Presidential System Of Government Research Articles

Internet Financial Risk Early Warning Based on Big Data Analysis

Internet financial risk prevention is an important area for financial risk prevention. In recent years, a series of vicious high-risk events, such as cash lending and P2P platform running, have caused a great negative impact on the reputation of the Internet financial industry, which has aroused great concern from all walks of life. Based on big data analysis technology, this paper constructs an improved algorithm model, and carries out high-precision risk warning for China's Internet financial risk. The forecast data is basically consistent with the actual situation, and the prediction accuracy reaches 90%. It can be seen that the improved model based on the decision tree algorithm has higher prediction accuracy for Internet financial risk warning. This paper systematically sorts out the risks of China's Internet finance from two dimensions: risk type and main risk. And pointed out that the current Internet finance industry in China has a large overall compliance risk, and insufficient infrastructure construction leads to fraud risks. Separate industry supervision has a regulatory vacuum, arbitrage risks are more obvious, and China's financial consumer quality is not high, Internet financial institutions Improper exemption is risky. On this basis, it is proposed to speed up the construction of a multi-integrated Internet financial risk prevention system including the internal risk control system, the industry association self-discipline system, the government administrative supervision system and the effective social supervision system.

COVID-19 in Southeast Asia Problems and Solutions

The countries of Southeast Asia, like the rest of the world, have suffered substantial damage from the spread of the COVID-19 epidemic, which is assessed not only in human losses, but also in significant economic and political costs. Their assessment is the main object of the article, in which the authors made an attempt to analyze the response of the countries of Southeast Asia to the emerging epidemiological threat, underscoring both general and specific in their approaches to the implementation of anti- epidemiological and adaptation measures. It is not possible to draw a single picture of the COVID-19 in the region, since the countries of Southeast Asia differ from each other both in the number of confirmed cases of infected and dead persons and in the approach to managing the pandemic. The adoption by the country of one or another set of restrictive sanitary meas ures is dictated by the severity of the epidemiological situation, economic and political interests. Evaluation of the effectiveness of actions taken to manage the pandemic and its consequences testifies, according to the authors, that the best results were shown by countries that, firstly, took proactive measures, and secondly, demonstrated the coherence of the work of all levels of government system and transparency in the provision of information thirdly, they were able to win the confidence of the population in the fight against the pandemic, which has resulted in human sacrifice and amendments to the country’s political governance and its economic development. The political consequence of COVID-19 has been the strengthening of authoritarian tendencies in governance in several Southeast Asian countries with the consequences to the weakening of the opposition and curtailment of civil liberties. The authors concluded that the pandemic has exposed the weakness of the government administration system in a crisis, which supports the analysis of the measures taken to minimize the economic consequences of the pandemic. The article assesses the impact of the COVID-19 crisis on the economies of Southeast Asia and promises government policies to support its hardest hit sectors and populations. The authors concluded that today it is not possible to assess the entire scale of the losses incurred, as well as the measures taken to minimize them. But it is evident that the pandemic has become a challenge for governments and a test of their ability to govern a country in a crisis.

LIMITING PRESIDENTIAL TERM OF OFFICE IN INDONESIA: A DEMOCRATIC PERSPECTIVE

Following the amendment of the 1945 Constitution, Indonesia became one of the countries that adopted presidential government system in which the president is directly elected by the people. The interesting thing that is still hitherto controversial is the limitation of presidential term of office for no more than two periods. Our review of various literatures illustrates that there is no standard exemplar to limit or not to limit the period that must be applied in a country that adheres to presidentialism. Furthermore, if it is associated with democracy, the limitation of presidential period will cause contradiction especially with president’s accountability in which the president is directly elected by the people. Based on this, we conducted a study using qualitative method with historiography approach that aims at knowing how the periodisation of presidential term of office in Indonesia viewed from a democratic perspective. This article argues that the model of presidential period limitation for at maximum two periods must be carried out by adding the length of service to more than five years and requiring an interlude between the first and the second period. The modelling can anticipate the tendency of power abuse by incumbent while maintaining people’s support for the legitimacy of the president.

