Presidential Cabinet Research Articles

Poderes partidarios y reclutamiento ministerial. El caso argentino

Objective/context: Party recruitment is a crucial governance tool in contemporary democracies. Presidential and parliamentary heads of government distribute ministerial portfolios to party members in exchange for essential political resources, such as legislative support. This article explores the relationship between government formation and political parties, with parties that are not very institutionalized. In particular, it examines the extent to which arguments about presidential cabinet formation hold up when the hierarchical level of party ministers is considered. Methodology: This statistical study uses a generalized linear model (GLM) with a binomial distribution and a logit link function with robust standard errors. It aims to carry out causality exploration to test the original indicators of the proposed dependent variables. Conclusions: Hierarchy and partisan powers are relevant factors to complement existing explanations of ministerial recruitment strategies. Originality: Comparative research on government formation and its connection to political parties has made significant progress, focusing on the distinction between ministers affiliated and not affiliated with a party. However, this dichotomous approach neglects consideration of the hierarchical position within the party structure, a fundamental aspect of the governing party model underlying parliamentary democracies. This article presents a trichotomous measure that considers the hierarchical level of ministers.

Bureaucratic professionalization and cabinet management: How civil servants in presidential democracies are treated differently

AbstractHow does bureaucratic structure shape presidential strategy in managing top executive posts? The comparative literature on cabinet formation focuses heavily on presidential legislative strategy, largely overlooking the administrative dimension of cabinet management. This article fills this gap by examining how bureaucratic professionalization shapes the president's strategy in distributing and managing cabinet posts. We argue that as bureaucracies become more autonomous via professionalization, ministers from the bureaucracy are more likely to be central players in presidential cabinet management. Our analysis of original data on 1538 ministers' cabinet careers from 26 presidential administrations in four Asian democracies shows that bureaucrats are more likely to receive and retain cabinet posts in key policy areas as bureaucratic professionalization increases, whereas they are less likely to do so with decreasing bureaucratic professionalization. This finding suggests that presidential cabinet management follows a different set of rules according to the level of bureaucratic professionalization.

When do different systems of government lead to similar power-sharing? The case of government formation

AbstractRecent studies provide evidence that the absence of a no-confidence procedure in presidential systems is crucial for understanding why the allocation of portfolios does not follow the same pattern in both parliamentary and presidential democracies. In this study, I argue that distinctions within presidential systems must be used to explain the substantial variation in the allocation of portfolios to presidential parties. I theorize that when the president is more dependent upon the legislature to make and enact policies, the balance of power in presidential cabinets is more likely to reflect the balance of power in the legislature. In this case, the presidential cabinet can resemble the proportional cabinets usually formed in parliamentary systems. With new data from 20 presidential democracies worldwide spanning more than 70 years, the results support the expectation of a greater formateur's advantage when presidents have greater institutionally-granted powers to influence the policy agenda in the legislature.

Federal President in the German Weimar Constitution On the Occasion of the 100th Anniversary of the Weimar Constitution

