Representatives Of Parties Research Articles

Analyzing networks in communication: a mixed methods study of a political debate

How can we detect and analyze network ties in non-reactive communication data? Previous network research mostly relies on the mere occurrence of events between actors (e.g., e-mails, citations). The paper proposes combining qualitative interpretation of communication and formal quantitative analysis. Conversation analysis and interactional sociolinguistics give us methods to qualitatively discern how actors are related in communication (relational meaning). This can be typified into kinds of relational events like “attack” or “support”. Types of social relationships (“alliance” or “conflict”) are characterized by specific combinations of relational events. These methods are used exemplarily to analyze a televised political debate between six party representatives in Germany. Three prominent types of relational events are identified qualitatively: interruptions that are supportive or adversarial, and accounts of action. Hierarchical cluster analysis shows these relational events to fall into four types of relations (alliance, all-out attack, moderate attack, ignore).

Силата на несъзнаваното да ръководи избора-метафора (II): Фокусиране върху анализа на метафоричните изрази в българските и корейските политически речеви текстове

This research is the result of the assumption that the metaphorical expression inherent in political speeches acts unconsciously on the choice of voters. In the two-year study, in the first year, political statements of the President and the Prime Minister, who are prominent Bulgarian politicians, were collected and analyzed. In the second year of the study, the analysis was focused on the political speeches of Presidents Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun, representative progressive presidents of Korea. Unlike the statements of Bulgarian politicians, where there are many direct and powerful metaphors such as war and sports, the speeches of Korean presidents are relatively indirect, and metaphors that use many idioms are in the majority. Of course, it is impossible to simply summarize all the characteristics of the numerous political speeches delivered during each five-year term, but it is possible to consider speeches made by presidents on various important issues such as inauguration, unification and economic issues as representative. It has been found that the characteristics of speeches given by Korean and Bulgarian politicians differ even in differences on social issues, but the characteristics of speeches also differ depending on individual preferences. Despite the differences between conservatives and progressives, the president of the Bulgarian Progressive Socialist Party uses an indirect rather than a direct metaphor. Similarly, the metaphors of the two presidents, who are representatives of the progressive political parties in the Republic of Korea, were mostly indirect expressions. This can be interpreted as a high-level tactic for forming consensus in the public consciousness and for convincing political arguments with an easy and convenient metaphor. Differences in metaphorical expressions studied in underfloor heating, differences in metaphorical expressions resulting from differences in perceptions of objects such as awls, and metaphorical expressions of differences between cultures facing east, west, south, and north were also compared and examined. It was confirmed that these examples mentioned in this article are well-known metaphors of the Koreans but may be a little unknown and difficult to understand for Bulgarians and other cultural masses.

Charisma in Right‐Wing Populism: Comparing the View of the Leader and Followers within the Swiss People’s Party

Charisma in <scp>Right‐Wing</scp> Populism: Comparing the View of the Leader and Followers within the Swiss People’s Party

When COVID-19 circulates in right-wing populist discourse: the contribution of a global crisis to European meta-populism at the cross-border regional scale

ABSTRACT The success of European Right-Wing Populist (RWP) parties is related to a context of crisis, offering the opportunity to mobilize antagonisms between the people, the elite and a series of ‘others’ . Studies have been carried out to find out how populist parties have reacted to COVID-19 in Europe. However, it is still unknown whether these parties have used the pandemic to intensify a European ‘meta-populism’; that is, a European upscaling of the antagonistic discourse involving people-centred in-groups and elite/others-related out-groups. The current article explores how representatives of RWP parties located in three different states (France, Germany and Luxembourg), but in the same European cross-border region (the Saar-Lor-Lux area), mobilized COVID-19 to potentially structure a European meta-populism. Following a broad analysis of the discourse on COVID-19 produced on each side of the border during the initial phases of the pandemic (February to August 2020), the research is based on a Critical Discourse Analysis of characteristic narratives. It is shown that in such a context, the virus became an integral element of a European meta-populist discourse. However, the identity of the European in-groups and out-groups can be different across borders. These different entities can also be associated with different European spatial scales.

