Desegregation Research Articles

Política de cotas raciais na UnB: um estudo sobre o acesso de negros na universidade durante o período 2004 a 2012

Em 2003, a Universidade de Brasília (UnB) lançou o Plano de Metas de Integração Social, Étnica e Racial da UnB. Como desdobramento desse Plano, em 2004, foi implementada a política de cotas raciais na Universidade, com o objetivo de proporcionar acesso mais igualitário para alunos negros em todos os cursos ofertados. Após de 10 anos do sistema, a pesquisa foi norteada pela questão: as cotas raciais cumpriram com seu papel de ingresso e redistribuição de alunos negros na UnB? Nesse sentido, o presente artigo tem como objetivo analisar como o programa de cotas raciais contribuiu para o acesso de estudantes negros ao ensino superior na UnB, no período 2004-2012. A pesquisa realizada classifica-se como descritiva. Foram analisados documentos que continham dados a respeito do acesso de negros na UnB e da demanda de candidatos ao sistema de cotas raciais. Conclui-se que o programa de cotas raciais na universidade contribuiu para aumentar o acesso de alunos negros à universidade e redistribuí-los entre os cursos, além de mostrar que os candidatos negros buscam cursos de menor prestígio social e, de forma crescente, cursos da área de saúde.

A research synthesis of magnet school effect on student outcomes: Beyond descriptive studies

ABSTRACTCharacterized by thematic instructional programs and voluntary enrollment, magnet schools are often the result of a neighborhood schooling effort to increase racial integration and academic achievement. With the continued expansion of magnet schools, it is critical that stakeholders have a comprehensive research synthesis of their potential impact. This article reviews and aggregates findings from 18 studies that evaluate magnet schools’ influence on student outcomes. Emphasis is given to the results of lottery-based studies and those utilizing prior achievement and demographic controls. Though results across studies vary substantially, effects are generally positive, particularly for magnet secondary schools.

A Distinct Voice Descriptive Shopping Cart - Integrated with Gmap and Responsive Customer Care Service

E-commerce promotes economic process by facultative on-line retailers to vie at intervals a worldwide market state of affairs. These unit essential success factors that led to tell apart an honest business on the web and this information could allow reaching a vital competitive advantage for business property. As several disciplines area unit concerned, once determinative essential success factors, e-commerce needs an efficient co-ordination and integration in an exceedingly cooperative means. In e-commerce, still as in the other scheme, the breaking down of some desegregation parts could provoke a collapse on the total system. The varied stakeholders concerned in an exceedingly given business ought to, therefore, be concerned and work along to realize a prime quality product that totally satisfies the tip customer’s wants and desires. to fulfill the on top of demand, this paper proposes a multi-perspective essential success issues (MPCSF) model for on-line looking and it achieves accessibility and geo abstraction in style and usability factor.

How I met your mother: The effect of school desegregation on birth outcomes

This paper assesses the effects of court-ordered school desegregation on biracial births, a measure of racial integration. Using birth certificate data, I present a multiple difference-in-differences approach that exploits variation in the timing of school desegregation in different counties. Among black mothers in non-Southern counties, I find that school desegregation increases biracial births. The results are robust to county fixed effects, cohort fixed effects, and county-specific cohort trends. This paper contributes to the literature on the determinants of interracial relationships and the importance of school desegregation on demographic outcomes.

