post-New Order Era Research Articles

Tanah tak Bertuan: Volatilitas dan Stabilitas Elektoral di Jawa Barat Pasca Ode Baru

The changing power of political parties is one of the most important phenomena studied in democratic political systems. It can shed light on the extent to which political parties are connected to voters, the strengthening or weakening of party institutionalisation, the influence of personalities in politics, the influence of electoral and party institutional design, and so on. Studies on political party change (electoral volatility and stability) have been conducted comparatively, and some studies are conducted by looking at the national context of Indonesia. However, while studies have been conducted on these issues at the local level, they remain overlooked. This article fills this gap by presenting a description and analysis of electoral volatility and stability in West Java in the post-New Order era. Using the theoretical framework of electoral volatility and stability as well as the theory of party system institutionalisation (PSI), this study proposes three findings: high party turnover; higher electoral volatility in West Java compared to national electoral volatility; more competitive political party competition at the district/city level in West Java. The findings on electoral volatility, stability and competition are influenced by the restrictions of political party regulations, which have an impact on the decreasing number of political parties in elections, the personalisation of politics and the presidentialisation of politics, as well as the historical roots of the old-established parties that have been entrenched since the New Order era.

Promoting Indonesian Moderate Islam on the Global Stage: Non-State Actors’ Soft Power Diplomacy in the Post-New Order Era

This paper investigates why and how Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) have engaged in the soft power diplomacy of Islam in post-Suharto Indonesia and how they mobilise their vast resources and networks to do so. The nefarious effects of radical extremism have invited the Muslim world, including Indonesia, to revert to the notion of Islamic moderation, a justly balanced Islam (wasatiyyat Islam), and to promote it nationally and globally. In this sense, both state and non-state actors, such as Muhammadiyah and NU, have pulled themselves into soft power diplomacy. Drawing upon the lens of soft power and public diplomacy theory, this paper finds that Muhammadiyah and NU’s involvement in Indonesia’s soft power and public diplomacy is generated by shared interests in reinstalling a moderate identity at home and abroad. In this vein, through dialogues, cooperation, humanitarian action, and the establishment of special branches and sister organisations, the two most prominent Islamic institutions in Indonesia have attempted to internationalise the best practice of Indonesian Islam, rooted sociologically and historically in tolerance, openness, and temperance. This paper discovers that, although confronted by some weaknesses and challenges, Muhammadiyah and NU constantly attempt to craft global networks of moderate Islam and to recenter Indonesian Islam as a new centre of Islamic civilisation.

Legal Research Concerning the Legal Status of Surat-Ijo Land Owned by the City Government of Surabaya

The emergence of the liberation movement for the residents of the Surat-Ijo land is a form of response to the phenomenon of injustice that has surrounded and shackled some of the people of the city of Surabaya which has been going on for a long time. The emergence of the liberation movement was encouraged and facilitated by a situation that upheld the spirit of openness and freedom of expression, namely the spirit of reform that arose in the post-New Order era. One (of the many) factors that gave rise to the liberation movement for the residents of Surat-Ijo land is the difference in understanding of the applicable laws and regulations, especially the regional land laws and regulations. This difference in views has led to different perceptions between the two parties regarding the status of state land rights that are occupied by residents. The form of conflict resolution regarding the Surat-Ijo land can occur when there is a unified understanding between the residents of the Surat-Ijo land and the City Government of Surabaya regarding land laws and regulations, both national and local. Efforts to resolve the conflict require a bold breakthrough, not just to be handled legally which only involves the two parties to the dispute, but requires the involvement of at least three ministries, namely the Ministry of Home Affairs, the Ministry of Agrarian Affairs and Spatial Planning, and the Ministry of Finance. The settlement of the Surat-Ijo land conflict must be encouraged by the spirit of upholding justice and prosperity for all Indonesian people as the goal of the proclaimed Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI) in 1945.