Egypt – New Developments in Arbitration Law

Abstract Arbitration in Egypt is undergoing changes to cope with the novel global developments in international arbitration. These changes mainly feature in the reasoning of court decisions deciding on arbitration related matters and more specifically nullity actions filed against arbitral awards, as well as in contemplated legislative and regulatory amendments. This summary update tackles four principal new developments. Firstly, the amendments to the Supreme Constitutional Court’s Law which vests the Supreme Constitutional Court with new powers to review the constitutionality of (1) decisions rendered by international organisations, and (2) foreign court judgments which enforcement is sought against the Egyptian state in Egypt. Secondly, the closure of an ongoing saga in relation to the setting aside of the famous Kharafi vs. Libya arbitral award, whereby the Egyptian Court of Cassation finally upheld the validity of the arbitral award and dismissed the Libyan state’s nullity action. Thirdly, the judgment of the Egyptian Court of Cassation, which, for the first time in its history, annulled an ICC arbitral award based on Article 53(2) of the Egyptian Arbitration Law. Fourthly, the Covid-19 silver lining as reflected in a 2020 Court of Cassation decision, rendered midst the pandemic, whereby the Court established and affirmed many principles including, the principle of estoppel, party representation in arbitration by foreign and non-lawyers, delocalisation (distinguishing between seat and venue) and explicitly referred to the conduct of virtual hearings.

Features of the Party System of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea

The foundations of political activity were laid in Equatorial Guinea during the colonial era. At that time, several ethnic-based parties were active, advocating the complete separation of the island of Fernando Po from the continental province of Rio Muni. After decolonization in 1968, power was effectively monopolized by the Fang people. The country was faced with the need to solve problems that could be solved by joint efforts of representatives of various political parties and social movements: improving the living standards of the population, creating health and education systems, economic and infrastructural development. However, in the political system of Equatorial Guinea, one-party rule in the form of the Democratic Party is firmly entrenched. In 1975, the population faced mass repressions, and the state administration as a system almost disappeared. Not only oppositionists were physically destroyed, but also people who were far from politics. In 1991, under pressure from the United Nations, Spain, and the United States, and under threat of suspension of economic aid, several opposition movements were allowed to operate in Equatorial Guinea. But the most active oppositionists ended up in prison. Currently, the role of the opposition in the political life of the country is small, the Democratic Party has dominated the country’s parliament for many years. The political system of Equatorial Guinea does not provide for the existence of an independent State structure whose function is to organize elections. The head of the National Election Commission is the country’s interior minister and one of the main figures in the ruling Democratic Party. For decades, the opposition’s discontent with the policies of the ruling party has been based not only on restrictions on the activities of the opposition itself, but also on the low standard of living of the population. In addition, the regime of one-party rule creates a negative image of the country in the international arena. Foreign donors often cite this former Spanish colony as a glaring example of social inequality.

POLITICAL CULTURE OF KAZAKHSTANIS: BASIC PARAMETERS, FEATURES, TRENDS OF TRANSFORMATION (based on the results of sociological research)

The article analyzes the political preferences of citizens of the Republic of Kazakhstan, their political orientations, clarifies the level of public confidence in the political institutions of Kazakhstani society, determines the rating of political parties, identifies the motives and conditions for the participation of the population in protest actions. The analysis of the features, main parameters and trends in the transformation of the political culture of the population of the republic is carried out on the basis of data from field sociological studies (mass survey of the population, expert survey, focus group discussions). Sociological research was carried out in September 2021 by the Center for Business Information, Sociological and Marketing Research BISAM Central Asia, commissioned by the Institute for Philosophy, Political Science and Religious Studies of the CS MES RK. In addition, the results of sociological surveys conducted in 2003 and in 2011 by the Institute of Philosophy and Political Science of the CS MES RK within the framework of scientific projects devoted to the problems of socio-political stratification of Kazakhstani society were used. Based on the results of the political and sociological analysis, the authors conclude: the main way of solving problems and resolving conflicts in Kazakhstani society, which does not have traditions of legal and value-normative restrictions and self-restraints of political power rooted in political culture, should be the creation of a developed system of party representation of economic and social political interests of various strata of Kazakhstani society. At the end of the article, a number of conclusions are formulated and scientific and practical recommendations are given.

