Representatives Of Parties Research Articles

Cooption of opposition parties in Russian regional parliaments: analysis and dynamics

The analysis of the representation (or cooption) of opposition parties in regional parliaments remains an urgent problem, especially in the context of the current 2018–2022 electoral cycle. Studies of representation tend to focus on the results of the “party in power” or the analysis of all legislative assemblies as a whole, ignoring the dynamics of these processes as well as their regional dimension, which is variable and unstable. The study is aimed at generalization and analysis the results of the cooption of parliamentary opposition parties in context of representation in senior positions, both in the context of the analysis of all electoral campaigns from 2003–2022, and to understand the future prospects of the parties during the federal electoral cycle. Using statistical and comparative analysis methods, it was shown that the representation of opposition parliamentary parties is closely related to ability to negotiate with the “party of power”, and that this representation is limited in all the positions and regions analyzed. It was also found that the dynamics of representation is largely unstable and only reaches its diversity for the posts of heads of committees of regional parliaments. The analysis allows not only to assess the presence of leadership positions in the main political opposition parties, but also to assess their dynamics in the regional context and in the context of electoral cycles. These conclusions allow us to make assumptions about the further potential dynamics of party success at the regional level in terms of pressing contradictions and peculiarities.

Party Composition of Regional Authorities in the First Year of the Soviet Era

The article examines the problem of reconstruction of the party composition of the regional authorities of the RSFSR in March — July 1918. The source base of the work is statistical data collected by Soviet researchers, periodical press materials, as well as documents from the State Archive of the Russian Federation. The author studies the party composition of the Soviet authorities at two institutional levels: regional and provincial. The territorial scope of the article is limited to the regions of the European part of Russia (including most of the Urals), where the Soviet power existed in the first half of 1918. This article makes quantitative calculations of delegates of regional congresses of councils and members of executive committees. Based on the analysis of data on the party membership of congresses of Soviets and executive committees, the author comes to the conclusion about the formation of the dual party system in regional and provincial authorities by the time of the convocation of the V All-Russian Congress of Soviets. This process was characterized by a significant reduction in the representation of socialist parties other than the Bolsheviks and their temporary allies from the party of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries. The author of the article analyzes the dynamics of the representation of political parties at the provincial institutional levels of the Soviet state in the first half of 1918. Changes in the party composition of regional Soviet authorities consisted in increasing the share of the Left socialist revolutionaries in provincial executive committees and reducing the representation of the Bolshevik party.

"ПЛАН МАРШАЛЛА" КАК ПРОГРАММА ВОССТАНОВЛЕНИЯ СТРАН ЗАПАДНОЙ ЕВРОПЫ ПОСЛЕ ВТОРОЙ МИРОВОЙ ВОЙНЫ И ПРИЧИНА УСТАНОВЛЕНИЯ МИРОВОГО ГОСПОДСТВА США

The article considers the reasons for the economic and political dependence of the countries of Western Europe on the United States of America. The foundations of that dependence were laid with the beginning of the implementation of the “Marshall Plan” in Europe. After World War II, the economies of European countries were in devastation, people were left without means of subsistence, without food, work and housing, and American industry had just regained its power, and it was not at all in its benefit to have the main consumers of its products plunged into a new crisis, into another Great Depression. Therefore, in the United States, the “Program for the Recovery of Europe” was developed, under which European countries received financial assistance to restore their economies, but in addition, the Americans put forward a number of conditions, the fulfillment of which led to just that very dependence on the donor country. Those conditions were: preventing representatives of communist parties from entering national governments, full control of Americans in the political sphere, over the use of funds, provision of complete information about the state of the economy, science, development of technology, priority of getting everything necessary for the development of the American economy from Europe, switching to the dollar, as a reserve currency and the transfer of all gold and foreign exchange reserves to USA. European countries had to guarantee American entrepreneurs the protection of their interests and investments. Thanks to such harsh conditions and total control, the United States managed not only to establish its influence on the countries of Western Europe and subjugate them to its power, but also to return all the funds spent on the implementation of the Marshall Plan, significantly increasing them.