Bütçe Hakkının Cumhurbaşkanlığı Sistemindeki Görünümü ve Latin Amerika Ülkeleri ile Mukayesesi

Türkiye’de 2017 yılında 6771 sayılı Kanun ile yapılan Anayasa değişikliği neticesinde hükûmet sistemi değişmiş ve başkanlık hükûmet sistemine geçilmiştir. Bu değişiklikile beraber bütçe sistemi de değişmiş ve yürütmenin bütçenin tasdiki açısından ciddi güç kazandığı görülmüştür. Bu durumun kuvvetler ayrılığı, denge-denetleme vebütçe hakkı açısından ciddi sakıncaları doğuracağı düşünülmüştür. Başkanlık sistemini uygulayan diğer devletlerle mukayesesi için Latin Amerika ülkeleri seçilmiş, buülkelerin bütçe hakkı açısından ortak özellikleri ortaya konmuş ve Türkiye’nin yeni sistemi ile mukayesesi sağlanmıştır. Netice itibariyle, Türkiye’nin, yürütmenin güçlüolduğu Latin Amerika ülkelerine benzer bir sisteme geçiş yaptığı görülmüş, yasamanın güçlendirilmesine yönelik tavsiyeler vurgulanmıştır.

Pengawasan Terhadap Penggunaan Kendaraan Dinas di Instansi Pemerintah

The Indonesian state adheres to the Presidential system of government. In running the government, a president is assisted by his staff. We call this line of government. The government that we often know as Civil Servants. The position of civil servants has an important role carrying out government functions in a country. Based on this there are formulations of the problem as follows: (1) How to regulate the use of official vehicles in government agencies (2) How to monitor the use of official vehicles in Government Agencies. This type of research used is the type of normative legal research, the discussion conducted by the study of legal materials. Analysis of legal material uses legal interpretation, namely providing interpretation in terms of law. Based on the results of the study that regulations related to the use of official vehicles in government agencies are regulated in ministerial regulations and further regulated by each region in the form of governor regulations or regional regulations and Supervision of vehicle use in government agencies is carried out by Direct and Indirect Supervision . In addition to paying attention to the products of the laws and regulations, also pay attention including official vehicles, are not misused.

When Democracy Trumps Populism. European and Latin American Lessons for the United States. Weyland, Kurt and Raúl L.Madrid (Editors) Cambridge, Cambridge University Press (2019), 238 p., ISBN 978‐1‐108‐48354‐4

When Democracy Trumps Populism. European and Latin American Lessons for the United States. Weyland, Kurt and Raúl L.Madrid (Editors) Cambridge, Cambridge University Press (2019), 238 p., ISBN 978‐1‐108‐48354‐4