Simulation of the Implementation of the Single Transferable Vote in Bosnia and Herzegovina – the Case of Elections for the Parliamentary Assembly in 2000

The electoral system is deeply divided and post-conflict societies have a prominent place in the existing literature studying political and institutional regulation. One of the assumptions is that the electoral system encourages political actors to act and behave more moderately or radically. Proportional representation electoral systems are widespread and are generally considered the most suitable for the representation of social groups, although the success of their outcomes remains disputable. Two types of proportional systems – party lists and single transferable vote – stand mutually opposed from the standpoints of incentives of political actors to political moderation. The party lists system (list-PR) was criticized for encouraging more radical behavior as opposed to the single transferable vote (STV) which instigated more moderate behavior. The outcomes of the named two types of proportional systems will be compared based on the case study of the elections for the House of Representatives of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina which were held in 2000, using counterfactual simulation. Contrary to the expected outcomes of the STV, the electoral simulation will show that the list-PR has proven to be a more successful institutional solution in terms of encouraging political moderation. A STV would not significantly lead to an interethnic exchange of preferences, nor the representation of the small moderate parties, contrary to the list-PR that enabled their representation.

Направления деятельности агентов Коминтерна в Европе в 1921–1925 годах (по материалам французских архивов)

This article dwells on the topic little studied in Russian and foreign historiography, namely, the intelligence work of foreigners in European countries in favour of the Communist International. The research involved documents from the Historical Service of the French Ministry of Defence and the French National Archives, in particular, the court cases of three French activists (J. Sadoul, A. Guilbeaux and R. Petit). The materials of the court cases were formed on the basis of the information gathered by the French intelligence about the activities of these people in European countries. The author of the paper, having analysed the above court cases, determined the chronological framework of this activity (1921–1925) and identified six areas of the Bolshevik agents’ work aimed to promote the communist movement in European countries. These areas included campaigning through organization and distribution of the Soviet press abroad; restoration of the cultural ties between the countries of Western Europe and Soviet Russia; propaganda measures in the occupied territories of Germany; establishment of additional contacts with representatives of the French Communist Party; attempts to revitalize the communist movement in Czechoslovakia and Turkey; and establishment of a link between the Comintern and the Italian and Swiss communists. The author comes to the conclusion that the agents’ activities in these areas had positive results. This example of cooperation between the European communists and leaders of the Comintern through French agents is a new page in the history of communism. It demonstrates the collaboration between the Bolsheviks and representatives of the opposition parties in France, Germany, Italy and Switzerland, actively mediated by French citizens, and personifies this aspect of the development of the world communist movement.

Predicting the 2022 Australian Federal Election with Actuarial Methodologies

Election forecasting has, for a long time, been considered a major tool used by voters and politicians alike to understand the electoral mood. In Australia, tools such as opinion polling even drive many policy decisions made by governments. Yet, these same tools have been misleading and/or wrong in recent elections. The consequences of this have meant large fiscal loss for bookmakers, rash policy decisions, inappropriate leadership changes, and, recently, erosion of trust in the democratic process. Hence, we must look at new ways to analyse elections, and use a more appropriate system to mimic the actual voting system in the country where the election is being held. For example, in representative democracies with strong minor party representation like Australia, any forecasting method used must not use two-party preferred on a national basis, and, instead, analyse preference flows, and first preferences, for each seat. This study uses actuarial techniques to analyse probabilities of parties winning each of the 151 seats in the 2022 Election, and then calculates final party totals based on these probabilities.&#x0D; &#x0D; This study aims to accurately predict the 2022 Election using a methodology which will enable a final forecast which is not misleading and is, in fact, appropriate for a representative democracy. Data used includes first preferences and Preference Flow data from the 2019 Election, Demographic data from the 2016 Census, Economic Data across 2019-22, and Opinion Polls from The Australian and Roy Morgan. Further, political insight will be used to discuss these results and the potential variances.