ПРЕЗИДЕНТСКИЕ И ПАРЛАМЕНТСКИЕ ВЫБОРЫ В КАЗАХСТАНЕ: ИТОГИ И ПОСЛЕДСТВИЯ

The article attempts to review the results of the extraordinary presidential elections held on November 20, 2022 and the extraordinary parliamentary elections held on March 20, 2023 in Kazakhstan. The author analyzes the results of the presidential elections, taking into account the positions of the main candidates who participated in them. He notes the role and importance of the position of the current President of Kazakhstan K.-Zh. Tokayev, who announced the beginning of significant political reforms in the Republic; main provisions of the reforms are presented. The profiles of the leading political parties of Kazakhstan that took part in the parliamentary elections are considered. A comparison of the results of the previous elections of 2021 with the current elections is made, and an analysis of the reasons for the changes in the composition of the Kazakh parliament from the point of view of party representation is given. There is an analysis of the course of the election campaign and the programs with which the parties entered it. The article also reveals reasons for the decline in the results of the leading party of Kazakhstan “Amanat” (formerly “Nur Otan”) and the appearance of the national Social Democratic Party and the new party “Republic” in the Kazakh parliament and makes a forecast on further development of the Kazakhstan political model in the course on its political modernization, declared by K.-Zh. Tokayev at the last presidential elections

Natężenie kampanii negatywnych w Polsce w latach 2007–2019

This article measures the intensity of negative campaigning in Poland. Its analysis focuses on the share of pre-election rhetoric that involved criticising political opponents, how far this criticism concerned incompetence and how far dishonesty, and which of the competing actors were attacked by the representatives of respective parties. The empirical analyses were conducted with the new Comparative Campaign Dynamics Dataset, which had not been used before in Polish scholarly literature. The results indicate that in Poland the intensity of negative campaigns has increased since 2015 and parties tend to use them in a manner consistent with the strategic premises resulting from their position in the party system. The representatives of new opposition parties, those with a weak position in an election and actors with an anti-systemic profile are more predisposed to criticise others.

Women and nationalism in Poland: Defending the dignity of Polish women

This article aims to explain the role of women involved in right-wing political parties and explore how women themselves legitimise the politics of exclusion through their political involvement. Its main assumption is that, on the one hand, Polish women in politics eagerly benefit from the feminist legacy in their own political careers, and, on the other, as representatives of right-wing political parties with traditionally antifeminist agenda, they significantly contribute to the radicalisation of politics.To show the discursive intersections of gender and nationalism and their impact on the public discourse, I analyse narrative strategies applied by Polish right-wing female politicians in their public, media, and parliamentary appearances. I claim that, having access to and control over public discourse, Polish right-wing female politicians play a prominent role in social mobilisation and, thereby, make an important contribution to the nationalist surge that sweeps Poland.

Organization of Expert Activity on Digital Network Platforms

Currently, expert-analytical activity is being developed on digital network platforms as sociotechnical systems that organize algorithmized relationships between actors and actant in the field of assessing a problem situation and making decisions to resolve it. The lag in the development of expert and analytical activities in the public administration system of the region leads to a slowdown in the processes of their socio-economic development. The purpose of the presented work was to substantiate the need of the regional management system for a conceptual model of smart configuration of expert and analytical activities on digital network platforms. The author determined that such a conceptual model should be based on 1) the concept of stakeholders (E. Freeman), 2) the critical heuristics of designing social systems (V. Ulrich), 3) the concept of epistemic communities (P. Haas). Its need is determined by three main points: 1) identifying the problematic field of requests and the degree of demand for conducting a social and professional examination with the involvement of representatives of interested parties; 2) digitalization processes that lead to the formation of digital network platforms as the technological basis for public management of new quality and 3) the construction of the concept of smart configuration as its content and technological basis. This model is based on smart configuring, the concept of using an artificial intelligence system to organize optimization models for developing options for socially significant management decisions, taking into account the consolidation of interests and the participation of all stakeholders. Smart configuration enables dialogue and collaboration between key stakeholders. To do this, you need to create a smart application (intelligent relational network configurator).