1918년 11월 혁명의 성과로 형성된 바이마르공화국의 헌법은 당시 세계에서 가장 민주적인 헌법이었다. 하지만 바이마르공화국은 패전의 부담 속에서 정치적, 경제적, 사회적으로 안정되지 못하였다. 많은 체제전환국이 겪는 바처럼 구시대의 엘리트들이 새로운 입헌민주주의를 흔쾌히 받아들이지 못하였다. 바이마르공화국의 초기에는 극우세력과 극좌세력의 소요사태가 있었고 초인플레이션에 의한 경제위기를 겪었다. 이후 상황이 어느 정도 안정되었지만 1929년의 경제대공황 속에서 연립정부가 좌초하고 대통령내각이 들어선다. 연방수상 브뤼닝은 헌정질서의 권위주의화를 목적으로 하였고 완고한 디플레이션정책을 실시하여 좌우 양 극단세력의 약진을 초래하였다. 독일의 보수주의세력이 나치의 전체주의적 헌법파괴를 의도한 것은 아니었지만 히틀러를 연방수상으로 임명함으로써 독일 뿐 아니라 전 세계에 참사를 가져왔다. 제2차 세계대전 이후 바이마르공화국 실패의 원인에 대한 많은 연구가 있었다. 시간이 지남에 따라 거리두기와 역사화가 진행되면서 여기에는 복합적인 요소가 함께 작용한 것이므로 단선적인 설명은 적절하지 않다는 합의가 형성되었다. 따라서 실패의 원인을 헌법과 헌법조항에서 찾는 것은 적절하지 않다. 바이마르헌법은 시대를 잘못 만난 훌륭한 헌법이었기 때문이다. 또한 바이마르공화국은 자멸한 것이 아니라 민주주의의 적으로부터의 공격에 좌절한 것이다. 다양한 유형의 긴급사태 속에서 연방대통령 에버트는 바이마르헌법 제48조에 기초한 국가긴급권을 입헌민주주의를 수호하고 정착시키는 방안으로 활용하였다. 하지만 힌덴부르크는 긴급명령권을 헌정질서를 훼손하려는 목적으로 사용하였다. 바이마르공화국이 처했던 과부하상태는 바이마르헌법 제48조의 국가긴급권에 대한 과부하로 상징된다. 입헌민주주의가 성공하기 위해서는 좋은 실정헌법을 가지는 것만으로 충분하지 않다.The constitution of the Weimar Republic, formed as a result of the November revolution 1918, was the most democratic constitution in the world at the time. However, the Weimar Republic was not stable politically, economically and socially under the burden of defeat. Like many countries in transition, the elites of the old system did not readily accept the new constitutional democracy. In the early days of the Weimar Republic, there was a state of unrest from the far-right and the far-left, and it suffered an economic crisis caused by hyperinflation. Afterwards, the situation stabilized to some extent, but in the Great Depression of 1929, the coalition government ran aground and a presidential cabinet was established. Federal Chancellor Bruning aimed to make the constitutional order authoritarian and enforced a stubborn deflationary policy, resulting in the advancement of the left and right extreme forces. Although the German conservatives did not intend the totalitarian destruction of the Nazis, by appointing Hitler as Federal Chancellor, it brought catastrophe not only to Germany but also to the whole world. There have been many studies on the causes of the failure of the Weimar Republic after World War II. As time went by, as distance and historicization progressed, a consensus was formed that a unilinear explanation was not appropriate because complex factors acted together. Therefore, it is not appropriate to find the cause of failure in the Constitution and constitutional provisions. The Weimar Constitution was a good constitution that met the wrong times. Also, the Weimar Republic did not self-abandon, but was frustrated by the attack from the enemy of democracy. In the midst of various types of emergencies, Federal President Ebert used the state emergency power based on Article 48 of the Weimar Constitution as a way to protect and establish constitutional democracy. However, Hindenburg used the power of emergency orders for the purpose of undermining the constitutional order. The state of excessive demand that the Weimar Republic faced is symbolized by the overload of Article 48 of the Weimar Constitution. For constitutional democracy to succeed, it is not enough to have a good positive constitution.

Sinergitas Kabinet Presidensiil Multipartai pada Masa Pandemi Covid-19 di Indonesia

Implement the simultaneous election in Indonesia has supported by the multiparty system. The multiparty system has an impact on the President’s leadership. In the formation of the cabinet, the President must accommodate political party coalition interest. One form of that accommodations occurs of the minister which came from the coalition political party. Different from the minister's interest background has an impact on the different policies each minister especially on COVID-19 handler in Indonesia. The research method is normative research with a case approach and concept approach. This research used secondary data that used primary, secondary, and tertiary materials. This research shows that the presidential cabinet in Indonesia is a cabinet which forms by multi-party coalitions. On multiparty coalition implementation of Kabinet Indonesia Maju 2019-2024, there were several times, the minister has different policy among the minister or with local governments such as the case of the ban on taking passengers for online biking and prohibition against homecoming. Different policies among the minister or with local government can be minimized by the President’s political leadership.