Gertrude Weil: Jewish Progressive in the New South by Leonard Rogoff

Reviewed by: Gertrude Weil: Jewish Progressive in the New South by Leonard Rogoff Anne Gessler Gertrude Weil: Jewish Progressive in the New South. By Leonard Rogoff. ( Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2017. Pp. xiv, 354. $35.00, ISBN 978–1-4696–3079-3.) In the first biography of Goldsboro, North Carolina, suffragist and social justice activist Gertrude Weil, historian Leonard Rogoff's argument is twofold. First, he counters Eli Evans's portrayal of North Carolina Jews as provincial by arguing that although Weil was entangled in the state's complex racial and gendered hierarchies, she was "cosmopolitan with roots" (p. x). Second, Rogoff offers Weil's career as usable history for readers seeking to "live a meaningful life" (p. xi). Weil was steeped in classical Reform Judaism and the civic-minded German ethos of Bildung—"moral education and self-improvement"—and she believed that Jews were meant to model moral conduct for other nations (p. 2). While Gertrude Weil: Jewish Progressive in the New South builds on literature on North Carolina, women's studies, and Jewish history, Rogoff closely follows Anne Firor Scott's classic survey The Southern Lady: From Pedestal to Politics, 1830–1930 (Chicago, 1970), which documents how the southern women's club movement helped affluent white southern women build networks crucial to organizing politically. Rogoff also complements Pamela Tyler's and Landon R. Y. Storrs's research on the southern woman suffrage movement and consumer activists' emerging maternalist political apparatus. Weil mirrors Storrs's twentieth-century Jewish consumers and advocates whose northern education and international affiliation made radical, interracial organizing possible. Weil's career, however, provides a long view of grassroots movements, and Rogoff extends organizational histories by charting how Weil mobilized social networks to mitigate segregation, poverty, and public health crises for seventy years. The first four chapters examine Weil's spiritual and educational development. Rogoff outlines the Weil family's German Jewish familial network that linked urban nodes like New York City and Baltimore to outposts such as Goldsboro and facilitated assimilation while maintaining traditions, language, and ties to Europe. Additionally, Weil's classical education in North Carolina and at Smith College sharpened the independent, civically engaged idealism that propelled her to join New Woman social work agencies that advocated "municipal housekeeping" to reform political systems (p. 73). Next, Rogoff explores the interplay of Weil's interwar activism, science, and Jewish identity. As a member of the National American Woman Suffrage Association and the North Carolina Association of Jewish Women, Weil attended social work conferences and rooted "democracy and social justice in the canon of Israel" (p. 105). Yet racist and classist paternalism complicated Weil's egalitarianism. For instance, in 1919 she declared that black women's enfranchisement "is a problem" to be solved by strict voting requirements and not by "injustice and discriminations against the white women" (p. 119). In 1927 Weil called for economic equity while suggesting that allowing the poor and the "feeble-minded" to procreate exacerbated "social problems" (p. 200). Rogoff concedes that Weil's abstract idealism translated into "utopian thinking that overlooked social and racial consequences" (p. 202). Rogoff shines in chapter 9, where he traces the southern, northern, and European channels that Weil used to rescue a dozen relatives from Nazi-occupied Europe. She doggedly interceded with American and foreign governments and [End Page 193] spent thousands of dollars to secure family members' visas and make travel arrangements. Rogoff narrates Weil's heartbreaking failures with building tension, as wartime bureaucratic delays prevented one of her relatives from fleeing to Cuba before its borders closed. Rogoff thus illustrates the deeply personal stakes that colored Weil's postwar commitment to Zionism, building domestic religious institutions, and racial integration as an antifascist measure. Marshaling an impressive array of letters, ephemera, speeches, essays, newspaper articles, and government reports from the Gertrude Weil Papers and other archives, Rogoff painstakingly documents Weil's wide-ranging philanthropic, political, and religious efforts. However, without consistent historical signposting and confusing chronology, undergraduates and readers unfamiliar with the subject may become mired in Rogoff's thicket of details and dense prose. Nonetheless, Gertrude Weil invites further research into the history of southern Jewish women's organizations, specifically...

