Party Program Research Articles

Foreign Policy Aspects in Attitudes of Germany Parliamentary Parties during Period of A. Merkel’s Chancellorship (2005—2021)

The main directions in the foreign policy agendas of the leading parties in Germany during the period of A. Merkel’s chancellorship are considered. The relevance of the study is due to the need to study the strategic program settings of the German parliamentary parties, which will allow a better understanding of what the country’s future foreign policy may be. It is emphasized that the party system of Germany is quite stable: only three parties have joined the parliamentary parties of the first convocation — the CDU / CSU, the FDP and the SDPG — at the present stage: the “Union 90 / Greens”, “Left” and since 2017 — “Alternative for Germany”. Particular attention is paid to the study of the election and fundamental programs of the parliamentary parties of Germany, as they reflect the party’s “worldview”, views on the place and role of the country in the world, the ultimate or most important goals to which the party should move, as well as the means and methods for achieving the set goals. Based on the analysis of these documents, it is concluded that there is a certain consensus among parliamentary parties on key issues related to the country’s foreign policy. Demands for a revision of the chosen course are heard only from right and left populists, who do not have a significant impact on German foreign policy.

“Deutschland ist auch Frauensache”. NPD-Frauen im Kampf für Volk und Familie 1964–2020

In this enlightening and carefully researched book, Valérie Dubslaff explores the history of the right-wing extremist Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschland (NPD) with a focus on its female members and officials. Dubslaff offers a unique insight into the various ways in which women of different generations have actively influenced the NPD’s political and ideological development during the last six decades. Throughout the book, the author presents a thorough analysis, based on an impressive number of primary sources, ranging from internal party documents, manuscripts and letters, through party programmes, leaflets, contributions in the NPD’s party newspaper, and records of right-wing extremist networks and actors in antifascist archives, to content published on NPD websites or posted on social media. Moreover, by continuously reflecting on the historical and socio-political context of the NPD women’s manoeuvring, Dubslaff makes a remarkably insightful contribution to the exploration of the postwar Federal Republic’s gender history. In the first section, ‘Women in the NPD’s Heyday (1964–1969)’, the author focuses on the role the NPD’s (few) female members played in the consolidation and foundation of the party in 1965 as well as during the party’s most successful years in the late 1960s. The NPD’s founding mothers are presented as women from the ‘Experience Generation’ (Erlebnisgeneration), who had actively supported the National Socialist regime, refused to accept the FRG’s postwar order and continued their ideological and political engagement in the NPD. Here, Dubslaff explores how the three most prominent female members strove for more influence and actively contributed to the elaboration of ideological standpoints. Among other examples, in the field of family and social policy, they promoted an ideal of the German family strongly reminiscent of the Nazi regime’s ideology. Overall, however, Dubslaff describes the political status of women in the male-dominated NPD as characterized by a double marginalization. On the one hand, they were relegated to a subordinate role in the patriarchally structured NPD, while on the other, due to their Nazi past, NPD women could not escape the party’s overall pariah status in the FRG’s political system, despite the attempt to present themselves as a constructive and constitutional opposition.

Veterinary-led puppy parties: A cross-sectional survey to quantify the methods and approaches undertaken within UK veterinary practices

In the United Kingdom, companion animal veterinary practices offer in-clinic puppy socialization programs, referred to as “Puppy Parties”. Studies examining puppy parties are limited, and minimal data is available on the delivery of these programs. This study aimed to describe the methods and approaches used by UK veterinary professionals providing in-clinic puppy parties. A cross-sectional descriptive survey was distributed via social media and by direct email to veterinary practices known to offer puppy parties on their public domain. Respondents were required to have worked in a UK veterinary practice offering parties or equivalent between January 2010 and March 2019. Descriptive data was collected on participant and practice demographics, puppy eligibility, program structure and environment, the inclusion of canine behavior and training, client education, and the effect of COVID-19. All (n = 81) respondents were included for analysis. Findings described variation in the structure of in-clinic puppy parties, particularly as they relate to puppy age, class size, and program duration. “Habituation to practice” was the most common reason for delivery (60.5%), with “Monetary gain” the least likely reason (50.6%). Puppy parties commonly began at 8-9 weeks of age (53.1%), and most (77.8%) persisted beyond the sensitive period of socialization (>12 weeks). Where some puppy parties did not permit intra-species interactions (6.2%), others provided the opportunity for socialization through controlled play (53.1%). Program duration ranged from a singular session (28.4%) to cumulative sessions of ≥4 weeks (34.6%). The “first vaccination of the primary course” was the minimum requirement to attend most parties (75.3%) and deworming was rarely required (24.7%). While behavior topics (87.2%) were commonly discussed, staff generally lacked training and behavior qualifications (65.4%). Finally, all parties were discontinued following COVID-19 restrictions. In conclusion, the results of the study provided a descriptive framework of puppy party programs run by UK veterinary practices. Future researchers may seek to examine which methods used in the delivery of puppy programs best promote canine welfare and behavioral wellness.