Governance of the Functions Representation and Recruitment of the Golkar Party in Actualize Good Governance in the Reform Era

Political parties have a strategic function in actualize of good governance through representation and recruitment functions. The function of representation is a form of accountability of political parties to the public by absorbing aspirations, articulating and aggregating society's interests into laws, regulations, and policies, as well as overseeing the implementation of public policies. The function representation of political parties also includes forming and running an accountable and effective government, controlling corruption, and strengthening political stability. This study aims to analyze the causes of the governance function of representation and recruitment of the Golkar Party as a political party institution that has not optimally actualize good governance in the reform era. This study also formulates a governance model for the representation and recruitment functions of the Golkar Party, which can promote good governance. The research method uses mixed methods or mixed methods research (MMR), combining quantitative and qualitative approaches with exploratory sequential mixed methods models. The theoretical approach used is the political party representation theory of Bartolini Mair (2001), and Szymanek (2015), and the political party recruitment theory approach put forward by Pippa Norris (2006). The results showed that the governance of the function representation of the Golkar Party in the reform era did not function optimally because the function representation was still electoral, and the strong interests and presence of rent-seekers made the Golkar Party not autonomous, not free from oligarchy and corruption. This study recommends an excellent political party governance model with a functional aspirational house model and a model of educational institutions, regeneration, and recruitment.

Mainstream party agenda-responsiveness and the electoral success of right-wing populist parties in Europe

ABSTRACT Scholars link the electoral success of right-wing populist parties to a programmatic crisis of representation for mainstream parties, which arguably do not put their voters’ most important issues on the agenda. We have little knowledge about whether these two assumptions hold: To what extent is there a low agenda-responsiveness of mainstream parties, and in how far is their agenda-responsiveness related to the electoral success of right-wing populist parties in Europe? We conceptualize the programmatic crisis of representation as a lack of mainstream party agenda-responsiveness due to dwindling linkage, changing lines of political conflict, and the tension between responsiveness and responsibility. We develop a novel measure of issue-based agenda-responsiveness comparing voters’ most important problems with salient issues in party manifestos. For 109 elections in 26 member states of the European Union (EU) from 2004 to 2019, we find no lack of issue-based agenda-responsiveness between mainstream parties and average citizens, but a lower degree of responsiveness towards the so-called ‘losers of globalization’, especially compared to ‘winners of globalization’. This lower responsiveness, however, is not systematically related to the electoral success of right-wing populist parties whose mobilization contexts are arguably more complex.

ELECTIONS TO THE ALL-RUSSIAN CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY IN THE KALUGA PROVINCE (SOURCE AND VEDIC ASPECT)

The article contains the main historical sources identified in order to study the preparation and conduct of elections to the All-Russian Constituent Assembly in the Kaluga province. Despite the extensive amount of research available, most of them are conducted by the interests and ideas of the Russian Social Democratic Party (Bolsheviks). The problems of holding the first all-Russian vote in the regions are not covered enough. Only since the 1990s. we can talk about the emergence of a variety of problems raised by researchers related to elections to the Constituent Assembly.The author identified the following groups of sources of an all-Russian and regional nature: legislative materials, office documentation of central and local bodies responsible for the preparation and conduct of elections, collections of documents of political parties and public organizations, journalistic works of representatives of political parties, sources of personal origin, periodical printing. One of the cases of the fund of the F-1128 State Archive of the Kaluga Region "Protocols of the Meshchovskaya District for Elections to the Constituent Assembly of the Commission" deserves special attention, since it is the only source identified at the moment containing a detailed report on the conduct of elections in the county.The author believes that due to the fragmentation of regional sources, the absence of specially formed groups of documents in regional archives, only a comprehensive study of regional and all-Russian sources will allow us to study in detail the process of preparing and holding elections to the All-Russian Constituent Assembly in a separate constituency. A necessary condition for further research of the electoral process in the Kaluga constituency is the expansion of the source base through the materials of archives neighboring the Kaluga provinces, work to identify sources of personal origin.

PERAN PARTAI LOKAL DI ACEH BARAT DALAM MEWUJUDKAN POLITIK YANG DEMOKRATIS SESUAI DENGAN SISTEM KETATANEGARAAN INDONESIA (Studi Terhadap Dewan Pimpinan Wilayah Partai Aceh Aceh Barat)