Considering the Revolution

Considering the Revolution

Transitivity System on Prabowo's Representation in British Online Article: A Critical Discourse Analysis Approach

Articles in online media might represent media’s perspective about the object of their news. After a long process of the Indonesian presidential election in 2019, Prabowo’s appointment as the Minister of Defense in the Indonesia Presidential cabinet became hot issue. The appointment was questioned particularly due to the former general’s past actions. This study aims to analyze how the media present their news articles regarding the appointment of Prabowo as Defense Minister using the transitivity system in the Clause as Representation, and to describe how the representation of Prabowo on his appointment influenced the interpretation of the readers. The study adopted the descriptive qualitative method to analyze the data based on Critical Discourse Analysis by Fairclough (1995a) and transitivity system by Halliday (2004). The data sources were taken from the article in the British online media, TheGuardian.com. This study results in the number of positive representations that are more than the negative representations, but with a slight difference so that it can be said to be balanced.

THE EFFECTIVENESS OF PRESIDENTIAL CABINET IN A MULTI-PARTY SYSTEM IN INDONESIA

The presidential cabinet system adopted by the Indonesia people has its own characteristics, namely the presidential cabinet system that is paired with a free multi-party system. The impact of the choice of system turned out to hamper the performance of the presidential cabinet, because of the many interventions of the coalition party members to the ministers who were in the cabinet. Not to mention that many laws and regulations have narrowed the President’s space in carrying out his authority that originated in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. Of course, the state and conditions of the constitution like this, severely hampered the cabinet in realizing its vision and missions. This paper will examine how to make the Indonesian presidential cabinet system work effectively. 
 
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How Valuable Is a Presidential Cabinet? Measuring Ministries’ Political Attractiveness in Brazil

ABSTRACTHow valuable is a cabinet position? While the current literature does not ignore the reality that ministries differ from one another, it does not offer either theoretical or methodological procedures to assess such differences. This article introduces a refined measure of coalescence degree that considers several characteristics ministries may have, as well as politicians’ preferences about cabinet appointments. We estimate the effect of this alternative measure of coalescence on the president’s legislative success using large Brazilian datasets from 1995 to 2014 and an elite survey conducted with 62 Brazilian legislators. Controlling for other coalition management variables (coalition size and ideological heterogeneity), our refined coalescence metric turns out to be a more appropriate tool to assess the president’s performance in Congress.

Introduction

Introduction Melvin I. Urofsky This particular issue provides an even greater potpourri than usual, since we have some articles that came in “over the transom,” some from previous contribu­ tors, some from the Leon Silverman Lecture Series, and the “Judicial Bookshelf.” While we are certainly delighted to offer you such a rich repast, there is also a note of sorrow. In December 2018, a colleague, friend, and all around nice person passed away. David M. O’Brien, contributed his talents to the Journal as a member of the editorial advisory board, as a contributor, and as a sounding board for questions from time to time. He and I collaborated on a few projects, read each other’s manuscripts, and as I have mentioned several times, the field of Supreme Court history is small in numbers, and David was one of its leaders. His Storm Center: The Supreme Court in American Politics, first published in 1986, is now in its eleventh edition, and is one of those books that both professionals as well as undergraduate tyros turn to with con­ fidence. There is more about David and his work in Grier Stephenson’s Judicial Book­ shelf, and from conversations I have had with other scholars, there is no doubt that he will be greatly missed. Saikrishna Bangalore Prakash is James Monroe Distinguished Professor of Law at the University of Virginia, and his article derives from the talk he gave in the Silverman Series on Justices serving in the Cabinet. His article notes that although the Constitution establishes separation of powers, it does not create a total separation, that is, although a member of the judiciary almost never simultaneously occupies an executive position, theoretically he or she could. In one hypothetical, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo could work in Foggy Bottom in the morning and sit on the Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit in the afternoon. In fact, from the beginning of the Republic members of the judiciary—many of whom had earlier served in a presidential cabinet— continued to advise Presidents, draft legisla­ tion, and do other things that clearly transcended what most people would con­ sider separated powers. Another contribution in the series also comes from the University of Virginia. Sidney Milkus is White Burkett Miller Professor of Politics, and Nicholas Jacobs is a doctoral candidate in that department. Although Justices leave the Court for many reasons, James F. Byrnes is unique as the only member to resign to serve in a cabinet 6 JOURNAL OF SUPREME COURT HISTORY position. This occurred during World War II when several members of the high court chafed at hearing what they saw as routine and meaningless cases, at least compared to the great challenge of a country at war. Robert H. Jackson wanted to leave; Frank Murphy actually enlisted, and on occasion wore his uniform to Court, although the War Department never called him to active duty. Byrnes also wanted to leave, and in his case, President Roosevelt wanted him to. Robert H. Jackson is one of the most enigmatic members of the Court; he is not considered one of the “greats” for the simple reason that he did not serve long enough. But while on the bench he made his mark, and also has a unique item in his record— without resigning from the Court he served as chief American prosecutor at the Nazi War Crimes Trial in Nuremburg. Jackson had been a close advisor to FDR, serving in several positions including Solicitor General (Justice Brandeis thought him so good he commented that Jackson should hold that office for life), then Attorney General, before being named to the high court. John Q. Barrett has become the leading Jackson scholar of our time and has been working on a comprehensive biography. From my point of view, it cannot come soon enough. His piece also derives from the Silverman series. My friend Mark Killenbeck is the Wylie H. Davis Distinguished Professor at the University of Arkansas Law School and is recognized as the authoritative voice on M’Culloch v. Maryland (1819). Mark notes that although there were actually two issues in the case, he and most scholars have paid attention only...

