Private Newspapers Research Articles

Bias in Headlines: Evidence from Newspaper Coverage of the 2012 Ghana Presidential Election Petition

A nagging concern that has emerged from media bias is its over-riding and manipulative power to influence public opinion and perception. When this bias is unleashed on consumers of news, it can have a devastating consequence on news production and consumption. Since most casual readers take their news from the headlines without reading the accompanying stories, it is more disturbing when newspapers, with their eyes on profit, tantalize the reading public with biased headlines. Against this background, a corpus of 80 headlines culled from four Ghanaian private newspapers was analysed to explore the infusion of bias in headlines in the coverage of the 2012 Ghana Presidential Election Petition. The results showed that a high percentage (81.5%) of the headlines was biased. It was also found out that influenced by which side of the petition the newspapers supported, they employed word choice as the main type of bias, using linguistic choices such as negative words, invectives and loaded words. The findings have implications for media objectivity and fair reportage devoid of ideological slant and judgmental opinions.

The Case of Freedom of Expression in Egypt: The Risky Business of Expressing an Opinion

Under the ruling of President Morsi, the attack on freedom of expression in Egypt had become synonymous with the arrest warrant issued against the popular satirist Bassem Yussuf over charges of, inter alia, blasphemy and insulting the president. For many, seeking to silence Yussuf, considering his popularity and scathing criticism of the regime, made perfect sense. Nevertheless a closer look at the situation may reveal another dimension for such assault on freedom of expression. For example, charges of blasphemy had also chased the writer and Islamic researcher Yussuf Zidan for a book that he published in 2009 and, in another case, two Coptic boys (aged nine and ten years). Zidan, due to the technical nature of his writings, can hardly be imagined to have posed any threat to the regime and the age of the Coptic boys cast real doubts that they even knew the meaning of blasphemy let alone committing it. Furthermore, in an unprecedented move against non-Arabic press, it had been reported that the government pressure led to the shutdown of ‘Egypt Independent’ a private newspaper published in English.Despite that laws related to freedom of expression and media had hardly changed from Mubarak to Morsi, this paper aims to track down the behavioral changes in implementing these laws under both Presidents.

MİZANCI MURAD VE "TURFANDA MI TURFA MI?" ROMANINDA EĞİTİM

Innovation movements accelerating in every area with the Imperial Edict of Reorganization Tanzimat acquired a different dimension with the appearance of the first private newspaper after 1860. Artists of the era have made the best of the strength of literature in changing socio-cultural perceptions of the society and, in sharing their political views with wide masses of population. Novels, as a genre introduced with translated novels after 1860 has been effectively used in this social transformation. In the novel Turfanda mi, Turfa mi? evaluated in this context, Mehmet Murad Bey, who was one of the leading names of the Young Turcs movement and who became well-known as Mizanci Murad with the newspaper Mizan that he published in 1886, shared his views in vast range of domains from politics to economy, from bureaucracy to education. Presenting his novel with the thought of writing a “National novel”, Mizanci Murad has pointed out the “system of education” as the only remedy to save the country from backwardness.  Yrd. Doc. Dr.; Sakarya Universitesi, Egitim Bilimleri Enstitusu, Turkce Egitimi Bolumu, mehmetoz@sakarya.edu.tr.  Doktora Ogr.; Sakarya Universitesi, Egitim Bilimleri Enstitusu, Turkce Egitimi ABD, zkantas@gmail.com. In this study, primarily our education system after Tanzimat Reform Era and also comments of the artists living in this era have been summarized, later educational values have been determined via content analysis method by scanning the novel of “Is It Modern or Bigoted?” of Mizanci Murad who is offering solution proposals to our country’s problems concerning education that are valid even today.

One Profession, Multiple Identities: Russian Regional Reporters' Perceptions of the Professional Community

Drawing on perspectives on occupation and identity, this study examines Russian regional journalists' perceptions of their professional community. Different journalistic values derived from a fierce professional competition contributed to reporters' view of the community as disjointed and polarized. The study also found that type of ownership influenced journalists' identity and the way they conceptualize practice. Although journalists of private newspapers believe a newspaper should be a profit-generating enterprise, state owned/supported newspapers' reporters think a quality paper should inform citizens regardless of profit concern. In this province, state-owned or supported newspapers have well-defined missions, whereas the paper that struggles to survive as privately owned lacks clearly articulated goals.