Silent Objects and Persistent Ruins: Curating and surviving imperial debris

Silent Objects and Persistent Ruins:Curating and surviving imperial debris Amy Woodson-Boulton A Place That Matters Yet: John Gubbins's MuseumAfrica in the postcolonial world By Sara G. Byala. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2013. Colonial Collecting and Display: Encounters with material culture from the Andaman and Nicobar Islands By Claire Wintle. New York: Berghahn Books, 2013. The Empire Inside: Indian commodities in Victorian domestic novels By Suzanne Daly. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2011. Treasured Possessions: Indigenous interventions into cultural and intellectual property By Haidy Geismar. Objects/Histories: Critical Perspectives on Art, Material Culture, and Representation. Durham: Duke University Press, 2013. Imperial Debris: On ruins and ruination Edited by Ann Laura Stoler. Durham; London: Duke University Press, 2013. These five works, from varying disciplines and written at various stages of academic careers, all consider the cultural work of objects and places, particularly those whose histories are deeply entangled with colonial relationships. In doing so, they work across traditional disciplinary boundaries, and try to interpret the meaning and legacies of locations, collections and commodities, both real and imagined, in a post-colonial world. The fact that these studies are both interdisciplinary and post-colonial is crucial, and not coincidental: written by scholars from History, English, Anthropology and Art History, these works have to grapple with the fact that the museums, novels, intellectual property and copyright laws, and cultural categories they study are imperial artifacts, as are the very disciplines they employ to examine them. The works therefore find various ways to frame and define their objects of study. Three of these works explore discrete collections of specific objects: Sara Byala traces the history of a idealistic, "antiracist" museum of Africana, from its founding in 1935 to the present, which collected "the cultural remnants of any and all people of southern Africa" (4); Claire Wintle writes the "biographies" of objects from their original Andaman and Nicobar contexts, to their incorporation into private collections, to their inclusion in the Brighton Museum; and Suzanne Daly looks at the treatment and histories of four different commodities (Kashmir shawls, cotton, diamonds and tea) in Victorian novels. Haidy Gaismar takes a broader, comparative view, looking at how Māori and ni-Vanuatu cultural movements are bringing Indigenous and customary ideas about tangible and intellectual property into national and international legal frameworks, and tracing how specific institutions and objects can embody an alternative to dominant Western definitions, serving to "indigenize" and "provincialize" Europe. Finally, the collection edited by Ann Laura Stoler uses a series of case studies of post-colonial contexts to find "imperial ruins," using the frame of decay and debris to thickly describe the persistence of colonial relations, the roles of neoliberalism and globalization in perpetuating such relations, and the accommodations and survival strategies of those maneuvering in the margins. Through their different approaches, however, these studies all call our attention to the circulation of objects: the many hands and minds they touch; the social, geographical and cultural boundaries they cross; their continual redefinition and re-appropriation; their magical properties of carrying multiple layers of meaning; the Victorian development of institutions and cultural forms to house and represent them (such as museums, paintings and novels); and their stubborn silence outside of careful, detailed and thorough historical research and cultural analysis. In addressing the silence of objects, of the archival record and of the ruins left to us, these studies also highlight their authors' own acts of translation: across time, across cultures, across disciplinary boundaries, across divisions of gender, race and class, and between and among cultural forms. These works thus also raise issues about how difficult it is to think historically—that is, to meaningfully trace and explain change over time—and in culturally sophisticated ways about the aesthetic domain and material culture. The three books that look at specific collections and commodities offer a wealth of original research, and show us how objects moving into collections become part of larger acts of translation into specific systems of interpretation and disciplinary narratives. Sara Byala's A Place That Matters Yet introduces readers to the little-known MuseumAfrica and the liberal (if limited) possibilities it imagined for ethnic and racial integration in pre...