PERILAKU RASIONAL POLITIK BIROKRASI DALAM PEMILU 2019 DI KABUPATEN BOALEMO

This study aims to analyze and identify factors that hinder the rational behavior of bureaucratic politics in the 2019 elections in Boalemo County. To answer this goal, this study uses qualitative methods with a phenomenological approach. The results showed that ASNs in the structural and functional ranks of teachers tend to behave irrationally in elections. Meanwhile, ASNs who are in the functional ranks of Health tend to be rational in making political choices. There are three factors that hinder ASN's political preferences in politically rational behavior, including familial and kinship factors or fraternal ties, the existence of regional heads as incumbents and the last is the motive factor for career offices. This is why asn tends not to be neutral in the 2019 elections in Boalemo County. Asn neutrality can be achieved if it behaves rationally in determining political choices consisting of logical considerations and consistency based on the vision, mission and work programs of both political parties and candidates.

Оценка исторических событий России в программах политических партий на выборах в Государственную Думу 8-го созыва

The author examines the mention, evaluation, and interpretation of historical events and personalities in the programs of political parties that put forward lists of their candidates for elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the 8th convocation. As a result of the study, the author came to the conclusion that radical assessments of historical events, both positive and negative, are found only in isolated cases, which indicates the broad ideological boundaries of most parties. The experience of the Soviet period in the context of social policy and industry is positively assessed by the majority of parties, while the decisions of the authorities of the period of the 90s of the last century are assessed strictly negatively. The study showed that the ideological basis of the party will not in all cases correspond to the assessment of historical events given in the party’s election program.

Political parties' framing of farm animal welfare: A fragmented picture

AbstractIn this article, we draw from qualitative interviews with political parties' representatives and a content analysis of party programs to identify how political parties frame animal welfare policies in Norway. In analyzing the framing of animal welfare and its significance for understanding agricultural post‐exceptionalism, we found that though they frame animal welfare issues in conflicting ways, most see Norwegian animal welfare as reasonably good but perceive potential for improvement. They also generally understand societal claims as lacking or having an unclear factual basis, which has legitimized their nonaction as political parties. Even so, because of active new actors such as animal welfare organizations and retailers, the parties do not believe that public pressure will wane. Although introducing new farm animal welfare policies can represent a move towards post‐exceptionalism in Europe's agri‐food sector, the discourse on animal welfare policies amongst political parties implies that such is not the case in Norway.

The Concept of Democracy in the Policies and Discourses of the Republican People's Party (RPP) in the 1946 Elections