Transnationalism as Metahistoriography: Washington Irving's Chinese Americas

In the April 1872 issue of Shen Bao, China’s flagship private newspaper, a loose translation of “Rip Van Winkle” was published under the title “A Sleep of Seventy Years一睡七十年.” Possibly the first piece of American fiction in China, “A Sleep of Seventy Years” appears without any paratextual information or mention of Washington Irving, a mere sliver of a story sandwiched between an admonition about hearsay and gossip and a report on the violations committed by British missionaries on the Yangtze River. The story itself bridges these two articles by addressing historical crisis and the way such news is often delivered. In “A Sleep,” Wei finds himself in an oasis in the mountains where he is met by three Daoist saints. After imbibing their liquor, the young scholar falls asleep only to wake up 70 years later. Bearing the distinct imprint of “Rip Van Winkle,” Wei only registers the passage of time when he notices that his rifle (火枪) has rotted. Like Rip, he returns to a village where everyone else has aged. Wei learns that he has completely bypassed the domestic life into which he thinks he had just entered (his wife and son have already died), discovering that his newfound social identity is consigned to nostalgic chit-chat. “A Sleep of Seventy Years” might pass as any other folktale but for two important clues: the modern rifle and the specificity of 70 years. Like “Rip Van Winkle,” this tale capitalizes on the structural suitability of a before-and-after story for conveying pessimism about contemporary historical happenings without having to go into details. Only here, the historical referents are changed: the 20 years of Rip Van

‘Zimbabwe will never be a colony again’: changing celebratory styles and meanings of independence

As part of a revival of cultural nationalism, state-led national-day celebrations intensified in Zimbabwe in the early 2000s through the introduction of popular music events alongside the traditional official, militarised ceremony. Independence Day, in particular, provided ZANU-PF with an excellent opportunity to mediate a narrow version of the ‘party-nation’ that defined ‘Zimbabweanness’ in terms of everything that the growing opposition Movement for Democratic Change was not. The appropriation of national-day celebrations for party-political purposes turned these events into highly controversial and contested ceremonies. In this article, I focus both on the changing aesthetics, modes and styles of Independence Day celebrations in Zimbabwe, and the way in which meanings of independence have been rewritten and contested in recent years. The malleability of national days made it possible for ZANU-PF to adjust both the style and meaning of Independence Day to suit a new context. In the early 1980s, ‘independence’ referred to the struggle to escape from the Rhodesian colonial yoke, but in the early 2000s ZANU-PF began to interpret ‘independence’ primarily as economic freedom and as the continuing battle to remain free from the intervention of external actors such as the MDC—a party it considered to be driven by the interests of the United States, Europe and white farmers. While the protocol of the official Independence Day ceremony was tightly controlled, a number of spaces opened up in the early 2000s that enabled Zimbabweans to debate their history and heritage via alternative channels, such as political party websites and in private newspapers, which underlines the crucial role of both old and new media in collective memory.

‘Zimbabwe will never be a colony again’: changing celebratory styles and meanings of independence

As part of a revival of cultural nationalism, state-led national-day celebrations intensified in Zimbabwe in the early 2000s through the introduction of popular music events alongside the traditional official, militarised ceremony. Independence Day, in particular, provided ZANU-PF with an excellent opportunity to mediate a narrow version of the ‘party-nation’ that defined ‘Zimbabweanness’ in terms of everything that the growing opposition Movement for Democratic Change was not. The appropriation of national-day celebrations for party-political purposes turned these events into highly controversial and contested ceremonies. In this article, I focus both on the changing aesthetics, modes and styles of Independence Day celebrations in Zimbabwe, and the way in which meanings of independence have been rewritten and contested in recent years. The malleability of national days made it possible for ZANU-PF to adjust both the style and meaning of Independence Day to suit a new context. In the early 1980s, ‘independence’ referred to the struggle to escape from the Rhodesian colonial yoke, but in the early 2000s ZANU-PF began to interpret ‘independence’ primarily as economic freedom and as the continuing battle to remain free from the intervention of external actors such as the MDC—a party it considered to be driven by the interests of the United States, Europe and white farmers. While the protocol of the official Independence Day ceremony was tightly controlled, a number of spaces opened up in the early 2000s that enabled Zimbabweans to debate their history and heritage via alternative channels, such as political party websites and in private newspapers, which underlines the crucial role of both old and new media in collective memory.