The Aceh local party is an organization formed by a group of Indonesians residing in Aceh on the basis of common desires and ideals to fight for the interests of each individual Acehnese people, the nation and the Indonesian state. In Indonesia's democratic and constitutional system, a local Aceh party is an activity or action carried out by an institution or organization that is regulated and carried out in accordance with applicable legal provisions. This research is an empirical study of how people think towards the law, looking at how they express their opinions and how they act in relation to the law. The results of the study found that local political parties in West Aceh played a role in creating a climate conducive to the unity and unity of the Indonesian nation, increasing people's political participation, and absorbing people's political aspirations. Local parties in Aceh have played a role in accordance with Indonesia's constitutional system. Despite the lack of political parties in the community, people have not been able to reap the benefits of the existence of local political parties because those who are elected as party representatives in the government do not carry out the role of the party as determined.Keywords: Local Parties, Democracy, Aceh, Politics

LOBBYING ACTIVITIES OF INTEREST GROUPS DURING THE EU MEMBERSHIP PROCESS OF TURKEY

In parallel to the devolution of authority from member nations to the EU, the lobbying actions of various entities towards EU institutions have expanded over time. A variety of organisations coordinates lobbying efforts on behalf of EU institutions. The aim of this research is to investigate the impact of a candidate country's interest groups' lobbying efforts by focusing on Turkey as a case.Due to the length of the EU membership process, which has exceeded 20 years, Turkey is regarded as an exceptional case. This study examines the lobbying actions of four economic and two political bodies in Turkey between 1999 and 2021, based on a typological description of two sorts of groupings. In terms of research method, a two-stage approach was adopted by using qualitative and quantitative tools together. In the first stage, written documents were analysed to determine the institutions’ general attitudes towards the EU accession process and the topics they focus on. The documents in question includes periodic activity reports, thematic reports, press releases, statements of institution representatives for non-governmental organizations and party programs, election manifestos, statements of party leaders or representatives, and parliamentary minutes for political parties. In addition, the news in the national media about the activities of the institutions was examined through an extensive media scan. Following this, in the second stage, semi-structured questionnaires were prepared for all institutions and answers were sought in in-depth interviews with EU representatives of the institutions examined, EU decision makers who are the addressees of the lobbying activities, and relevant experts on lobbying in the EU. According to the findings of the research, the study suggests that variations in Turkey-EU relations have a detrimental impact on the lobbying actions of these entities. However, the lobbying actions of the entities listed below are less influenced by these changes. These are the groups that focus on their particular field of operations at the technical level rather than the Turkish accession process and create deeper relationships with transnational umbrella organizations. The statistics imply that non-governmental organizations are more effective than political parties in EU lobbying actions.

1922 — the best year of the Comintern. Soviet Russia, German communists and the Genoa conference

The signing of the Declaration on the formation of the Soviet Union on December 30, 1922 marked a new stage in the history of international relations, and, at the same time, took stock of intense domestic and international political struggle unfolding in the previous years. The developments within the Communist International were of particular importance for both the outcomes of this struggle and the future of international labor movement. The author stresses that for the Comintern the year of 1922 was dominated by a struggle between the two opposing ideological and political trends: the inertia of the ‘storm and onslaught’ enthusiasm of the first post-revolutionary years and the rise of the ideas of peaceful coexistence. In this context, the paper assesses the role that the Bolshevik leaders envisaged for the Comintern during the preparation and conduct of the Genoa Conference and, particularly, for the policy of the united workers front. The author shows that the very idea of cooperation with socialists and social democrats received an extremely ambiguous reaction from representatives of Western communist parties. In this regard, the position of the German Communist Party (KPD) was of particular importance to the Bolshevik leaders. Indeed, the case of KPD was emblematic of those tendencies and contradictions that marked the development of the international communist movement in the period under review. The KPD leaders welcomed the Comintern’s turn towards a united workers front. However, the author notes that this support was based on a highly unstable compromise between multiple contradicting domestic and foreign policy imperatives, including opposition from the left-wing radicals within the party and continuous conflict with the government of the Weimar Republic, exacerbated by ideological and financial dependence on Moscow. As a result, the KPD’s actions were very often ad hoc and inconsistent, reflecting general issues typical to the international labor movement of that period. That became clear during the Fourth Congress of the Comintern, which took place at the end of 1922. It failed to outline a clear strategy for interaction between the Russian Bolsheviks and foreign communists. At the same time, the outcomes of the Fourth Congress were crucial for further evolution of the ideology and practical activities of the Comintern. The policy of the united workers front got a broader definition as the Communist International started to recognize the threat posed by fascism.