In this study, the policies of the Republican People's Party (RPP) in the general and local elections held in 1946, the discourses of party members and party supporters were discussed in the context of the concept of “democracy,” and their effects on domestic politics were searched. First of all, external and internal factors that were effective in Turkey's multi-party system were discussed. In this context, the victory of the democracy front in the World War II, the signing of the United Nations Constitution, and the necessity to take measures against the increasing Soviet threat caused Turkey to turn its face to the West. All these external factors signaled the democratic steps that would take place in Turkey in the years following 1945. In addition, the socio-economic problems experienced before and after the war, the pressures of the RPP government, and the extreme dissatisfaction of the people due to all these reasons made the political system be bound to change. In addition to these problems, the disagreements in the RPP regarding the “The Land Distribution Law”, “Budget Proposed Law” and the “Memorandum of the Four,” which caused great debates in domestic politics, were mentioned. As a result of those as mentioned above external and internal factors, how Turkey turned into a multi-party system was mentioned, and in this context, the establishment of the Democrat Party (DP) and the expectations and discourses of the RPP about this party were discussed. Afterward, the effects of the II. RPP Extraordinary Congress, which had a great impact on domestic politics, were mentioned. In this congress, RPP also decided to hold the general election earlier than planned, together with the local election. With the early elections, the RPP wanted to show the world public opinion that the system was democratic and tried to preserve the current one-party rule by preventing opposition parties from getting stronger. The study has an important and unique quality in terms of showing that democracy could not be fully adopted due to the policies and discourses of the RPP and that it could not find an applicable area within the one-party system. The main purpose of the research was to include the politics of domination that the RPP was trying to establish on the DP and the entire state system, by addressing the anti-democratic discourses and political steps of the RPP. The literature review method was used in the research, and archival sources constituted most of the research. In this context, the RPP's policies on democracy in the 1946 elections, the discourses of party members and supporters of the party were investigated by analyzing the important national and local newspapers of the period, the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA), and political party minutes, party programs and election manifestos. The study has revealed that the RPP's policies regarding the 1946 elections, the discourses of party members and party supporters were incompatible with the concept of democracy and that this concept could not be assimilated. Especially what happened in the general election has caused this election to be remembered as a “shady election” in Turkish political history. As a result of the events that took place in both elections, it has been understood that the RPP was trying to maintain its position in the state with its traditional, tutelary one-party understanding of democracy rather than trying to maintain the multi-party democratic system.

THE IMAGE OF THE FUTURE IN THE PROGRAMS OF NON-PARLIAMENTARY POLITICAL PARTIES AT THE ELECTIONS TO THE STATE DUMA OF THE VIIITH CONVOCATION

Aim. To analyze the election programs of non-parliamentary political parties regarding the frequency and effectiveness of using the image of the future as an electoral technique. Research objectives are to establish whether the use of the image of the future is a common tool in the programs of non-parliamentary political parties in the elections to the State Duma of the VIIIth convocation, as well as to find out how effective the use of the image of the future is in the conditions of the formed state strategy for the medium and long term.Methodology. The analysis of the programs of the political parties "Yabloko", "Russian Party of Freedom and Justice", "Motherland", "Pensioners Party", "New People" (at the time of the elections it was a non-parliamentary party), "Communist Party “Communists of Russia”", "Green", "Green Alternative", "Civil Platform" as well as the manifesto of the party "Growth", which was used by the party as an election program. The author uses the methods of studying documents, content analysis, and a comparative method. The methodological basis of the work is the source study analysis.Results. It has been established that the majority of non-parliamentary parties have refused to directly declare the image of the future in their programs, and those parties that include the image of the future in the election program use it as a populist method of attracting the electorate, which is an ineffective tool in the conditions of the formed state strategy.Research implications of the article include the analysis of the effectiveness of such an electoral device as the image of the future in the election program on the basis of the most relevant program documents, which in practice makes it possible to classify this electoral device as ineffective for non-parliamentary parties.

К вопросу о конструировании концепта "кризис 1990-х" в современном общественно-политическом дискурсе

The article analyzes the sources, process and mechanisms of constructing of the concept "crisis of the 1990s" in modern socio-political discourse. The aim was to study this concept as a tool for shaping public opinion. The crisis issues of the 1990s were widespread in the President's messages, continued in the programs of political parties and modern mass media. In this regard, the study of the concept "crisis of the 1990s" was carried out using the tools of content analysis and qualitative text analysis. As a result of the analysis of the selected types of sources, the hypothesis was confirmed that a stable concept of the "crisis of the 1990s" was formed in the socio-political discourse. It was also found that the volume of content characterizing the 1990s as a crisis period prevails to a greater extent on the federal agenda. The state media turn to the stories of the 1990s in order to demonstrate differences in the approaches of state policy of the 2000s-2020s, and the opposition media note the pattern in the work carried out in shaping public opinion.