The Nigerian press and the challenge of private newspaper ownership: A study of the Nigerian Tribune, 1949–2009

Beyond playing its major role of informing, educating and entertaining, the press in different contexts, cultures and dispensations remains a major propaganda tool, and hence its use and abuse by proprietors, political and government elites, and people of influence in society. The clamour to establish and sustain a newspaper or a chain of publications becomes understandable even when the challenges are great. Whereas the desire to promote vibrant nationalism, challenge autocracy in different forms, or pursue a cause that the proprietor strongly believes in could be central to the founding of a newspaper, the use to which it is put – which oftentimes could be the hidden motive for its establishment or a manifestation of the derailment of the original purposes – has provoked interest in probing the motives for newspaper ownership. As the oldest surviving privately owned newspaper in Nigeria, the Nigerian Tribune (NT) provides a classic example of how newspapers come to serve a common cause while at the same time projecting the personal ambitions and interests of their founders. This article examines the challenges of private newspaper ownership in Nigeria using the NT as a case study. The article is situated within the context of theories on the political economy of media with emphasis on the propaganda model. It argues that in spite of NT’s contribution to the nationalist struggle and the process of nation-building, the newspaper was a potent political weapon in the hands of its owner. The use to which it was put by the successor-owner lends further credence to this claim. The article concludes that among other factors, a combination of dynamism and ideologically driven partisanship is needed to sustain newspapers and improve their effectiveness.

Media ownership and news framing: an analysis of HIV/AIDS coverage by Ugandan press

Applying framing theory, the present research analyzes trends in Ugandan news coverage and the prominent issue frames for HIV/AIDS-related stories. In order to determine the influence of other factors, such as media ownership and journalist origin, nearly 800 articles, from 2000 to 2004, were gathered from the major private newspaper and government-owned newspaper in Uganda. After systematic sampling, 365 articles constitute the sample. The results indicate that print news coverage of HIV and AIDS followed a non-linear trajectory, declining from 2000–2002 and then increasing from 2003–2004. Curative medicine emerged as the most prominent issue frame. Higher-risk behaviour was the least prominent issue frame overall. The ‘solutions’ issue frame nearly doubled in prominence from 2000–2004, while the HIV-prevention frame decreased from 2000–2002 and then rebounded from 2003–2004. Concerning HIV-related topics, the private newspaper included more features, printed lengthier articles, incorporated a greater variety of news frames, and published more articles by foreign journalists than the government-owned newspaper. The private newspaper employed the ‘HIV-prevention,’ ‘action,’ and ‘victims’ frames more often than the government-owned newspaper. Journalists at the government-owned newspaper adopted a ‘solutions’ frame more often than their private-press counterparts. Though foreign journalists were more likely than local journalists to employ the HIV-prevention frame, additional tests revealed that the news organisation for which the journalists worked contributed to issue framing to a greater extent than did either a local or foreign reporting origin. Local (Ugandan) journalists working for the two news organisations differed in their tendencies to apply the HIV-prevention, action, victims, and tragedy frames in news stories on HIV and AIDS, with journalists at the private newspaper using these frames more often than did journalists at the government-owned newspaper.

영화광고로 본 1930년대 영화연구 -『매일신보』와 『동아일보』 영화광고의 비교-

This study analyzed and compared Dong-a Il-bo, a new material, based on the result of analysis of movie commercials on Mae-il Shin-bo from the previous study. Although we could not analyze precisely them in regard to their form, there are differences between them in terms of where they show movie commercials and how large their movie commercials are. However, in terms of the content, the characteristics of movies in the 1930s correspond with the result of the study that analyzed Mae-Il Shin-Bo. As Mae-Il Shin-Bo was actually a organ of the Japanese Government-General of Korea, and Dong-A Il-Bo was a representative of private newspapers, our comparative study actually covered almost all materials on the movies of the 1930s, considering repeating movie commercials. Based on the results of this study, we can learn more precisely the characteristics of the movies in the 1930s.

