Presidential System Of Government Research Articles

Parliamentary Government with a Strong President: The Post–1989 Turkish Experience

In his defense of virtues of parliamentarianism versus those of presidentialism vis-'a-vis political stability, Juan J. Linz has made assumption that there is a close relationship between consolidation of democracy, which Linz defines as democracy becoming the only game in town, and possibility for an equitable distribution of resources, at least in intermediate run. According to Linz, democracy as a regime would not come under threat if losers do not lose too much and if they maintain hope that in foreseeable future they may retrieve what they have lost. Linz has argued that parliamentarianism rather than presidentialism makes this more probable, because in contrast to situation in a presidential system of government, in a parliamentary system, those in power usually have less authority at their disposal and can be more easily removed from power. ' This view has come under criticism,2 but Linz's detractors have not questioned his basic assumption concerning significance of a balance between interests

Nazism in Chile: A Particular Type of Fascism in South America

Due to the special conditions and characteristics that have always existed in Chile, its political development has usually differed from that of its neighbours. An interesting example of this is the development of nazism in Chile. After the successful congressional revolution of 1891 and the suicide of President Jose Manuel Balmaceda, a parliamentary government, Parlamentarismo a la Chilena,1 was established with attributes very different from that of Britain, with which it has often been compared. This system proved to be incapable of solving the serious socio-economic problems that emerged during its existence (1891-1924).2 During the 1920s, therefore, there was an eager search for modernization through the establishment of new institutions, a process in which the armed forces played an active role. After Arturo Alessandri Palma's3 failed attempt to introduce reforms, the Chilean political system collapsed due to the revolutionary military movements of 1924 and 1925.4 Under rather unorthodox legal conditions,5 a presidential system of government was established with the promulgation of the constitution of 1924. Even though the president was given greatly increased powers, an attempt was made to achieve a balance between the different powers of the state and also to guarantee effective protection of human rights. However, its debut was not very promising and the new system only managed to establish itself after 1932.

The Philippines: Remarkable Economic Turnaround and Qualified Political Success

The Philippine administration was ravaged by a series of natural calamities as well as man-made crimes throughout 1994. It was also saddled with the dismal legacy of former President Coraz?n Aquino (which included the existing presidential system of government), and the political culture of the political ?lite and the people. Despite all these, the Philippines made a remarkable economic turnaround and achieved qualified success in domestic politics and foreign affairs during the year. The principal reason for these achievements was the leadership evinced by President Fidel Ramos in contrast to the lack of leadership shown by former President Aquino. To appreciate the thesis above, a discussion of the calamities, crimes, and the Philippine-generated problems that confronted the Ramos administration in 1994 must be presented. To complete the explanatory discussion, an exposition on the leadership of President Ramos must also be made. The Calamities and Crimes of 1994 The natural calamities that hit the Philippines included the 1994 storm Akang, which hit the Visayas and northern Mindanao in January; the threat of eruption of Taal Volcano in March; the off-season storm Bising that visited the Visayas in April; the storms Gading of June, and Iliang, Miding, and Norming, of July that passed or threatened to pass by Luzon; storms Oyang, and Pasing that came in August, typhoon Katring that vented its fury in southern Luzon and metropolitan Manila in September; the violent earthquake (measured at 7.5 on the Richter scale) that shook Oriental Mindoro in November; and typhoon Garding that lashed the Visayas in December. The storms and typhoons brought rampaging and destructive floods to various parts of the Philippines and caused the lahar of Mt. Pinatubo (which erupted in 1991 and spewed tons of lahar around the volcano that had not yet reached the plains) to flow and engulf vast portions of Central Luzon, especially the provinces of Pampanga, Tarlac, and Zambales. The floods caused the deaths

Government management of tourism — a Thai case study

This article examines the relationship between government and the tourism industry and the problems of that relationship as both strive for more effective management to meet the challenge and changes of the 1980s. Attention is focused on the role of government and the political input, the tourism management agency, the government administrative system, the industry, and the response of these various groups to demands on the tourism sector. The article concentrates on Thailand but many problems experienced are common to most countries and arise from the nature and role of government and the tourism industry and their relationship.

Ese music: honours for the dead: status for the sponsor

The Igbo society is a distinct culture area in the political entity called Nigeria. Nigeria, population estimated at over 88 millions, is a country populated by over 248 distinct linguistic-cultural groups. A fast modernising nation naturally endowed with mineral (predominantly oil) wealth, and now practising a presidential system of modern government (since October 1979) after 13 years of military rule, Nigeria is a nation where modern technology and value systems operate in apposition with traditional belief systems.

The State in Bangladesh under Zia (1975-81)

Research Article| May 01 1984 The State in Bangladesh under Zia (1975-81) Syed Serajul Islam Syed Serajul Islam Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Far Eastern Survey (1955) 24 (5): 556–573. https://doi.org/10.2307/2644413 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Syed Serajul Islam; The State in Bangladesh under Zia (1975-81). Far Eastern Survey 1 May 1955; 24 (5): 556–573. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/2644413 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu nav search search input Search input auto suggest search filter All ContentAsian Survey Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 1984 The Regents of the University of California Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