Assessing Political Brand Relationship as Leverage for Voter Preference in Ghana

This research is an empirical assessment of political brand relationship as leverage for voter preference and choice of candidates by voters in Ghana. The objective of the study is to ascertain the use of political brand relationships for leveraging the preference of voters. The study used a total sample size of 10 key party and labor union representatives. The research found out that voter identification and differentiation of a political party from one another, as a process, has positive effects on the voting motivations of respondents and their choice of candidates. The research established that the political brand of a party causes voters to accept and identify with a particular party. Finally, the research revealed that the desire to help voters, fulfilment of promises, the creation and sharing of wealth, and safety issues were of paramount concern to voters. The study also found out that, political brand relationship building has a positive impact on voter attraction/preference of the voter. Voters identified themselves with political brands on the basis of brand characteristics such as economic freedom, social status, safety, recognition, and personal achievement. The study further found out that political parties are liable to be neglected by voters when there is a failure to establish a brand relationship. The research recommends that in order to track or monitor changes in aspirations and needs, political parties should undertake regular marketing research with a view to obtaining current information regarding what voters want. The study further recommends that politicians should segment, target, and position their parties or candidates properly in the political market space if they are to be victorious in elections.&#x0D; &#x0D;

The Use of Primaries by Political Parties: The Case of PASOK - A Comment

This paper comments on Professor Papanikos’ recent publication in this journal entitled, “The Use of Primaries by Political Parties: The Case of PASOK”. I make a number of observations regarding the argument of the author that primary elections are an application of democracy in the internal procedures of a political party. The question raised is whether primaries enhance democracy, or restrict it, by diminishing the role of party members only in selecting party representatives and have no role in the discussion of policies. Another important issue is the age structure of the participants in the primary elections. Did it matter? More analysis and evidence is needed on this issue to find out whether the relatively younger candidate mobilized more young members and friends to participate in the primary elections of PASOK. Keywords: primaries, elections, voting, political parties, PASOK, Greece

A programme written by citizens? Agenda-setters and veto players in drafting the 2018 election manifesto of the Five-star Movement

ABSTRACT Bottom-up policy development is integral to the concept of direct democracy and has been advertised by parties advocating this ideal as a ‘revolution’. However, as election manifestos are complex documents that embrace a wide range of policy areas, such processes typically involve external advisors or party politicians specialized in a narrow policy field. Thus, the task of writing the programme is shared among several stakeholders. This raises the question of the extent to which ‘citizens’, i.e. party activists, can serve as agenda-setters in this process, and whether they can exclude proposals they oppose from the manifesto. The article contributes to the agenda-setting literature by exploring this puzzle through analysing the case of the 2018 election manifesto of the Five-star Movement which was ‘written by citizens’ and ratified in several membership ballots. A detailed analysis of the policy development process determines the distribution of agenda-setting capacities and veto powers in the construction of the M5s’ election manifesto, which is contrasted with elite narratives gained from qualitative interviews with party representatives, and the findings of an online membership survey (n = 187). The findings suggest that although party members’ contribution to the agenda is negligible, some of the membership ballots granted them a substantial share of veto power. At the same time, the data indicates that few of them used this opportunity, which relegated membership ballots to a mere approval of top-down proposals. The findings challenge formalistic interpretations of direct democracy and highlight the importance of focusing on actual party practices instead.

The Maternal Covenant role and function of the mother in the social field

ABSTRACT Juliet Mitchell suggested the need for a principle to intervene at the level of sibling murderousness and called it the law of the mother in reference to Jacques Lacan’s law of the father. While binding the mother and the child to an agreement, this principle does not possess all the properties of a Law. This type of formal agreement has existed in legal thinking since the highest antiquity and is called a covenant. The covenant is not universal, it is valid only for the two parties who commit to it and its transgression is not penalised by a third party representative of the Other. I have called this regulatory principle the Maternal Covenant. It’s power rests on a metonymic process, in which the mother invokes kinship while hiding the unconscious object of her desire. I call this process the Maternal Metonymy. The concepts of Maternal Covenant and Maternal Metonymy are useful tools for the understanding and treatment of issues such as the pathological use of violence, unbearable rivalry both within the family and in the social group, failure or dysfunctional socialisation and the consequences of indecent or shameful behaviours.