Power of Purse and Budget Act under the Presidential Government System

Türkiye, 24 Haziran 2018 Cumhurbaşkanlığı seçimi ile fiilen ve resmen Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükûmet Sistemine geçmiştir. Yeni sistemde Merkezi Yönetim Bütçe Kanunu ve Kesinhesap Kanunu ancak Cumhurbaşkanınca Parlamentoya “teklif” edilebilmekte; lâkin ilginç biçimde yine Cumhurbaşkanının nihai onayına gitmektedir. Bu sistemde Cumhurbaşkanının siyasi parti genel başkanı olmasının önünde bir engel de bulunmadığından; sistem, Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi’nin bütçe hakkına ve ayrıca Cumhurbaşkanının da maliye politikası hakkına, olumsuz etkide bulunabilme potansiyeli taşımaktadır. Bütçede hükûmetin bölümler arası aktarma yetkisinin genişletilmesi, hatta bu süreçte Meclis’in sahip olduğu yetkinin Anayasal dayanağının ortadan kaldırılması ciddi bir risk teşkil etmektedir. Yine Meclis adına Cumhurbaşkanlığını denetleyen Sayıştay Başsavcısının Cumhurbaşkanınca atanması ve görev süresinin Cumhurbaşkanının süresi ile aynı olması, bütçe denetiminin “siyasallaşma” riskini beraberinde getirmektedir. Bu sistemde, Cumhurbaşkanı yürütmenin hem hukuki hem de fiili olarak başında bulunmaktadır. Yani maliye politikasının başarısından da Cumhurbaşkanı sorumludur. Oysa Meclis Bütçe Komisyonunun, Merkezi Yönetim Bütçesi üzerinde neredeyse sınırsız değişiklik yetkisine sahip olması ve yeni sistemde de Cumhurbaşkanının bütçe kanununu veto yetkisi olmaması, Cumhurbaşkanına ait maliye politikasının Meclis tarafından tıkanması tehlikesini de bünyesinde barındırmaktadır. Çalışmada, özellikle temsili demokrasi bağlamında Parlamentonun bütçe hakkı çerçevesinde, yeni hükûmet sisteminin bu potansiyel sorunları ele alınmış ve çözüm önerilerinde bulunulmuştur.

Perubahan Pilihan Santri Gresik Pada Pilpres 2019

Indonesia is a country that has a presidential government system with the president and deputy as the country's leaders. The head of state is responsible for regulating and establishing state policies for the better. The existence of a president and his deputy is elected through an election process. The presidential election in each region is certainly different from the various interesting phenomena in it such as in Gresik, which is famous for the nickname of the city of Santri. The purpose of this study was to determine the students' motives in Gresik in the presidential election in 2019. That is because in the 2014 presidential election in the Gresik region, Prabowo's candidate won a victory. However, in the 2019 presidential election Jokowi's candidate was the winner. The research method used in this research is descriptive qualitative. The research subjects in this study were students in the city of Gresik. Data collection instruments used in this study were in-depth interviews, literature study, and observation. The results of this study indicate that the voice change that occurred in the 2019 presidential election was due to the large influence of the vice president who was promoted by the Jokowi camp, Ma'ruf Amin because, it became a big consideration for the students in making choices. In addition, as Nahdliyin students there is a tradition in Islamic boarding schools to be obedient to their kiai.

Türkiye'de İdari ve Askeri Alanda Sözleşmeli Personel İstihdamı

Türkiye'de bir istihdam şekli olarak tercih edilen sözleşmeli personel statüsü kamu hizmetlerinin görülmesinde memurluk istihdamıyla birlikte kullanılmaktadır. İlk zamanlarda istisnai ve geçici olması planlanan bu istihdam biçimi zamanla “genellik” ve “süreklilik” esası üzerinden uygulanmaya başlamıştır. Halen pek çok farklı alanda sözleşmeli personel istihdam edilmektedir. Bunlardan biri de askeri alandır. İdari ve askeri alanda sözleşmelilik farklı gerekçelerle uygulanmaktadır. Sözleşmeli istihdam alanında önemli bir dönüşüm parlamenter sistemden Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükmet Sistemine geçilmesiyle yaşanmıştır. Özellikle idari alan bu sistem değişikliğinden askeri alana göre daha çok etkilenmiştir. Sonuç olarak bu makalenin amacı idari ve askeri sözleşmeli personel istihdamını Parlamenter Sistem ve Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükümet Sistemi dönemi açısından analiz etmek ve tespit edilen problem alanlarını tartışmaya açmaktır.