French foreign policy: external influences on the quest for independence

In recent years there has been a marked tendency to assess French foreign policy in terms of continuity and change in the aims, organization and actions associated with General de Gaulle and his pursuit of national independence. Analysts have found that in spite of major personality differences between de Gaulle, Pompidou9 Giscard d'Estaing and Mitterrand, and a presidential system of government that maximizes the opportunities for personal direction,, there has been paradoxically a high degree of continuity in French foreign and defence policies. Until recently it was possible to account for this by emphasizing the influence of the GauIIist party in government and the National Assembly, but now that it is no longer the largest party nor enjoying a share in power it is necessary to seek other explanations for continuity in policy. Moreover, the return to power in 1981 of men of the Fourth Republic who continue to maintain many of their predecessors’ policies reveals the inadequacy of Gaullism as a basis for analysis and the need for terms of reference allowing for a longer view of the French role in world affairs. If that role has been so consistent in spite of changes in society, economy, political leadership and even regime is it not time to seek reasons for continuity by analysing external influences on French foreign and defence policies in the light of international relations theory? This is particularly appropriate in view of current French interest in systemic approaches to international politics. The intention here is to examine some relevant developments in the theoretical study of the international system and to consider their implications for existing interpretations and future study of French foreign policy and its claim to independent The French case is of obvious relevance to the situation of other middle-sized powers pursuing an ambitious role in world affairs, yet finding access to power and independence severely restricted.

The Civil Service in the Nigerian Presidential System of Government

The Civil Service in the Nigerian Presidential System of Government

Sri Lanka's New Constitution

AFTER THE UNITED NATIONAL PARTY (UNP) assumed power in Sri Lanka in May 1977, series of unique constitutional changes were introduced that transformed the island's political system considerably. Some of these changes departed markedly from the main characteristics of the political system that had operated in the last four decades and instead were guided by the need to achieve both political and economic stability. There is need to study the basic features of the changing constitutional system in order to test their utility and adaptability to Sri Lanka's government. The establishment of presidential system of government in February 1978 on the basis of the Second Amendment to the 1972 Constitution seemingly indicated that the government intended to make constitutional changes within the framework of the 1972 Constitution. But the UNP Manifesto, submitted to the electorate in 1977, had stated that the Party sought a mandate to draft, adopt and operate new Republican Constitution in order to achieve the goal of democratic socialist society.' This implied that arrangements would be made to promulgate new constitution and it was anticipated that the elected National Assembly would be converted into Constitutent Assembly for the purpose of drafting constitution. Such protracted procedure would involve the public and it was perhaps for this reason that the UNP Government rushed the Second Amendment through the National Assembly. The ten-member Select Committee, appointed on November 3, 1977, to revise the constitution included seven members from the UNP, two from the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), and one from the Ceylon Workers Congress. The members of the Tamil United Liberation

Sri Lanka 1978: Reversal of Policies and Strategies

THE NEED TO maintain political stability and to achieve economic development on the basis of the government's political ideology has determined the changes that have taken place in Sri Lanka since the July 1977 general election. Constitutional changes dominated the government's legislative program, and several innovations were made in the apparatus of government in order to achieve certain objectives incorporated in the constitution. Important changes were also effected in the areas of the judiciary and local government, some of which have been criticized as undemocratic. An examination of these changes, together with economic policy and foreign policy strategy, will demonstrate the direction the United National Party (UNP) intends to move while it is in office. The introduction of the Constitution of 1978 was preceded by the Second Amendment to the 1972 Constitution, which provided the basis for the presidential system inaugurated in February 1978. The amendment to the 1972 Constitution was partly guided by the desire to change the style of Sri Lanka's government. Interest in a presidential system of government appeared within the ranks of the UNP in 1966, and it was J. R. Jayawardene, now President of the Republic of Sri Lanka, who first emphasized the need to construct a governmental system with a strong executive which was not subject to whims and fancies of an elected legislature.' According to the UNP, a strong executive system was better suited to the conditions of a developing country. Economic imperatives demanded a strong executive and it was this consideration

Constitution of Pakistan at Work

On the 8th of June 1963, Pakistan celebrated the first anniversary of its second Constitution. In this essay an effort will be made to appraise the working of the Constitution in its first year and to discern certain of the basic trends which seem to be emerging. The Constitution of Pakistan was promulgated by President Ayub Khan on March 1, 1962 in fulfillment of the promise which he made at the time of the military take-over.1 It provides for a presidential system of government, with extensive powers for the head of the government. The President is assisted by a Council of Ministers who can attend the legislature and participate in its discussions but who do not have any voting rights.2 The Ministers are thus responsible to the President and not to the legislature. The President is to be elected for a period of five years by the electoral college consisting of the elected members of Basic Democracies. The Constitution nominally limits the power of the President by granting the federal legislature powers of impeachment on the grounds of gross misconduct or wilful violation of the Constitution, and physical or mental incapacity. Furthermore, when a resolution for the removal of the President is under consideration, the legislature cannot be dissolved. The effectiveness of this procedure, however, has been practically nullified by a companion provision of the Constitution. If less than half of the total members vote in favor of the resolution, the signatories of the original notice, who must be at least one-third of the members of the Assembly, shall cease to be members of the Assembly.3 The Constitution, imperfect as it may be from the liberal point of view, is better than government based on martial law. While it reflects the distrust with which President Ayub views politicians, political parties and even public opinion, the National Assembly was given the right to reconsider the ban imposed on political parties since 1958, and, if they should so decide, frame rules under which parties would once again be permitted to operate. President Ayub Khan, in inaugurating the Constitution, expressed in no uncertain terms his opposition to political parties and a parliamentary executive, as well as his expectation that the National

BABİLDE FEODALİZM ARAŞTIRMALARI KAS'LAR DEVRİNDE BABİL

This article mentions the rules and principles intended for feudalism in Babel; and states the important aspects of government institutions and administrative systems.