Islamic Jihad making Iran block consensus in the Arms Trade Treaty session held in 2013. This research is a qualitative-explanative research supported by accurate data sources, both primary through official sites that are related and secondary through books, scientific journals, online articles, and other references. Then the explanative explanation of causality, in this study explains the reason Iran blocked consensus at the 2013 Arms Trade Treaty session because Iran had an interest in dealing with the proposal of the Arms Trade Treaty agreement. The results showed that in the same year when Iran did not report the results of its weapons exports to the United Nations, Iran exported weapons to terrorist groups. This was proven through statements issued through representatives of both parties and weapons evidence found. So that illegal weapons transfer activities made Iran block consensus because the contents of the Arms Trade Treaty proposal that explained the prohibition of arms transfers for matters that violate international provisions and related to terrorism, genocide, transnational crime. Keywords: Arms Trade Treaty, Iran, Illegal Arms Transfer DOI : https://doi.org/10.33005/jgp.v7i02.1831

Ethnic violence and substantive representation of minorities in parliament

This study seeks to explain why, to what extent, and in what ways ethnic party representatives remain active on the parliamentary floor when the political representation of minority groups takes place alongside ethnic conflict. To test hypotheses related to these questions, we utilize an original dataset of 14,000 parliamentary questions and speeches and background characteristics of 372 representatives in Turkey. The dataset spans many episodes of the Kurdish conflict over six legislative terms (1991–2015). Our empirical analyses show that the parliamentary behavior of ethnic party representatives is directly linked to the intensity of violence between the state and the insurgent group. We specifically demonstrate that ethnic party representatives, compared to other representatives in conflict-ridden provinces, are more active on the floor and focus more heavily on civil rights and identity issues. These findings contribute to our understanding of various linkages between identity and the substantive representation of minorities during violent conflict.

Political Behavior in the EU Multi-Level System

Together with its further widening and deepening, the character of the EU has changed fundamentally during the last two decades. Acknowledging this development, the politics-dimension has become visibly more relevant in research on the EU. This “politics turn” is accompanied by an increased interest in research on political behavior of individual and collective actors—voters, parties, interest groups, executive agencies, mass and social media—in the EU multi-level system. The objectives of this thematic issue are to conceptually, empirically, and methodologically capture the different facets of this newly emerged interest in actors’ political behavior in the EU multi-level system. To this end, the thematic issue strives to highlight the connections between political processes and behavior at the European level and other political layers in the EU Member States’ multi-level systems. In particular, we aim to broaden the scope of research on political behavior in the EU and its strong focus on electoral politics across multiple levels of government. To this end, the thematic issue links research on voting behavior with work on party competition, electoral campaigns, public opinion, protest politics, responsiveness, (interest group) representation, government and opposition dynamics, and parliamentary behavior more broadly to the multi-layered systems within EU Member States.

Disproportionality in media representations of campaign negativity

AbstractWe explore mediated representations of parties' campaign interactions in multi-party systems. Actors in multi-party systems can engage with different actors on multiple issues. One crucial aspect of such engagement is the element of negativity—voicing criticisms of other actors' actions and policy proposals. This contribution argues that the media systematically exaggerate patterns of negativity based on issue ownership structures, such that attacks originating from or targeting issue owners are significantly more likely to be covered. We analyze a broad sample of news content from the 2013 Austrian national election campaign with generalized exponential random graph models to capture the complexities of mediated campaign negativity in a multi-party system while controlling for non-mediated campaign negativity. The results show that issue owners are more likely to be featured as attackers and targets in owned policy domains, suggesting a violation of the normative ideal of a fair representation of campaign interactions.