Türkiye’de Siyasi Partilerin Teröre Yaklaşımları

Devletlerin güvenliklerini ve bekalarını tehdit eden en önemli sorunların başında terör sorunu gelmektedir. Bu bakımdan Türkiye, uzun yıllardan beri terörün etnik, ideolojik ve dini motifli her varyantıyla mücadele etmektedir. Demokratik siyasal sistemlerin vazgeçilmez unsurlarından olan ve yasama ve yürütme erkinde önemli rol sahibi olan siyasi partiler, ülkedeki mevcut sorunların tespiti, çözüm önerileri ve devlete aktarılmasına ve buna yönelik politikalar üretilmesine aracılık etmektedir. Dolayısıyla bu çalışmada, Türkiye’de siyasi partilerin terör sorununa yönelik yaklaşımları seçim beyannameleri ve parti programları üzerinden incelenmektedir. Bu doğrultuda, terörün siyasal partiler tarafından nasıl algılandığı sorusuna cevap arayan bu çalışmanın amacı, Türkiye’de Meclis’te grubu bulunan siyasi partilerin teröre yönelik yaklaşımlarını ortaya koymaktır. Çalışmada yöntem olarak, bu partilerin genel seçim beyannameleri, tüzükleri ve parti programları çerçevesinde doküman analizi yapılmıştır. Çalışma sonucunda HDP dışında tüm partilerin terörü bir sorun alanı olarak gördüğü ve buna yönelik çözüm önerileri geliştirdiği görülmektedir. Meclis’teki partilerin terör sorunu yalnızca güvenlik tedbirleriyle değil, sosyal ve ekonomik boyutlarıyla ele alınması ve bu kapsamda çözüm politikaları geliştirilmesi gerektiğini belirtmektedirler. Terörizm, kaynakları, çözüm yolları ve mücadele yöntemleri konusunda partilerin farklı yaklaşımları ve düşünceleri olmasına rağmen partilerin çoğunluğu tarafından terörün bir sorun alanı olarak görüldüğü de söylenebilir.