Challenging Historical Iconography: A Look at Women's Everyday Political Mobilization

Challenging Historical Iconography:A Look at Women's Everyday Political Mobilization Crystal R. Sanders (bio) Keisha N. Blain, Set the World on Fire: Black Nationalist Women and the Global Struggle for Freedom. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018. 255 pp. Figures, notes, and index. $34.95 Elizabeth Gillespie McRae, Mothers of Massive Resistance: White Women and the Politics of White Supremacy. New York: Oxford University Press, 2018. xiv + 352 pp. Figures, notes, bibliography and index. $34.95 Rebecca Tuuri, Strategic Sisterhood: The National Council of Negro Women in the Black Freedom Struggle. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2018. xii + 313 pp. Figures, notes, bibliography and index. $29.95 Iconography in history can be a dangerous thing. It encourages the deification of men such as Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X as lone freedom fighters in the long civil rights movement. It codes Pan-African strategists as male and reduces the long and wide geographical arc of white supremacy to the actions of a few men such as George Wallace and Ross Barnett. The danger with historical iconography is that it leads to inaccurate and reductionist accounts of history. It often marginalizes women's leadership or excludes them altogether. Three recently published monographs about black and white women's everyday political mobilization, Set the World on Fire: Black Nationalist Women and the Global Struggle for Freedom; Mothers of Massive Resistance: White Women and the Politics of White Supremacy; and Strategic Sisterhood: The National Council of Negro Women in the Black Freedom Struggle, push back against historical narratives that center exclusively on men. These works show that from civil rights struggles and massive resistance in the United States to global black nationalist movements, women have played pivotal roles. Together, the books complicate our understanding of gender and the ways in which women have attempted to make sense of the world they live in and transform. The works also challenge male-dominated narratives about civil rights activism, black emigration, and American conservatism. While these books are not the first [End Page 629] to put female actors at center stage, they expand our knowledge of women's political work in various arenas. In Strategic Sisterhood, Rebecca Tuuri introduced readers to the longstanding political and social justice work of the National Council of Negro Women (NCNW), an elite black women's organization formed by Mary McLeod Bethune in 1935. The esteemed black woman educator and activist sought to unite black women's sororities, professional organizations, and auxiliaries to improve black women and their communities. Under Bethune's tenure from 1935 until 1949, the council focused on obtaining federal government jobs and military opportunities for black women but failed to shed its elitist image. In addition to Bethune, other powerful black women who held NCNW leadership positions include Sadie Alexander, the first African American woman to receive a Ph.D. in economics in the United States, and Patricia Harris, the first African American woman to serve in a United States presidential cabinet and to serve as a United States ambassador. While NCNW membership has consisted mainly of middle-class black women, the council supported both moderate and radical black activism throughout the twentieth century, partnering both with interracial groups and groups committed to black separatism. While it is now expected that scholarship on the civil rights movement include the contributions of women, studies that focus on women's civil rights organizations remain rare. Historian Tiyi Morris's Womanpower Unlimited and the Black Freedom Struggle in Mississippi (2015) is one notable exception. Tuuri's scholarship on the NCNW, the largest black women's organization in the United States at the height of the civil rights, Black Power, and feminist movements of the 1960s and 1970s, helps to fill the void and complicates traditional understandings of radical political organizing. Dorothy Height assumed the NCNW presidency in 1956 and used the position to ensure that black women's voices and perspectives were included in civil rights leadership gatherings throughout the 1960s. When March on Washington organizers denied women a major speaking role at the historic event in 1963, Height, under the auspices of the NCNW, organized a women's conference the very next day. She convened...