THE ROLE OF THE REGULATORY AGENCY IN THE ADOPTION OF TARIFF SYSTEMS: ROUND TABLE DISCUSSION - REPORT AND CONCLUSION

In late 2006, the Croatian Energy Regulatory Agency adopted methodologies for the calculation of tariffs for the activities of the generation, transmission, distribution and supply of electricity, which until now have been components of a single tariff for an integrated system of the activities of the generation, transmission, distribution and supply of electricity. Pursuant to the legal obligations to separate these activities, as also expressed through the approach of the cited methodologies of the tariff systems, activities are in progress in reference to the calculation and adoption of tariff items for the aforementioned fundamental energy activities. With the application of the cited methodologies, i.e. the adoption and coming into force of the new tariff systems of the electricity sector and the electricity sector of the Republic of Croatia, a new trial regulatory period will be entered. Therefore, for the regulatory agency, representatives of the regulated entities, and professional public, discussion of several questions and dilemmas from this area at a meeting among representatives of various interested parties was considered to be of great importance and benefit.

Multi-level legislative representation in an inchoate party system: Mass-elite ideological congruence in Brazil

Research has suggested that fragmented political systems, incohesive parties, and weak programmatic links between voters and legislators can undermine the effectiveness of ideological legislative representation. Using Brazil's national and state assemblies, we examine the potential for voter-elite congruence in a legislative environment considered weak in programmatic representation and highly fragmented by a decentralized political structure. Focusing on 2005–2014, we use mass and elite survey data from the National Congress and 12 state assemblies to estimate deputies' and respondents' ideal points on a common left-right scale. Despite many potential barriers to ideological representation, we find an aggregate pattern of congruence between voters' and politicians' ideological positions during this period, with stronger voter-deputy correspondence for state deputies on average. These patterns are confirmed by a dyadic analysis of deputy and voter characteristics. However, we also find weaknesses in party-level ideological congruence for the major parties—for voters on the left and party supporters on the right. The findings suggest that, while the party system did not prevent overall ideological representation, it may have hindered important aspects of party representation.

Party campaign statements and portfolio allocation in coalition governments

Which party controls which cabinet posts is an important determinant of how multi-party governments work. Existing research shows that parties’ attention to policy domains in election manifestos is a key predictor of portfolio allocation. However, election manifestos are broad documents and typically published months before an election. This research note argues that policy emphasis in the last few weeks before the election matters for portfolio allocation, because parties can focus their message, react to exogenous events and use campaign communication as a commitment device. A test of this argument makes use of a novel dataset on party representatives’ campaign statements. The findings show that the policy focus of campaign statements, especially those stating positions rather than referring to valence, predicts who will control a ministerial portfolio associated with the respective policy domain.

The Comparative Politics of Cabinet Reshuffles

AbstractThis special collection is devoted to cabinet reshuffles, which are understood as personnel-related changes within the lifetime of a cabinet. Scholars agree that cabinet reshuffles matter in many respects. To begin, they may shape intra-governmental relations, by either intensifying or helping solve cabinet conflicts. Further, they are important instruments for party leaders to promote or demote party representatives, with far-reaching possible consequences for the party and beyond. Last but not least, reshuffles may be used to increase governmental efficiency and often trigger policy change. The ever-increasing personalization of politics has fuelled the public interest in any ministerial personnel-related issues, and turned cabinet reshuffles into events of undisputed political and scholarly relevance. Despite the apparent importance and ubiquity of reshuffles, the international literature displays at least two major flaws: first, a lack of systematic comparison across countries and regimes and second, a strong notional and empirical bias towards Westminster democracies. This collection seeks to overcome these weaknesses and their limiting effects on the knowledge and understanding of key aspects of executive politics and executive–legislative relations. With that aim, it gathers novel comparative research on the different types, causes and effects of cabinet reshuffles in a variety of democratic and authoritarian systems. The theoretical approaches and empirical findings of the six articles featured mark a major contribution to the scholarship on political executives and executive elites in the contemporary world. This introductory piece offers a succinct historical overview of cabinet reshuffles in different contexts, and the study thereof.