UNDER THE JACKBOOT: THE NIGERIAN TRIBUNE AND HUMAN RIGHTS AGITATION, 1984–1998

Beyond its fundamental role of information, education and entertainment, the Nigerian press since the colonial period has always been the vanguard of human rights. That the press functions as the watchdog of human rights is generally acknowledged, there has been little research given to this. Its role as the guardian of human rights and the voice of the voiceless strained its relations with Nigerian military dictators, also led to the suffocation of its breathing space. Despite numerous measures calculated to muzzle the press in Nigeria by the military dictators, Nigerian press has always remained committed. This paper studies the history of the Nigerian press and its role in human rights agitation by focusing on the oldest surviving private newspaper, The Nigerian Tribune under three military regimes between 1984 and 1998.

The Japanese invasion of Manchuria, Censorship in Korea, and the Page Increase of Private Newspaper's ‘Munyemyun’ (1929-1936)

The Japanese invasion of Manchuria, Censorship in Korea, and the Page Increase of Private Newspaper's ‘Munyemyun’ (1929-1936)

The Comparative Level of GDP Per Capita in Canada and the United States: A Decomposition into Labour Productivity and Work Intensity Differences

Published by authority of the Minister responsible for Statistics Canada © Minister of Industry, 2006 All rights reserved. The content of this electronic publication may be reproduced, in whole or in part, and by any means, without further permission from Statistics Canada, subject to the following conditions: that it be done solely for the purposes of private study, research, criticism, review or newspaper summary, and/or for non-commercial purposes; and that Statistics Canada be fully acknowledged as follows: Source (or “Adapted from,” if appropriate): Statistics Canada, year of publication, name of product, catalogue number, volume and issue numbers, reference period and page(s). Otherwise, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form, by any means—electronic, mechanical or photocopy—or for any purposes without prior written permission of Licensing Services, Client Services Division, Statistics Canada, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada K1A 0T6. 2006 Catalogue no. 15-206-XIE, no. 00x Frequency: Occasional ISSN 1710-5269 ISBN Ottawa

Government, Press, and Subversion in Russia, 1906–19171

Government, Press, and Subversion in Russia, 1906–1917¹

Imaging a president: Rawlings in 'The Ghanaian Chronicle'

The post-independence political history of Ghana is replete with failed civilian and military governments. At the close of the 1970s and the beginning of the 1980s, a young Air Force Officer, Flt. Lt. Jerry John Rawlings, burst onto the political scene through a coup. After a return to civilian rule in 1992, with him as Head of State, he was to finally step down in 2000. For a greater part of his rule, press freedom was curtailed. But with the advent of civilian rule backed by a Constitution that guarantees press freedom, the country experienced a phenomenal increase in privately-owned media. One of these is The Ghanaian Chronicle , the most popular private newspaper in the last years of Rawlings' time in office. This study, under the influence of Critical Discourse Analysis,· examines "Letters to the Editor" published in The Ghanaian Chronicle that focused on Rawlings. Through manipulating various discourse structures, writers of these letters project an anti-Rawlings ideology as a means of resisting what they see as political dominance reflected in Rawlings rule.

ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ

لقد حملت رياح التغيير التي شهدتها الدولة العثمانية اثر الانقلاب الدستوري عام 1908، نسائم الحرية، فانطلقت الاقلام من عقالها وتنفس الصحفيون والكتاب، وانعكس هذا التغيير على الحياة الفكرية والثقافية وعلى حرية النشر والتعبير. ولعل اول ما تأثر بهذا التغيير الصحافة التي دخلت مرحلة جديدة غادرت من خلالها تلك القيود والمحددات التي كانت تفرضها السلطنة العثمانية على حق اصدار الصحف وحرية النشر فيها.وكان العراق اول من شهد مرحلة جديدة من الانطلاق الصحفي، فبعد ان كان عدد الصحف الصادرة فيه قبل الانقلاب الدستوري لا يتعدى اصابع اليد تضاعف عدد هذه الصحف ليصل خلال الاشهر الاولى الى عشرات الصحف حتى وصل في السنة التالية الى نحو ستين صحيفة تنوعت في الصدور بين يومية واسبوعية وشهرية، كما شهدت هذه المرحلة ظهور الصحف المتخصصة.وعلى الرغم من غياب مفهوم التخصص في الصحافة العراقية انذاك بمعناه الحالي الا ان بعض اصحاب الصحف نحوا بصحفهم منحى تخصصياً بشكل او بآخر. حيث راح بعضهم يصف صحيفته باكثر من صفة، ويحدد لها اكثر من تخصص. فهي عند البعض ((اجتماعية، سياسية فلسفية دينية.....)) وعند البعض الاخر ((كشكول اداب وفكاهات.....))، او غير ذلك من الوصف.ويبدو ان هذا الوصف العام والمتنوع كان يهدف الى الترويج لهذه الصحف ولعدم تحديد موضوعاتها او تقييدها بنوع من التخصص، لاسيما وان هذه الصحف صدرت في حقبة تاريخية معروفة ساد المجتمع خلالها التخلف بكل اشكاله وضربت الامية اطنابها في جوانبه بشكل لايدع مجالاً للاعتقاد بان اصحاب هذه الصحف كانوا عند نشرهم للموضوعات المتخصصة انما يوجهونها نحو جمهور معين كما هو الحال اليوم وفق مفهوم التخصص في الصحافة ومستوياته الحديثة.من هنا جاء اختيارنا لمجلة العلم- موضوع بحثنا- اذ ان صاحبها قد وصفها بانها مجلة ((دينية فلسفية سياسية علمية صناعية))، وهذا الوصف حددها بموضوعات متخصصة، جعلنا نبحث في ثناياها ونقلب صفحاتها للوقوف على اهم الاتجاهات لصاحب هذه المجلة ومجال التخصص فيها.لقد سعينا من اجل تحقيق هدف البحث الى اخضاع جميع اعداد المجلة التي استطعنا الحصول عليها وكانت ((12)) عدداً في حين اهملنا الاعداد الاخرى لعدم توفرها او حفظها. وبذلك كانت عينة البحث تمثل ((50)) في المائة من مجموع الاعداد الكلية البالغة ((24)) عدداً توزعت على سنتين كونها شهرية الصدور. وكان لزاماً علينا ان نتقصى الموضوعات العلمية لنقف على مجموعها ونسبتها الى مجموع الموضوعات المنشورة في المجلة، ليتسنى لنا الاجابة على التساؤلات التي وضعناها قبل الخوض في هذا البحث. والتي من بينها:1- ما مدى التخصص ونوعه في هذه المجلة؟2- هل يمكن اعتبار هذه المجلة فاتحة عهد الصحافة المتخصصة في العراق.3- وما هي ابرز المحاور الاساسية العلمية التي ركزت عليها المجلة؟وبعد تحديد هدف البحث ومبتغاه كان لابد من الدخول الى هذه المجلة من خلال تمهيد لمعرفة الشخصية التي وقفت وراء اصدار هذه المجلة لاسيما وانه يمثل واحداً من الرعيل الاول الذي كان له قصب السبق في اصدار صحيفة خاصة معتمداً على نفسه وقدراته وامكاناته المادية باذلاً في هذا المشروع كل جهده في وقت كان البعض يرى ذلك من قبيل المغامرة التي يصعب الدخول فيها.وكان لابد من الاشارة ببعض الوصف لهذه المجلة ليكون مقدمة ومدخلاً تعريفياً ولغرض الوقوف على ابرز المتغيرات الفنية والاخراجية لها خلال سنوات الصدور. وانتهينا في خاتمة البحث بجملة نتائج ظهرت جلية من خلال المتابعة الدقيقة لعموم الموضوعات التي تناولتها المجلة في اعدادها المذكورة.يتضح مما تقدم ومن خلال دراسة مجلة العلم وتحليل موضوعاتها، انها على الرغم من تنوع اهتماماتها بين العلم والدين والفلسفة والثقافة والاجتماع، الا انها قد غلب عليها الطابع العلمي في حين جاءت الموضوعات الاخرى بالمراتب اللاحقة. ولعل ذلك يتطابق مع صاحب المجلة في توجهه المعروف واهتماماته العلمية التي تمت الاشارة اليها في معرض الحديث عن حياة الشهرستاني. كذلك يتطابق مع الاسم الذي اختير للمجلة ((العلم)). واذا كان غلبة الاهتمام العلمي على بقية الاهتمامات الاخرى في مطلع القرن العشرين يمكن ان يفسر على انه اهتمام منفرد عن بقية الاهتمامات، فهو في ايامنا هذه يمكن ان يعد خطوة نحو التخصص الصحفي الذي لم يجد له مكاناً واضحاً وتعريفاً دقيقاً قبل نحو قرن من الزمن.فلقد طغى على المجلة بشكل لا يقبل الشك الموضوع العلمي، فهي علمية اولاً وقبل ان تكون دينية او فلسفية او غير ذلك. لاسيما ونحن نتعامل مع لغة الارقام في تحليل موضوعاتها وبيان اهتماماتها. واثبتت هذه الارقام ان الموضوعات العلمية احتلت المرتبة الاولى من بين الاهتمامات الاخرى وهو ما يلبي طموح ويحقق اهداف صاحبها في نشر العلم والمعرفة في مجتمع غلبت عليه الامية وساد فيه الجهل والفقر والمرض، الا ان الرغبة الجامعة لدى شخصية مثل شخصية الشهرستاني في التنوير كانت وراء دعم واستمرار صدور هذه المجلة التي داومت على الصدور سنتين معتمدة على الامكانات المالية الشخصية لصاحبها ومدعومة من فيض علمي ومعرفي اختزلته عقلية رجل الدين والصحفي الذي ضحى بكل شيء من اجل الصحافة ودورها في التنوير والتثقيف والتعليم.ولذلك نجد المجلة وعلى مدى سنوات صدورها خاضت حرباً ضد الجهل ومن اجل العلم حتى لاقت ما لاقت من العراقيل والمشكلات التي دفعت بصاحبها الى مغادرة البلاد خوفاً من التهديد وتوقفت عن الصدور بعد عامها الثاني.