СОВРЕМЕННОЕ РЕФОРМИРОВАНИЕ МЕСТНОГО САМОУПРАВЛЕНИЯ: ПОЛИТОЛОГИЧЕСКИЙ АНАЛИЗ

The article is devoted to the current state of the problems of reforming local self-government and the direct relationship of political parties to the reform of local self-government in Russia. The subject of the article is the aspects of reforming local self-government in the vision of political parties. The purpose of the article is to study the essence of municipal reform in the party discourse devoted to the problems of constitutional reform of local government at the present stage of development of Russia. This article presents various methods, such as analysis, comparative method, which to a greater extent make it possible to define the conceptual apparatus, to conduct a comprehensive analysis of the current state of local self-government in Russia in the context of municipal reform. The reform of local self-government initiated in 2019 affected the essential constitutional foundations of local government that have existed since the adoption of the Constitution of Russia in 1993. In the new constitutional and legal realities, a qualitatively new model of local self-government in our country has been fixed: the place of local government in the vertical of state power, the territorial basis of local self-government, the structure of local self-government bodies and the procedure for institutionalization of local self-government bodies and officials has changed. The attitude of representatives of political parties to this municipal reform is quite polar, party members do not unequivocally assess the consequences of the reform of local government. The results of the study can be useful in conducting seminars for municipal employees and heads of municipalities, and the results of the article can also be applied in the work of members of political parties and their regional branches, whose members are members of legislative (representative) bodies of Russia and its subjects, in the course of legislative activity

Згубний вплив політики русифікації та її наслідки для українського народу

On the basis of the analysis of normative legal documents and modern scientific historical literature the peculiarities of the action of total Russification on the events of modern history of Ukraine are determined. At the time of the policy of Ukrainization, Russification attacks had somewhat weakened their activity, compared to the Valuev Circular and the Ems Decree. During the period of Soviet Ukraine, Russification developed quite strongly: this was facilitated by the full Russification of the army throughout the USSR, the educational policy of the Soviet Union, the peculiarities of personnel policy for the distribution of jobs to young professionals after graduating from secondary special and higher education.Beginning in 1970, the scientific world of all the then republics of the Union was also Russified - because all dissertation defenses were approved in Moscow, and abstracts were allowed to be published only in Russian. Meanwhile, the Russian language is becoming more and more popular. The Soviet policy of Russification in Ukraine can be called a weapon of slow action, which after decades of its planned action has achieved its actual result - a war in which completely innocent people die. The cult of the so-called “Soviet man” was formed throughout the existence of the USSR. This formation was especially successful on the territory of our Ukraine.Over time, this led to certain signs of erasure of the national self-identification of the Ukrainian people and the formation of a dual mentality. The policy of our pro-presidential parties fully confirms this. At the time of the collapse of the Soviet Union on the territory of our Ukraine, the majority of the population were Ukrainian-speaking Ukrainians and slightly fewer Russian-speaking Ukrainians. But neither the highestranking politicians nor the vast majority of society considered this to be a significant problem. A significant number of Russian-speaking Ukrainians and, on the eve of Russian military aggression, the majority of Ukrainian citizens are overly tolerant of the Russian-speaking phenomenon in Ukraine. The existence of the so-called dual mentality in modern Ukraine – pro-Western (European) and Eastern (pro-Moscow) with the appropriate cultural characteristics. You need to take into account that.The fact that the nation is aging in Ukraine, and there were more pro-Moscow mentality since independence, so there were always enough representatives of pro-Russian parties in the Verkhovna Rada. The language laws approved by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine during its entire existence are a direct confirmation of this fact. From the point of view of the civilization approach, the view of foreign researchers (historians, publicists, sociologists, political scientists) on the problem of Russification of the Ukrainian people within the Soviet Union and at the time of independence is important

Analysis of life plans and emigration intentions of pupils and students of border regions of the South of Ukraine (experience of empirical sociological research)