SENDİKALARA İLİŞKİN ÖĞRETMENLERİN GÖRÜŞ VE BEKLENTİLERİ: NİTEL BİR ÇALIŞMA

Bu araştırmanın amacı, Diyarbakır ili Merkez dört ilçelerinden olan (Bağlar, Kayapınar, Sur, Yenişehir) görev yapan öğretmenlerin, sendikalara ilişkin öğretmenlerin görüş ve beklentilerini belirlemektir. Araştırma, nitel araştırma yöntemlerinden durum çalışmasıyla desenlenmiştir. Araştırmaya toplamda 21 öğretmen katılmıştır. Araştırmaya katılanlardan 14’ü bir sendika üyesi, 7’si ise herhangi bir sendika üyesi olmayan öğretmenlerden oluşmaktadır. Araştırmada veriler görüşme yolu ile elde edilmiştir. Yapılan araştırma sonucunda, öğretmenlerin sendikalara üye olmasında en önemli faktörlerin örgütlü olma durumu ve özlük haklarının korunması olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Öğretmenlerin sendikal örgütlenmeye olumsuz bakmalarında sendikaların siyaset kurumu ile olan ilişkisinin etkili olduğu ve "sendikaya üye olursam başıma neler gelir korku ve endişesinin" olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Öğretmenlerin sendikalara ilişkin olumlu görüşü arasında, sendikaların örgütsel bir yaşamın parçası olarak görüldüğü yer alırken olumsuz görüşü arasında ise sendikalar ile siyaset kurumu arasındaki ilişkinin varlığı yer almıştır. Öğretmenlerin sendikalardan en önemli beklentileri ise; sendikaların özlük haklarının korunması ve geliştirilmesi için yaptıkları çalışmaların arttırılması, sendikaların siyasi partilerin temsilcisi gibi siyaset yapmamaları gerekliliği vurgulamıştır.

Educating the left – framing party education in Sweden and Spain

This article interprets how five left-leaning parties in Sweden and Spain intend to politically socialise their members through the use of educational activities. By applying a framing perspective on interviews with leading party representatives from the five parties, the analysis theoretically illuminates how educational activities can be a tool for mobilisation. While the interviewed party representatives stress that educating their members has several functions for a party, three salient frames about party education are identified in the interview data as follows: education as (i) movement building, (ii) training members and leaders and (iii) deliberative reflection. Categorising the different ways that in which education is understood shows how different political motives are integrated into parties’ education. Hence, the findings emphasise the intermediating role that education plays between a party organisation and its members in left parties.

Activities of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine under martial law: shortcomings and areas for improvement

The article shows the essence of the concept of “martial law”, the grounds on which it is introduced in various countries, including Ukraine. The role of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in the imposition of martial law in Ukraine is outlined. The legal acts adopted by the parliament during martial law are analyzed. It was found that the People’s Deputies of Ukraine in the martial law of 2022 paid considerable attention to the formation of domestic and foreign policies of the state, the new content of which was by reason of the military aggression of the Russian Federation. The Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine has adopted important political documents, such as appeals to the world community, which deal with war crimes of the Russian Federation and the genocide of the Ukrainian people. In addition, a number of amendments to laws have been adopted. Among them: added grounds for restricting the formation and activity of political parties; the rules of procedure in cases on administrative lawsuits banning a political party have been determined. The author emphasizes that some issues should have been resolved much earlier. For example, scholars have repeatedly pointed to the statements and actions of some public figures and representatives of political parties that posed a threat to the foundations of Ukraine’s national security. Public authorities, which had to respond to such warnings and take appropriate decisions, including suspending the state registration of such organizations, justified their inaction by the lack of an appropriate prosecution mechanism. The article noted that timely response to the problems could protect the country from many bad events and facilitate increase the level of national security and defense. Analysis of the role of parliament in the imposition of martial law and its activities in these conditions proved: there is a difference between the rules approved by law and the rules that are actually applied in practice (imaginary constitutionalism); procedures provided for the adoption of laws are violated (political instrumentalization of law); socio-political problems are partially regulated (politicization of law-making); changes in laws are often made, which indicates their low quality (inflation of law). The article recommends that People’s Deputies of Ukraine strictly adhere to the procedures provided by law and pay more attention to the mechanisms of implementation of legal norms, as their absence leads to the impossibility of implementing legal acts and, consequently, to reducing the role of law in society. Key words: parliament, martial law, imaginary constitutionalism, political instrumentalization of law, politicization of law-making, inflation of law