Black Republicans and the Transformation of the GOP by Joshua D. Farrington

Reviewed by: Black Republicans and the Transformation of the GOP by Joshua D. Farrington William Sturkey (bio) Black Republicans and the Transformation of the GOP. By Joshua D. Farrington. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016. Pp. 328. $49.00 cloth; $45.00 ebook) Joshua Farrington's intriguing new book Black Republicans and the Transformation of the GOP chronicles the political activism of African Americans in the Republican Party between the New Deal and the 1970s. Although Farrington overstates the historiographical void of this topic (perhaps due to a wave of very recent scholarship), Black Republicans makes a valuable contribution to our understanding of African American political life by offering a broader analysis that captures the "full ideological range of black Republicanism in the twentieth century" (p. 5). This is an important point because, as Farrington observes, black Republicans during most of the twentieth century did not always have the "tenuous relationship with other African American leaders" that they do in the present (p. 2). In other [End Page 556] words, the GOP was not always antithetical to the NAACP. Farrington opens with a discussion of black political actors who remained loyal to the GOP during the 1930s and 1940s when millions of African Americans supported the Democratic Party's New Deal. Of the South, however, Farrington wisely observes that the relatively small number of black political leaders in formal roles remained loyal to the GOP because of segregated white supremacist state Democratic Party leadership. These black Republicans, as Farrington argues, established early leadership roles within the GOP, advocating for civil rights and using their influence to help expand organizations such as the NAACP in the urban South. Farrington could extend this point even further by more fully discussing the community organizing efforts of these very same leaders, but the point is well-taken that Southern black institutional growth during the interwar years was often led by African American Republicans. Black influence in the GOP reached its zenith in the 1950s. The Eisenhower Administration has received all types of criticism of its role, or lack thereof, in the school desegregation crises of the 1950s. But Farrington appropriately repositions our perspectives about the national Republican Party from the position of racial morality to political reality by highlighting how black Republican political actors operated through existing roles in the party to influence the GOP from within. This lead to a number of "high-ranking federal appointments and influential positions" for black Republicans and helped push the GOP toward a moderate approach toward desegregation and civil rights that was far more attractive than the racist anti-black hysteria embodied by Southern Democrats (p. 38). Farrington is onto something here. Some observers might be quick to cite the limitations of Eisenhower's civil rights policies or the low amount of support he received among black voters during the 1952 election. But the 1950s was indeed the most rapid era of racial desegregation to that point in American history. And Eisenhower's support among African Americans essentially doubled in just one election cycle. Farrington's focus allows him to reveal the importance of black Republicans, the [End Page 557] very same people who stayed loyal to the party during the New Deal, for influencing policies that shaped that trend. This particular point is the strength of this book. The remainder of Farrington's study covers a familiar story of African Americans and the Republican Party, describing the effects of the black vote on the 1960 Presidential Election and the ending of significant black support for the GOP in 1964. The rest of Farrington's book examines the small numbers of black Republicans who remained active in the party. Black Republicans is an interesting examination of black actors in the national GOP. It would be useful for this book to have engaged more fully with changing black demographics, especially considering that millions of black people gained the right to vote either by migration or by federal law. Nonetheless, Farrington's well-researched and compelling book will be useful to anyone studying the history of black politics and is a welcome addition to a growing body of literature of African Americans and the Republican Party. William Sturkey WILLIAM...

Arlington Heights Won in the Supreme Court but the Fair Housing Act’s Goal of Promoting Racial Integration Saved the Low Income Housing