DEVELOPMENT OF CENTRAL-LOCAL RELATIONS 2000s IN TURKEY

Türkiye’de kamu yönetimi, merkezden yönetim ve yerinden yönetim ilkesine göre yapılanmıştır. Bu iki ilke birbirini tamamlayarak kamu yönetiminin bütünlüğünü sağlamaktadır. Diğer taraftan merkezi idarenin yerel yönetimler üzerinde; yerel hizmetlerin idarenin bütünlüğü ilkesine uygun şekilde yürütülmesi, kamu görevlerinde birliğin sağlanması, toplum yararının korunması ve mahalli ihtiyaçların gereği gibi karşılanması amacını gözetmek bakımından idari vesayet yetkisine sahip olduğu bilinmektedir. 2000’li yıllardan itibaren kamu yönetiminde yoğun bir değişim ve dönüşümün yaşandığı Türkiye’de, merkezi yönetim- yerel yönetim ilişkileri reform gündeminde önemli bir yer tutmuştur. Bu süreç demokrasi ve insan hakları reformlarının etkisiyle önemli bir desantralizasyon sürecini yaşayarak, yerelin yükselişine tanık olunan bir mecrada şekillenirken son yıllarda, bazı belediyelere mülki idare amirlerinin kayyum olarak atanması gibi uygulamalarda görüldüğü üzere merkezi yönetimin yerel yönetimlerle ilişkilerinde yeniden ağırlığını arttırdığı bir döneme girilmiştir. Diğer taraftan 2018 yılında Türkiye’nin yönetim sisteminin başkanlık sistemi referanslı Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükümet Sistemi olarak değişmesi merkezi yönetim- yerel yönetim ilişkilerinde de değişimi kaçınılmaz kılacaktır. Çalışmanın önemi, bu değişim sürecinin; mülki idare sisteminin yereldeki en önemli temsilcisi olan vali ile yerel yönetimlerin en önemli aktörü olan belediye başkanının pozisyonlarına ve birbirleriyle ilişkilerine nasıl yansıdığını ortaya koymak ve gelinen noktayı değerlendirmek olacaktır. Deskriptif ve yorumlayıcı bir yöntemin izlendiği çalışmada sürecin mülki idarenin güç kazanacağı bir tarzda gelişeceğini gösteren bulgulara ulaşılmaktadır.

The Turkish state’s responses to existential COVID-19 crisis

ABSTRACT This article focuses on how the Turkish state has been responding to limit the public health effects of COVID-19 pandemic to date. It aims to explain and understand the introduction, implementation and effect of health policy instrument mixes. It argues that although ‘presidentialisation’ of executive, and ‘presidential bureaucracy’ under presidential system of government are critical to introduce policies and implement their instrument mixes without delay or being vetoed or watered down which would otherwise occur in the parliamentary system of government, these features of impositional and exclusive policy style pose risks of policy design and implementation failures when the policy problems are poorly diagnosed, their policy solutions are wrong and/or complementary policy instrument mixes implemented ineffectively. However, a temporal, albeit temporary divergence from a dominant administrative tradition and policy style is most likely when a policy issue is esoteric (i.e. technical, scientific and expert-led) and framed as an existential crisis under high uncertainty that require scientific, expert-led, inclusive, early, quick and decisive responses to pressing policy problems.

Does the Gender of Ministers Matter? A Critical Analysis of the Appointment and Performance of Women Ministers under President Goodluck Jonathan’s Administration in Nigeria, 2011-2015

In a presidential system of government, the executive arm is the highest organ of policy formulation and implementation. This, to a large extent, is complemented by the oversight and law making functions of the legislature for a functional governance. In addition to the President and the Vice President who are often elected, several appointees of the President make up the executive council, and are responsible to the President who takes stock of their performance and determine their continued relevance in office. Researches on gender studies often highlight the roles of these appointees, especially in respect to parity issues and the need for equal representation. Surprisingly, however, scholarly works on gender and politics in Nigeria often fails to study the activities of women ministers and their impact on policy. The Goodluck Jonathan administration is credited for mobilizing the highest proportion of women into ministerial positions since the dawn of the Fourth Republic. It then becomes imperative to ask if the performance of the women ministers, considering the influence they wield under the regime, portrays them as acting in the interest of women in the country. Drawing largely on secondary data. The study seeks to answer this question by profiling the women appointees and investigating the factors that influenced the unprecedented increase in the number of women ministers under President Jonathan’s administration, with a view to assessing their impact on policy making especially with regard to women issues.