Peasant Demonstrators, Violent Invaders: Representations of Land in the Zimbabwean Press

The tense political environment of the late 1990s, in which the Zimbabwean government was confronted with a more vocal civil society and a new political party, set the stage for the introduction of a new private newspaper The Daily News. For the first time a serious challenge was posed to the long-standing monopoly of the government-controlled daily newspaper The Herald. This article compares and analyzes how these two daily newspapers have represented the land reform program and the land occupations in Zimbabwe which gained momentum in early 2000. It argues that media representations of the land question in the run-up to the June 2000 parliamentary elections came to parallel the polarized political environment, thereby missing chances for a serious and more subtle debate on the land issue in the Zimbabwean media.

Selection and silence: contesting meanings of land in Zimbabwean media

The tense political environment of the late 1990s, in which the Zimbabwean government was confronted with a more vocal civil society and a new political party, set the stage for the introduction of a new private newspaper, The Daily News. This paper posed for the fi rst time a serious challenge to the long-standing monopoly of the government-controlled daily newspaper, The Herald. This article compares and analyses how these two daily newspapers have represented the widespread land occupations in Zimbabwe, which gained momentum in early 2000. It argues that media representations of the land question in the run-up to the June 2000 parliamentary elections came to parallel the polarised political environment, thereby missing chances for a serious and more subtle debate on the land issue in the Zimbabwean media.

Selection and silence: contesting meanings of land in Zimbabwean media

The tense political environment of the late 1990s, in which the Zimbabwean government was confronted with a more vocal civil society and a new political party, set the stage for the introduction of a new private newspaper, The Daily News. This paper posed for the fi rst time a serious challenge to the long-standing monopoly of the government-controlled daily newspaper, The Herald. This article compares and analyses how these two daily newspapers have represented the widespread land occupations in Zimbabwe, which gained momentum in early 2000. It argues that media representations of the land question in the run-up to the June 2000 parliamentary elections came to parallel the polarised political environment, thereby missing chances for a serious and more subtle debate on the land issue in the Zimbabwean media.

Do Publicly Traded Firms Price Differently from Private Firms?

This article analyzes whether publicly traded firms price differently from privately held firms in the product markets. Our empirical evidence shows that, in the U.S. newspaper industry, firms increase their prices when their ownership structure changes from private to public. The effects are robust and significant. A plausible explanation is that private owners enjoy more freedom than public managers to expand circulation and distort content, pursuing the consumption of nonpecuniary benefits of control. Additional evidence is consistent with this interpretation. Public newspapers show lower prices when insiders' ownership participation is higher. Moreover, private newspapers appear more likely than public newspapers to endorse a candidate during presidential campaigns. To my knowledge there are no previous studies comparing pricing by private and public companies. Copyright 2003, Oxford University Press.