In the early 1970’s, a developer sought a zoning change to a parcel of land in Arlington Heights, Illinois that would allow for the construction of government-subsidized low income housing. Arlington Heights denied the zoning change and the developer and several potential residents of the housing sued Arlington Heights arguing that this denial violated both equal protection under the Fourteenth Amendment of the United States Constitution and the federal Fair Housing Act (FHA). In Vil. Of Arlington Heights v. Metro. Housing Dev., 429 U.S. 252 (1977), the case reached the United States Supreme Court on the equal protection issue and the Court held that the plaintiffs did not establish an equal protection violation because they failed to prove that a racially discriminatory purpose had motivated the denial of the zoning change by Arlington Heights officials. The Supreme Court remanded the case to the lower courts to consider plaintiffs’ claims under the FHA. On remand, the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals held that the denial of the zoning change that the developer sought from Arlington Heights had the racially discriminatory effect of perpetuating residential racial segregation and unless another low income housing project could feasibly be built there, the denial of the zoning change constituted a violation of the FHA. After this decision by the Seventh Circuit, the parties entered into a consent decree in which Arlington Heights agreed to annex another parcel of property and allow the construction of the developer’s low income housing project on it. The developer’s project was eventually built on the land that Arlington Heights annexed and the low income housing project opened to residents in 1983. The construction of the developer’s low income housing project in Arlington Heights was facilitated by the Seventh Circuit’s decision that a denial of housing that has a racially discriminatory effect may violate the FHA even if a racially discriminatory purpose is not established. In 2013, the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) issued a regulation that indicated that the FHA could be violated by housing decisions that had a discriminatory effect. In 2015, the United States Supreme Court definitively determined in Texas Dept. of Housing and Community v. ICP, 135 S.Ct. 2507 (2015) that a housing practice that has a disproportionately adverse effect on minorities and otherwise lacks a legitimate rationale is actionable under the FHA. The purpose of this article is to analyze how the Seventh Circuit’s decision in the Arlington Heights case represents an important judicial precedent for using the FHA to challenge housing decisions that perpetuate housing segregation. The article also seeks to explain how the Seventh Circuit’s decision that Arlington Heights must accommodate this construction of government-subsidized low income housing in order to comply with the FHA presages interpretations of the FHA by both HUD and the Supreme Court that occurred more 35 years later. These broad interpretations of the FHA create valuable tools to achieve one of the primary goals of the FHA-the residential integration of the races in the United States. Finally, this article will address 2018 efforts by HUD to review its 2013 regulation in light of the Supreme Court’s decision in 2015. This article will examine how HUD’s regulatory review process might alter how the discriminatory effects standard is applied to determine whether the FHA has been violated.

Racial Selection in Deployment to Iraq and Afghanistan

The US Armed Forces officially desegregated in 1948. Over the following 70 years, the military has made great strides in promoting racial integration. However, we find evidence that, even today, African American soldiers’ experience of military service differs significantly from that of other racial and ethnic groups. Exploiting a database of administrative records for 110,000 Army personnel serving during the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, we find that African Americans were less likely than other service members to have deployed, or to face intense combat if deployed.

Narrative Ethnographies of Diverse Faculty in Higher Education: “Moral” Multiculturalism among Competing Worldviews

Since the Civil Right Movement in the United States, African Americans and other diverse students have forged through “integrated” educational systems to terminal graduate degrees. Some studies suggest racial integration in U. S. schools made White participants less prejudiced toward others, although the data showed that after schooling, many Whites again lived (and still do) in segregated neighborhoods with separation in places of employment, churches, and social groups (Wells, Holme, Revilla, & Atanda, 2004). One diverse participant in this study asked whether, after decades of integration, there has been any real progress, citing excellent educational experiences with all Black teachers within the all Black schools where he grew up. Is it truly progress for diverse students when they are bussed across town to be treated as minorities in mostly White schools? More diverse students do graduate from college; however, the diversity rate of professors is still abysmal. This study reports the contextual experiences of three African American (one an administrator) and one Latina faculty member with decades of experience in the public educational system and as they engaged in the culture of higher education struggling with a moral multiculturalism—whether worldviews (therefore free speech) could be morally determined and whether they as diverse faculty truly belong and are truly respected.

What’s Good for Boyle Heights Has Been Good at the Los Angeles Coliseum

George Sánchez’s 2004 article “What’s Good for Boyle Heights Is Good for the Jews” brings to light the fascinating history of the cultural and political dimensions of what he calls “radical interracialism” in the mid-twentieth century. As I delve more deeply into the racial, ethnic, and recreational history of Los Angeles, I find myself strongly indebted to the work of Sánchez and his cohorts of ethnic studies scholars working on Los Angeles. Sánchez’s research on the East Los Angeles neighborhood of Boyle Heights during the 1940s and ’50s has uncovered what Luis Alvarez calls a “counter-history of Los Angeles”: a narrative of the city’s and county’s history that disrupts the dominant understandings of decentralization, privatization, and apartheid-like segregation. To Sánchez, Boyle Heights was a “particular site of ethnic cooperation in the midst of racial segregation and political conservatism.” Recalling the neighborhood’s history during this period, he writes, “better situates our own search for neighborhoods of diversity that truly worked together in the past and our hope of a multiracial Los Angeles that can work together in the future.” Following his lead, I examine Sánchez’s formulation of “radical interracialism,” as articulated in his essays on Jewish cross-racial interaction in Boyle Heights and its political manifestation in the ascendance of Edward Roybal, the first Mexican American to serve in the Los Angeles City Council since the late nineteenth century. In these essays, Sánchez historicizes the making of cross-racial linkages on both cultural and political levels. Inspired by his research, I take up his challenge by embarking on my own search for radical interracialism in an unlikely yet ubiquitous urban institution—a sports stadium, whose hidden history of racial integration and public culture counters the social hierarchies inscribed in the neoliberal ballpark of the urban gentrifying present.