Designing a Constitutional Presidential Democracy in Indonesia

The constitutional design of the Indonesian democracy has undergone several significant changes from President Sukarno’s regime known as Orde Lama or the Old Order (1945-1965) to Era Reformasi or Reformation Era (1998 to present). During the drafting of the 1945 Constitution, the desire to form a democratic system of government that is unique to Indonesia has led its founding fathers to adopt an ambivalent system of government resembling both a parliamentary and presidential systems of government. By investigating the Indonesian democracy and system of government through the analysis of relevant articles of the 1945 Constitution, the present study seeks to address the question how to design a constitutional presidential democracy in Indonesia. The research results show that with the election of president and vice president and their accountability to the People’s Consultative Assembly or Majelis Perwalikan Rakyat (MPR), the design of the Indonesian system of government better fits a parliamentary more than a presidential. However, the four amendments to the 1945 Constitution (from 1999 to 2002) were intended to pave the way for a presidential democracy capable of accommodating the characteristics of a true presidential system of government in Indonesia.

IDEAL COMBINATIONS OF GOVERNMENT SYSTEM AND PARTY SYSTEM FOR STABILITY AND EFFECTIVENESS OF THE GOVERNMENT

Indonesia since before independence until the time the core adopted a multi-party system. While the system of government changes, from a presidential, parliamentary, quasi presidential system. Multiparty presidential government systems can disrupt the stability and effectiveness of the government because there must be a coalition of political parties in the government, the preparation of the cabinet by the President must consider and accommodate the interests of coalition political parties, decision making or policy-making must also consider the interests of coalition political parties, so it will require longer time. The coalition of political parties is very fluid and pragmatic, so there may be a change in the coalition because there is a possibility that political parties that were outside the coalition will then enter the government coalition, and vice versa. Exit the entry of political parties in the government coalition will certainly be very disturbing, because political parties who have just joined the government will demand a seat in the government, especially in the cabinet. Unloading pairs of the cabinet or dismantling pairs of government seats will often occur. This of course greatly disrupts the stability and effectiveness of government. Therefore, a presidential government system ideally does not combine with a multi-party system. A change from a multi-party system to a simple multi-party system is needed, or if possible with a two-party system.

Resultan Sistem Pemilu dan Sistem Pemerintahan terhadap Pelaksanaan Demokrasi di Indonesia

Problems related to the resultant electoral system and the government system are the focus of the discussion in this study. Types of electoral systems, as well as types of governmental systems are discussed to be able to be a study of the use of electoral systems and government systems. The purpose of discussing this problem is to analyze the electoral system and the government system that are compatible with the implementation of democracy in Indonesia. This research is discussed through normative analysis, and through qualitative methods. The results of the qualitative normative analysis can be seen as follows: First, the results of the analysis show that there is a resultant between the electoral system towards the implementation of democracy in Indonesia as seen from the theory of the people's unity and the representative system. The consultant becomes strong if the general election system used is a purely open proportional electoral system, namely the voter as the supreme sovereignty constitution, can know with certainty who the candidate is and will help determine who is the people's representative. Second, there is a result between the government system and the implementation of democracy, the theory of popular sovereignty and the system of representation. Parliamentary and presidential government systems have their own weak points and strengths. However, the presidential system applied in democratic countries in Indonesia is better, because it tends to be more stable in its accountability. Placing the highest sovereignty as the only party that accepts the responsibility of those who have been elected to the executive and parliamentary institutions. The concept developed is a system of political representation, not as a system of partisan representation .
 