The Persistence of the Power Elite: Presidential Cabinets and Corporate Interlocks, 1968–2018

In his seminal text, The Power Elite, C. Wright Mills initially drew critical attention to U.S. state power, asserting that economic, political, and military elites flow through a revolving door, cycling in and out of positions of power. Following its publication, several social scientists began to examine the nature of the U.S. state, including individuals like G. William Domhoff and Michael Useem. One particular work by Peter Freitag examined the class composition of presidential cabinets. Freitag examined whether presidential cabinet members came from the elite corporate sphere, went into the elite corporate sphere following their tenure in office, the extent of interlocks among the Democratic and Republican Parties, and whether particular cabinet positions were more interlocked with the elite corporate sphere than others. In this article, I examine these same questions, looking at presidential cabinets between 1968 and 2018, that is, across the last half-century. In doing so, I find consistency with many of Freitag’s initial findings: most presidential cabinets remain heavily interlocked, there is little difference between Democratic and Republican cabinets, and there is a significant amount of cabinet members that come from and enter the elite corporate sphere following their time in office.

PORTFOLIO ALLOCATION AS THE PRESIDENT'S CALCULATIONS: LOYALTY, COPARTISANSHIP, AND POLITICAL CONTEXT IN SOUTH KOREA

AbstractHow do the president's calculations in achieving policy goals shape the allocation of cabinet portfolios? Despite the growing literature on presidential cabinet appointments, this question has barely been addressed. I argue that cabinet appointments are strongly affected not only by presidential incentives to effectively deliver their key policy commitments but also by their interest in having their administration maintain strong political leverage. Through an analysis of portfolio allocations in South Korea after democratization, I demonstrate that the posts wherein ministers can influence the government's overall reputation typically go to nonpartisan professionals ideologically aligned with presidents, while the posts wherein ministers can exert legislators' influence generally go to senior copartisans. My findings highlight a critical difference in presidential portfolio allocation from parliamentary democracies, where key posts tend to be reserved for senior parliamentarians from the ruling party.

Executive control of bureaucracy and presidential cabinet appointments in East Asian democracies

AbstractThis article examines the role of cabinet appointments in controlling the bureaucracy in presidential democracies. I demonstrate how administrative challenges stemming from the structure of the bureaucracy shape presidential choice of ministers. Analyzing a sample of four East Asian cases from 1986 through 2013, I find that presidents are more likely to select ministers from the civil service as bureaucracies are more professionalized, controlling for several political factors. Further evidence from qualitative interviews and case studies suggests that, in professionalized systems equipped with a sizable pool of talent but lacking responsiveness, presidents tend to promote ideologically aligned senior civil servants. However, in politicized systems, where presidents easily obtain responsiveness but face a low level of competence, policy experts tend to be selected from outside the bureaucracy. My findings have important implications for the regulatory governance and state capacity of East Asia, demonstrating the value of balancing between responsiveness and competence.

The Historical Presidency: George Washington and the First Presidential Cabinet

Scholars have long focused on President George Washington's dynamic and quarrelsome cabinet. Yet scholars often assume the cabinet played a static role throughout Washington's presidency. This article demonstrates how Washington gradually created the cabinet to provide advice, not fully embracing weekly meetings until faced with an international crisis in 1793. This article also examines how Washington sidelined the cabinet in the final years of his presidency, returning to individual conferences and correspondence. As a result, Washington ensured the cabinet remained institutionally weak and a tool for the president to use at will—a legacy that survives in the twenty‐first century.