Social identities and racial integration in historically white universities: A literature review of the experiences of black students

South African government has been promulgating pieces of legislation aimed at ensuring racial integration, especially in higher education, and indirectly enforcing acculturation in historically white universities. Studies have proven that institutional cultures in historically white universities alienate and exclude black students’ identities. These students’ sense of social identity, which includes culture, heritage, language and traditions, and consequently self-esteem and self-concept, is altered in these institutions. Research has been scant regarding the shape and form that black students’ identity assumes when they get to these spaces. Using Tajfel and Turner’s (1979) social identity theory and Berry’s (2005) theory of acculturation, this article explores the experiences of black students in negotiating their social identities in historically white universities. Evoking Steve Biko’s analysis of ‘artificial integration’ (1986), we hope to illustrate how the ‘integration’ narrative sought to discard the identity of black students and psychologically enforce a simulation of black students into white-established identities. The study has implications for policy development as we hope to sensitise theoretically the historically white universities to, apart from mere opening of spaces of learning, understand the social identity challenges of black students in these institutions.

Racial Mixing and National Integration in Latin America: The Return of Racial Differences in Mexico and Brazil

The importance of racial differences in the configuration of Latin American societies has for decades been overshadowed by ideologies of racial mixing and social-class-based approaches to the analysis of the region’s societies. Since the beginning of the twenty-first century increased attention has been devoted to racial differences both in public policy and in social science research. Government affirmative action designed to reverse social inequalities due to racial differences in Brazil and the results of research on racial differences and racial mixing in Mexico indicate that, as Rodolfo Stavenhagen argued 50 years ago, racial mixing does not contribute to national integration. La transcendencia de las diferencias raciales en la configuración de las sociedades latinoamericanas ha sido poco atendida durante décadas; inicialmente, fue opacada por las ideologías del mestizaje, y posteriormente ensombrecida por el predominio de las clases sociales como forma de analizar a las sociedades de esta región. Desde a comienzos del siglo XXI, las diferencias raciales han adquirido notoriedad en Latinoamérica, tanto en las investigaciones en ciencias sociales como en las políticas públicas. Las políticas públicas de acción afirmativa conducidas por el gobierno brasileño y los hallazgos de las investigaciones más recientes en cuestiones referidas a las diferencias raciales y al mestizaje en el caso de México indican que, como dijo Rodolfo Stavenhagen hace cincuenta años, el mestizaje no contribuye a la integración nacional.

Are the walls giving way to fences? Is racial integration within Kwadukuza municipality leading to income-based class segregation?

The racial and development imbalances created by apartheid have made a profound impact on the urban and social landscape in South Africa. Despite it being 20 years into the dawn of a new South Africa, many parts of society are still bearing the brunt of the harsh impacts of apartheid. The first democratic elections in 1994 heralded a new era of hope and optimism for a better life in a racially integrated country. However 20 years into democracy, it is essential to monitor changes in integration. Literature suggests that, in the absence of legally enforced segregation as with apartheid, society will segregate itself on class or other factors. The purpose of this study is to measure whether the changes in racial integration are leading to class-based segregation in KwaDukuza, South Africa. The Neighbourhood Diversity Index was used to investigate how the racial patterns changed over the years and a Geographic Weighted Regression (GWR) model was used to determine if there is a relationship between racial integration and income that could explain transference from racial to classed-based segregation. The study found that low levels of racial integration have taken place but certain areas of the municipality have become increasingly segregated. The GWR model found a positive relationship between income and racial segregation in certain areas. This study further highlights that politicians, decision makers, and town and social planners face a long and socially demanding challenge in redressing past imbalances and promoting integration by breaking down the current trend of class-based segregation.