 Keywords: Resultan, District System, Proporsional System, Presidensiil, Parlementary

Jacques Maritain and the Political Theology of Contemporary Democracy

This article analyzes the democratic thought of the philosopher Jacques Maritain. A methodical reading of the integrity of his political work published since the 20s demonstrates a great continuity in the defense of a univocal concept of democratic governance, called social democracy, new Christianity, integral democracy or organic democracy in order to accommodate his thought to the political circumstances. Starting from the principle of superiority of spiritual power, Maritain has redefined the notion of democracy in an anti-rousseaunian sense. Maritain postulates a community and pluralist regime under a presidential government and non partitocratic political system. Maritainian democracy and the secular faith that must animate it, based on human rights, is conceived as an antidote against liberal neutralism and against the totalitarian temptation of a democracy understood as a political religion.

Cabinet Formation Elections: Among Opposition, Coalition, or Collegiality of The Party’s Chairperson

Constitutional change is always tinged with a tense and lasting political constellation in both national and international contexts. the existence of transactional politics to gain seats constantly influences political dynamics in the election period. The method used in this research is the doctrinal method. Indonesia applies a presidential government system but does not fully follow the existing doctrine. several coalitions in the government coalition were made. As a result when the President and Vice President are nominated. political parties that support the nomination feel they have the right to join the government, as in the parliamentary system of government. The cabinet filling model is also influenced by supporting parties. It shows that political parties can collaborate to form a joint government, however, the President has the prerogative in determining who will be his minister. It should be carefully noted down that our country is a country adopting a presidential government system. As a result, the formation and the ministers elections of the government is not at the hand of the chairperson of the political parties coalition, but fully at the hand of the president as the President’s prerogative rights. This cannot be proceeded. Chairperson of the Political parties in a coalition may expect to get some seats of powers (minister) from the President
 Keywords: cabinet; election; political; party; chairperson

Governmental cabinets in the context of functioning of the atypical presidential system of government in Argentina in the second half of the XX century

Governmental cabinets in the context of functioning of the atypical presidential system of government in Argentina in the second half of the XX century

Ecological civilization and government administrative system reform in China

China has recently adopted ecological civilization (eco-civilization) as a new national strategy for sustainable development. Understanding how the new strategy differs from previous national sustainability strategies is critical to evaluate how China’s eco-civilization can contribute to global sustainability. Here we reviewed government administrative system changes under the eco-civilization strategy in China. Policy suggestions are provided to further reform the government administrative system for better implementation of eco-civilization.

Harnessing administrative data for humanitarian responses

The need to improve data to support effective responses in humanitarian settings and emergencies is widely recognized; and there is a growing understanding that administrative data systems can be an important source of data in these contexts. Government data systems however are often overlooked, particularly in developing countries, due to access or quality concerns. New systems are frequently established to respond to humanitarian data needs – particularly in protracted emergency settings. This may be necessary in some circumstances due to a collapse or absence of existing systems, but often duplicates government information structures. In the long term, parallel systems risk undermining national systems which may take a significant time to recover or re-build, and can divert highly limited resources.
 Routine government administrative data systems need to be both more responsive to changes in the environments and communities in which they are operating, and resilient enough to remain operational and secure in those changed circumstances. This work aims to explore what this means in system design, operation, governance, and preparedness for key sectors; to provide practical guidance for national governments and supporting agencies.
 Findings will be drawn from literature review, expert opinion, and field examples. Case studies will be undertaken in two countries that are either considered “fragile” or have recently responded to an emergency. Work will focus on areas in which UNICEF has a formal role, however it is anticipated to highlight issues relevant to a broad spectrum of humanitarian data needs.
 Preliminary findings are anticipated to be published towards the end of 2019; and will compliment work programs on developing an understanding of administrative data maturity, and the global standards and norms for upholding the rights of children affected by humanitarian crises, such as UNICEF's Core Commitments for Children in Humanitarian Action.