RECEP PEKER'S THOUGHTS ON FASCISM AND QUESTIONING A CLAIM

Atatürk’ün cumhurbaşkanlığı sırasında onun özel kalem müdürü ve genel sekreteri olarak görev yapmış Hasan Rıza Soyak’ın anılarında ne kanıtlanabilen ne de görmezden gelinebilen meşhur bir iddia yer almaktadır. Buna göre Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi Genel Sekreteri Recep Peker, İtalya ve Almanya’daki faşist partilere özenerek Türkiye’de de bir parti devleti yaratmak düşüncesiyle CHP için nizamname ve program taslakları kaleme almıştır. Peker’in bu çalışmaları Atatürk’ü çok kızdırmış ve nihayet onun Atatürk’ün gözünden düşmesine yol açmıştır. Recep Peker’in dünya görüşünü ve faşizme yaklaşımını ele alan çalışmaların büyük çoğunluğunda Soyak’ın anılarında anlattığı bu olay fazla sorgulanmadan doğru kabul edilmiş ve bu varsayım üzerinden çeşitli çıkarımlarda bulunulmuştur. Oysa Soyak’ın anıları ancak onun dönemin politik mücadelelerinde taraf olan bir figür olduğu unutulmadığında doğru değerlendirilebilir. Soyak, İnönü ve Peker’e mesafeli olan Atatürk’ün yakın çevresindeki kişilerden biridir. Bu iki kişiye göre daha liberal bir pozisyonu benimsediğini söylenebilir. Dönemin politik çatışmalarının etkileri, o dönem bu çatışmalarda taraf olan pek çok kişinin anılarına yansıdığı gibi Soyak’ın anılarında da yansımasını bulmuştur ve söz konusu anılar bu çerçevede okunmalıdır. Bilimsel açıdan daha verimli sonuçlar doğuracak olan, Soyak’ın belgelerle doğrulanamayan anılarına takılıp kalmak değil; fakat Peker’in faşizm konusundaki yaklaşımını onun kaleme aldığı metinler üzerinden incelemektir. Böylesi bir incelemede şu sorulara yanıt aramak yerinde olacaktır: Recep Peker’in çeşitli ideolojilere yönelik yaklaşımı hep aynı mı olmuştur? Eğer bu konuda bazı değişimler ortaya çıktıysa bunun sebepleri nelerdir? Çokça gönderme yapılan 1935’teki İtalya seyahati öncesi Peker ve CHP yöneticileri Avrupa’daki partilerin ve bu bağlamda faşist partilerin programlarından habersiz miydiler? Haberleri varsa, bu konu niçin 1935-1936’da aniden ortaya çıkmış gibi ele alınmaktadır? Recep Peker’in CHP’nin ideolojisi ve teşkilatlanması üzerindeki etkisi nedir, bu hususta parti içinde anlaşmazlıklar var mıdır ve bu anlaşmazlıklar, karşıtlarının Peker’in ideolojisini tanımlamalarına bir etkide bulunmuş mudur? Soyak’ın bahsettiği program ve nizamname taslakları bulunamadığına göre, Peker’in yazı ve konuşmalarından, parti örgütüne yaptığı tebligatlardan onun faşizme bakışıyla ilgili nasıl bir sonuca ulaşabiliriz? Bu çalışmada, dönemin Avrupasında etkili olan çeşitli ideolojiler gibi faşizmin de 1935’ten önce Kemalist entelektüellerce mercek altına alındığı ve liberalizmin 1920’li yıllarda yaşadığı çifte kriz sonrasında dünyanın farklı ülkelerinde de görülen pragmatik modernist eğilimlere Türkiye’de de rastlandığı, Recep Peker’in faşizme yönelik yaklaşımının da büyük ölçüde bu pragmatik modernist çerçeve içinde anlamlandırılabileceği öne sürülmektedir. Peker, Nazizm ve faşizm gibi görüşleri Türkiye açısından ideolojik bir tehdit olarak tanımlıyor, faşist akımlara reaksiyoner olmaları ve ırka dayalı milliyetçiliği savunmaları bakımından eleştirel yaklaşıyordu. Bununla birlikte otoriter bir dünya görüşüne sahip olan Peker, 1930’lu yıllarda Türkiye’de görülen otoriterleşme eğilimiyle birlikte liberalizm ve parlamentarizme yönelik daha sert eleştiriler dile getirmeye başlamıştı ve sınıf çatışmasına yol açtığını düşündüğü liberalizm ve sosyalizm gibi akımlara faşistlerin de karşı olmasını haklı buluyordu. Peker’in aldığı tepkiler, onun partiyi devlete hakim kılmaya çalışmasının ve zaman zaman pragmatik modernizmin sınırlarını zorlayan otoriter eğilimlerinin bir sonucuydu.

PERSEPSI MASYARAKAT KELURAHAN MAMBORO BARAT TERHADAP PARTAI POLITIK BARU PADA PEMILU 2019

This study aimed to determine the Mamboro Village community's perception of the New Political Party in the 2019 legislative election. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative where interviews and documentation as instruments to collect data. This study aims to determine the political perception of the people in the West Mamboro sub-district towards the new political parties in the 2019 legislative elections. The results show that the political perception (political attitude) of the people of the West Mamboro sub-district towards the presence of new political parties, both from the level of introduction of political parties, the level of the introduction of political party candidates, the level of introduction to political party programs, and the level of knowledge and media introducing these new political parties is very low. This political attitude (political perception) will greatly influence the political preferences of the people in the West Mamboro Village, whose socio-political structure is more likely to be influenced by factors in the social environment where they live. Parents, husbands, mothers and families have a very strong influence in determining political preferences in the 2019 election. Thus, the tendency of West Mamboro people's political preferences towards political parties, one of which is strongly influenced by the acceptability of political figures or figures who are considered to have strong social ties ( sociological approach) with most of the people of West Mamboro.