An impossible dream? Racial integration in the United States

An impossible dream? Racial integration in the United States

Can we have it all? A review of the impacts of school choice on racial integration

ABSTRACTThis article reviews the literature evaluating the impact of school choice programs on racial integration. Evidence on the impacts of magnet schools, voluntary busing programs, open enrollment practices, charter schools, and voucher programs is reviewed. The literature is mixed on this question, finding that the impacts of choice on racial integration are highly context-specific and varies across regions and type of choice.

School Desegregation and Black Teacher Employment

Prior to the racial integration of schools in the southern United States, predominantly African American schools were staffed almost exclusively by African American teachers as well, and teaching constituted an extraordinarily large share of professional employment among southern blacks. The large-scale desegregation of southern schools occurring after passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act represented a potential threat to this employment base, and this paper estimates how student integration affected black teacher employment. Using newly assembled archival data from 781 southern school districts observed between 1964 and 1972, I estimate that a school district transitioning from fully segregated to fully integrated education, which approximates the experience of the modal southern district in this period, led to a 31.8% reduction in black teacher employment. A series of tests indicate that these employment reductions were not due to school district self-selection into desegregation or unobserved district characteristics associated with desegregation. Additional analyses estimate changes in the occupational distribution by race in the 1960 and 1970 Decennial Censuses and indicate that displaced southern black teachers either entered lower skill occupations within the South or migrated out of the region to continue teaching, and that southern school districts compensated for reduced black teacher employment by employing fewer total teachers and by increasing their recruitment of white teachers, especially less experienced white teachers and white male teachers. Institutional subscribers to the NBER working paper series, and residents of developing countries may download this paper without additional charge at www.nber.org.

‘They dug up wounds’: University of the Free State students’ experiences of transformation and integration in campus residences

ABSTRACTThis article seeks to illuminate the deeper and complex dimensions of post-apartheid transformation by examining how University of the Free State (UFS) undergraduate students experienced racial integration within campus residences. Data were drawn from a sample of 17 individual semi-structured in-depth narrative interviews with student participants. Three emergent themes (a) conceptualizing transformation, (b) racial diversity vs. relational unity, and (c) discourses of openness and possibility are presented. Drawing from the framework of Contact Theory, the article discusses how the three themes inform the nature of contact in post-conflict contexts and, specifically, UFS as an exemplar of a South African historically white university.

ETHNICITY, POLITICS, AND EDUCATION IN MACEDONIA

This article examines the education system of the Republic of Macedonia by focusing on education segregation along ethnic lines between ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians who comprise the second largest ethnicity in the country. The article builds upon an existing body of literature on the country as well as a number of reports from international organizations. It utilizes theories on ethnicity and nationalisms, brings forth the historical context of the conflict in the country, identifies how this affected the post-conflict education system and proposes a number of steps that are necessary to desegregate the education system in order to achieve reconciliation and foster integration. Article visualizations:

Ending to What End? The Impact of the Termination of Court-Desegregation Orders on Residential Segregation and School Dropout Rates

In the early 1990s, the Supreme Court established standards to facilitate the release of school districts from racial desegregation orders. Over the next two decades, federal courts declared almost half of all districts under court order in 1991 to be “unitary”—that is, to have met their obligations to eliminate dual systems of education. I leverage a comprehensive dataset of all districts that were under court order in 1991 to assess the national effects of the termination of desegregation orders on indices of residential-racial segregation and high-school dropout rates. I conclude that the release from court orders moderately increased the short-term rates of Hispanic–White residential segregation. Furthermore, the declaration of districts as unitary increased rates of 16- to 19-year-old school dropouts by around 1 percentage point for Blacks, particularly those residing outside the South, and 3 percentage points for Hispanics.