E-Learning in the Age of Betsy DeVos

Betsy DeVos is the new U.S. Secretary of Education, having been confirmed by not just a razor-thin measure, but rather by a tie-breaking vote by Vice President Mike Pence that was unprecedented for a presidential cabinet appointment. What are the likely potentials and possibilities for e-learning in the new era of Donald Trump and Betsy DeVos? It's worth exploring what we might be able to anticipate for e-learning in the coming era.

Flexible Design and Construction Strategies for Self-Help Housing in Botswana

In an effort to coordinate the housing schemes from different departments, Government of the Republic of Botswana took a decision to establish Single Housing Authority (SiHA) through a Presidential Cabinet Directive CAB20 (B) 2010 in July 2010. Previously, these schemes were designed and built by the local councils, with the help of the local builders and house owners. A review of the architect designed and contractor-led housing projects under this scheme, demonstrate the shortcomings of a standardized housing design approach and the need to develop a flexible design strategies that can respond to the inevitable changes associated with low-income housing. A qualitative case study research of Self-Help Housing Agency (SHHA)’s built houses was conducted in Mochudi (Botswana) to explore potential strategies of improving the current self-help housing design processes. Using case study examples from Mochudi, a systematic and flexible design framework is suggested as an economically viable approach to improve the quality of self-help housing design processes that reduce costly changes which are associated with the current government-funded housing schemes.

Women in executive positions. The influence of institutional factors and gender stereotypes on women’s representation in the Peruvian presidential cabinet

El presente articulo de reflexion trata de la represen- tacion de las mujeres en el poder ejecutivo en los sistemas presidenciales, especialmente en el gabinete presidencial del Peru donde el numero de las mujeres entre 2001 y 2014 aumento del 11 a 50 %. El objetivo de este trabajo es el de examinar el impacto que otros elementos del poder, como el presidente o el parlamento, y los estereotipos de genero, que posiblemente tienen sobre el nombramien- to de las mujeres. El analisis de datos se concentra en la ideologia politica del presidente, si es de izquierda o de derecha, y el numero de las mujeres en el parlamento. En conclusion se revela el impacto de las cuotas de genero para las elecciones legislativas y el numero creciente de las mujeres en parlamento como los factores mas influyentes sobre la representacion de las mujeres en el gabinete. Abstract This research paper deals with the representation of women in executive positions in presidential systems, specifically in a presidential cabinet of Peru, where the representation of women was progressively growing from 11 per cent in 2001 to 50 per cent in 2014. The main purpose of the article is an exploration of the impact that other components of power, like the President and the Parliament, and gender stereoptypes can have on the appointment of women. In the conclusion, the paper re- veals the impact of the legislative gender quota and relat- ed higher representation of women in parliament on the number of female ministers.

CAPITAL MARKET’S REACTION TOWARDS 2014 WORKING CABINET ANNOUNCEMENT (INDONESIAN CASE STUDY)

The purpose of this study is to examine the market reaction regarding the announcement of working cabinet following the election of Jokowi as the President of Indonesia. Political events such as presidential election, government change, cabinet announcement, and other events are very influential towards price and trade volume at the stock exchange since the political events are closely related to the state economy stability. The Sample in this study is stock which was listed as issuers in Indonesia Stock Exchange (IDX) which included in LQ45 company group during this research period from 20 October– 3 November 2014. The result shows that there was significant effect towards abnormal return difference before and after the cabinet announcement on the companies listed in LQ 45. The existence of this significant difference means that market reacted with the cabinet announcement event.

Diversity and Presidential Cabinet Appointments*

ObjectiveA significant indicator of a president's commitment to equality in American society can be found in the people appointed to fill senior‐level positions within the administration.MethodThe history of diversity appointments to the cabinet is reviewed with more detailed analysis of cabinet and Executive Office of the President (EOP) appointees since the Carter presidency.ResultsThe pattern of appointments of women and minorities is one of plateaus, with Carter making notable advancements in the appointment of women and African Americans and Obama's initial appointments taking diversity of appointments to a new level. In particular, more women and minorities appointed by Obama have elite connections as defined by Dye.ConclusionDespite greater numbers than in the past, diversity appointments represent desegregation of the cabinet and White House rather than full integration of women and minorities into the upper reaches of the executive branch.