THE PERSPECTIVES OF POLITICAL PARTIES ON ANTI-CORRUPTION IN TURKEY: AN EVALUATION BASED ON PARTY PROGRAMS

Bu çalışma, Türkiye’de siyasi partilerin yolsuzlukla mücadeleye bakışlarını 24 Haziran 2018 genel seçimi sonrası TBMM’de grubu bulunan partilerin parti programları üzerinden ele almaktadır. Öncelikle yolsuzluğun tanımı, türleri ve etkileri ile yozluğun nedenleri ve yolsuzlukla mücadeleye ilişkin teorik çerçeve oluşturulmuştur. Her partinin parti programında yer alan yolsuzlukla mücadeleye ilişkin verilerin analizinde nitel araştırma yöntemlerinden içerik analizi ve doküman analizi yöntemi birlikte kullanılmıştır. Parti programlarından elde edilen veriler sonuç kısmında karşılaştırılarak değerlendirilmiştir. Araştırmada şu sonuçlara ulaşılmıştır: TBMM’de grubu bulunan partilerden HDP’nin parti programında yolsuzlukla mücadeleye ilişkin herhangi bir politika bulunmamaktadır. AK Parti, CHP ve İYİ Parti yolsuzlukla mücadelede idari ve yasal düzenlenmelerle yolsuzluğu önlemeye ve cezalandırmaya yönelik kurumsal politikaları vurgularken, MHP’nin benzer kurumsal politikalar ile yolsuzlukla mücadeleye ilişkin toplumsal farkındalık oluşturmayı hedefleyen daha kapsamlı politikalar belirlediği görülmektedir.

STOLYPIN PETR ARKADYEVICH AND THE BASIC COMPONENTS OF HIS PROGRAM MODERNIZATION OF RUSSIA: BUILDING A LEGAL STATE AND CIVIL SOCIETY

The article provides separate facts of the biography of the great Russian reformer Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin, some of the components of his program for the reconstruction of Russia stand out. Based on the results of research by L.Yu. Kazanina, which are based on an empirical and theoretical, historiographic approach to the study and analysis of the periodical press, which presented the main socio-political views of the early twentieth century; documents that make up the concept of reforms of P.A. Stolypin; programs of the main political parties of Russia of the specified period; materials of the I and II State Duma, the State Council of Tsarist Russia, containing the basic components of the modernization of Russia, developed by P.A. Stolypin. Emphasis is placed on certain provisions for building a legal state, civil society, which are part of the program for the modernization of Russia.

Examining the Programs of Political Parties in terms of the Structure of the Turkish National Education System

Education systems are largely shaped by the policies of political parties. Political parties try to express their policies regarding the structure and functioning of the education system through party programs. As in all countries, policies regarding the education system have an important place in party programs in Turkey. The aim of this study is to examine the programs of political parties in Turkey in terms of the structure of the Turkish National Education System; the aim is to present their views on “Pre-School Education”, “Primary Education”, “General Secondary Education”, “Vocational Technical Secondary Education”, “Higher Education” and “Non-Formal Education-Adult Education-Continuous Education”. In this context, it is important to express the similarities in the objectives of the political parties regarding the structure of the Turkish Education System. In this study, the qualitative research method was used. The data of the research were collected through document analysis. The study population consisted of all the political parties in The Grand National Assembly of Turkey (GNAT). The sample of the study consists of five political parties selected according to the criterion sampling method, which is one of the purposive sampling methods. These political parties can be listed as follows according to the number of members: 1.Justice and Development Party (JDP), 2.Republican People's Party (RPP) 3.Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) 4.National Movement Party (NMP) 5.Good Party (GP). The data sources of the study are the party programs of political parties. The documents regarding the party programs were taken from the official websites of the parties. In the context of suitability for the purpose of the study, the documents were analyzed by the content analysis method. The findings of the research are given without adding the researcher's comment, according to the themes and codes created. According to the findings, there are quite a lot of statements about the structure of the Turkish National Education System in the programs of political parties. As a result of the analysis, it has been determined that there are many similarities in the programs of the five parties, although there are many differences in the objectives of the parties regarding the structure of the Turkish Education System.