Educational emigration of young people is today one of the most pressing topics, taking into account the place and role of this socio-demographic group in the processes of economic and socio-cultural reproduction of society. In order to clarify the scale and nature of migration sentiments in the field of education, the life plans of young people, the authors of the article within the framework of the grant project “Common Language: public dialogue on the Law of Ukraine “On Education” in the Odessa region” conducted two empirical sociological research: 1) a formalized interview of students, students and their parents; 2) in-depth interviews with representatives of local authorities and self-government bodies, heads of schools and other educational institutions, school teachers, pupils, their parents, students, representatives of public organizations, ethnic communities, employers and representatives of local political parties. Despite the prevailing migration sentiments among some of the respondents, most of them associate their future with Ukraine. The mood for educational emigration is most pronounced among student youth, this is due to the fact that getting an education in foreign countries facilitates the possibility of their employment, including on the international labor market. The authors emphasize the importance of further scientific understanding of topical problems associated with the implementation of educational reform in Ukraine, which has hidden the development of transnational curricula.

The political process evolution in the Volyn region (1991−2021)

A scientific analysis of the political process in the Volyn region for thirty years of existence of independent Ukraine has been carried out in the article. Emphasis has been placed on institutional and non-institutional practices of political activity and participation of subjects of socio-political relations, which determined/determine the nature and direction of the political process in Volyn. The sequence of actions of the government and the opposition to dismantle the institutions of power of the Soviet era, the decommunization of the symbolic space of the settlements of the region, creation of civil society institutions and parties, paradigm shifts in the attitude of local authorities to churches and their denominations, participants in national liberation struggles, etc. have been revealed. Significant influence on the direction of the political process is determined by the electoral participation of citizens in elections to higher and local authorities and, accordingly, qualitative composition of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and local councils. Along with the analysis of the party representation from Volyn in the parliamentary corps of the Ukrainian parliament, there has been traced the dynamics of participation and preferences of certain political forces and parties in the elections to the regional council. The process of party-political structuring in the region has been periodized. The significant attention has been paid to the analysis of socio-political activity of Volyn residents during the Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity. The author came to the conclusion that in general, the political process in Volyn reflects the direction of the political process in Ukraine with its simultaneous diversification in the following main areas: first, the abandonment of authoritarian-totalitarian institutional forms and the transition to democratic ones; secondly, the decommunization of public space and the modeling of historical memory, accompanied by the return of national (local) traditions, rituals and symbols; thirdly, enriching the „paletteˮ of domestic experience in political activities and participation in regional practices.

Political and party representation of local self-government bodies in territorial communities of Chernivtsi Oblast with a compact residence of Romanian and Moldovan ethnic minorities (according to the results of 2020 local elections)

Political and party representation of local self-government bodies in territorial communities of Chernivtsi Oblast with a compact residence of Romanian and Moldovan ethnic minorities (according to the results of 2020 local elections)

Особенности политико-партийной репрезентации лидеров русинской общественности Закарпатья в контексте местных выборов 2020 года

The article focuses on the political and party representation of the Rusin leaders in Transcarpathia (Ukraine) who particiapted in the local elections of 2020. The analysis is based on the electoral statistics and interviews with participants in the election campaign. According to the author, the Rusin leaders are heads and activists of national cultural associations and opinion leaders who do not represent ethno-cultural associations, but are widely known in Transcarpathia. The author argues that the new electoral system of “semi-open” party lists has resulted in the failure of local elections for all candidates representing the Rusin community. However, the electoral statistics shows that Rusin leaders actually received: 1) more votes than their opponents on the political party lists (Vladimir Fenych, Vasilij Sich, Nikolai Rishko); 2) the same number of votes (Svyatoslav Gal); 3) the required 25 % of the votes from the electoral quota (Yurij Shypovych). Most of the Rusin candidates ran for the political forces “For the Future” (7 persons) and “Opposition Platform - For Life” (5 persons). Their dominance can be explained by identifying candidates with the oppositional rhetoric of these parties, as well as their proximity to regional party leaders who sympathize with the Rusin public movement and identify themselves as Rusins. One of the representatives of Rusin community ran for the party of power “Servant of the People” (Svyatoslav Gal), one (Nikolaj Rishko) - for “The Team of Andrej Baloga” Candidates Ivan Danatsko, Ivan Palinkash, and Ivan Bushko, as self-nominated candidates, distanced themselves from political parties.