ELECTION PROGRAMS OF NON-PARLIAMENTARY POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE ELECTIONS TO THE STATE DUMA OF THE VIII TH CONVOCATION. COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS

Aim. To analyze the election programs of non-parliamentary political parties as the key documents for understanding the party ideology, assessing its attitude to the actions of the authorities, as well as the actions procedure in case of election. Research objectives: to find out if there is a correlation between the volume of the party program and its result in the elections; to establish whether the amount and quality of descriptions of initiatives are related to the results of parties in elections; and, thirdly, to characterize the party programs based on the language features of writing programs.Methodology. The analysis of the programs of the political parties "Yabloko", "Russian Party of Freedom and Justice", "Motherland", "Pensioners Party", "New People" (at the time of the elections it was a non-parliamentary party), "Communist Party of Communists of Russia", "Green", "Green Alternative", "Civil Platform" as well as the manifesto of the party "Growth", which was used by the party as an election program, was carried out. The methods of studying documents, content analysis, and a comparative method are used in the paper.Results. It has been established that the best results among non-parliamentary political parties were achieved by those whose program volume is at least 10 thousand characters. It has been revealed that the number of initiatives included in the program for the voter is as important as the quality and detail of their description, and the linguistic features, identified through the analysis of frequently mentioned within the framework of the program of words, allow to give a basic description of the document as well as to determine the ideological and political features and directions of the party.Research implications of the article is in the comparison of the program documents of the parties with the election results, which makes it possible to identify the most successful strategies for compiling political documents.

Scandinavian Social Democrats Facing The ‘Progressive Dilemma’: Immigration and Welfare States In Left-of-Centre Party Programs

Scandinavian Social Democrats Facing The ‘Progressive Dilemma’: Immigration and Welfare States In Left-of-Centre Party Programs

Traditional Values in the Discourse of the French Populist Radical Right: The Case of the National Rally

The migration crisis has become a trigger activating radical right-wing forces and movements. Contemporary right-wing forces, seeking to distinguish themselves from extremist right-wing movements, are resorting to populism, updating their political agenda: they use traditional conservative values in their rhetoric, but give them a new interpretation. In particular, the traditional values are complemented by gender equality and minority rights. The article analyses the transformation of the right-wing family agenda in the new social and political context, based on the conceptualisation of radical right-wing populism by H.-G. Betz and C. Mudde. The author considers the case of the French National Rally, examining the speeches of party leaders, party programmes and media materials through discourse analysis. The author identifies two trends: (1) since the 1980s, the traditional anti-migrant rhetoric of the right has been extended to include the family agenda, and the category of family as the core of the nation was gradually transformed into a tool to protect the nation from external influence; (2) party renewal under the leadership of Marine Le Pen entailed the updating of the family agenda to include protection of women’s rights, the modern interpretation of family, actualization of issues of European and national identity, including the interpretation of the women’s role as active protectors of national identity. In the author’s view, this process fits into the overall efforts of right-wing radicals to move into the political mainstream and the emergence of right-wing populism.

THE ORIGINS OF CENTRAL EUROPEAN EUROSCEPTICISM

The article is focused on the practical manifestations Euroscepticism in the countries of Central Europe. Using a combination of content analysis research method and the classification of Euroscepticism given by Sioren Riisho, the foundations of the Eurosceptic policies of the leading parties of the Visegrád Group countries are identified. Special emphasis is placed on the role of national integration factors in forming a Eurosceptic political base. The analysis focuses on the policy documents that were published before the parliamentary elections in Slovakia, Hungary, the Czech Republic and Poland. The choice of research subjects (political parties) enabled the widest range of right-wing political forces in Central Europe to be studied. The content analysis and criteria used to identify Eurosceptic statements in the programmes of the political parties under study are described in the article in a step-by-step manner, which makes it possible to use this methodology to analyse other documents and manifestations of Eurosceptic policy.

Экологическая проблематика в предвыборных программах парламентских партий России в 2021 г.

The article presents the relationship between the environmental themes of social media and the election programs of the parliamentary parties. The author analyzes the relevance of the environmental agenda in modern Russia and identifies two multidirectional vectors in the environmental sphere. One vector is the problems and cases that require prompt solutions, the other – problems and cases requiring strategic solutions. Based on the analysis of user comments under posts on the topic of ecology in social media VKontakte, Odnoklassniki, Instagram, Facebook, Twitter, the paper identify six main environmental topics using thematic modeling by the LDA method and 35 points on environmental topics based on the analysis of the election programs of five parliamentary parties. The author identifies 19 points of election programs directly or indirectly intersecting with six environmental topics of social networks. The most complete environmental topics are presented in the United Russia program, which shows the largest number of intersections with environmental topics of social media.