Mekanisme Penyelidikan, Penyidikan Dan Mengadili Di Indonesia Pasca Orde Baru

Inquiry and investigation in the mechanism there is a difference between the two. Article 1 point 5 of the Criminal Procedure Code regulates investigations to determine whether an event that is suspected of being a crime is true before finally proceeding to the level of investigation. Where the investigation stage aims to determine the truth of a criminal act. After finding out who the perpetrators of the crime were, then in accordance with the constitution a court process will be carried out through an independent judicial power. Merdeka has the principle that judicial power must be free from any form of encouragement or interference from any outside party. It is different from the power to adjudicate in the post-New Order era where legal dualism occurred. This study uses a normative juridical method with a statutory approach (Statute Approach) regarding Law Number 14 of 1970 concerning Judicial Power in the New Order regime as well as a Case Approach (Case Approach) of legal dualism carried out by President Soeharto where presidential power is attached to legal authority. justice. The power of the president attached to the power of the judiciary will give birth to the independence or independence of the decisions of the judges because there is interference from the power of the president.

Accommodating Non-Muslim Rights: Legal Arguments and Legal Principles in the Islamic Jurisprudence of the Indonesian Supreme Court in the Post-New Order Era

Abstract Most Islamic legal literature describes non-Muslims as ‘second-class citizens’. They do not have equal rights to Muslims, particularly under Islamic inheritance law. This article attempts to re-evaluate this general assessment by presenting cases of Islamic inheritance involving non-Muslims in post-New Order Indonesia. Using five decisions of the Indonesian Supreme Court, we argue that whilst the judges’ legal arguments are relatively progressive and inclusive by accommodating non-Muslim rights, their analogical interpretation of the waṣiat wājibah (mandatory will) is still trapped in classical fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) norms that position religious differences and apostasy as an obstacle to inheritance. Although their analogical interpretation has in some cases resulted in equal rights, the protection of non-Muslim rights has not been fully realized. The legal arguments and principles they adopt are made acceptable to the Muslim community because they maintain traditional fiqh in the context of a multicultural Indonesian society. This study has implications for equal rights among Indonesian citizens and the realization of the state’s ideals that uphold the right to freedom of religion.

THE USE OF ENGLISH IN INDONESIAN FILM TITLES: A HABITUS IN THE INDONESIAN POST-NEW ORDER FILM INDUSTRY

The use of English in several Indonesian film titles is a reality that has been seen since the collapse of the New Order era in 1998. Aspects of social conditions and historical background led to the assumption that the use of English in several Indonesian film titles is related. Therefore, this study aims to prove this assumption by using qualitative methods and a phenomenological approach supported by literature studies in examining social conditions and historical contexts that encourage the birth of phenomena in the Indonesian film industry based on a cultural perspective by applying Bourdieu's habitus theory. emphasizes habitus as a historical product and the role of English in Indonesia after the collapse of the New Order era. The results of the study prove that the rapid development of Indonesian cinema, in terms of the use of English in a number of Indonesian film titles, cannot be separated from the historical context, globalization, and social conditions that underlie its emergence. Such a phenomenon then becomes a recurring habit in the Indonesian film industry which shows that habitus is a product of history. This is also a sign that departs from the increasing role of English in the post-New Order era, because there is no longer any control or restriction on the use of Indonesian under the pretext of uniformity and improvement of national identity.

Ulama in Indonesian Politics: Analysis on the Attitudes of The Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI) on the General Elections

This article discusses the attitudes of Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI) on Indonesian general elections. It will compare the attitudes of the MUI in the general elections in the New Order and post-New Order era. There are six elections that are to be examined in this article, from 1977 to 2009. This article is based on qualitative research by using a comparative approach, specifically when searching for the difference in the attitude of the MUI in the New Order era and the MUI post-New Order. The data of this research is taken from the official magazine of MUI, Mimbar Ulama from the time it was published in 1975 to 2009. This article argues that the MUI in post-New Order times tried to be a player in the political context while in the New Order era the MUI took a safer stance. Under the New Order regime, the MUI could be regarded as playing safely by supporting the government. This standing is different from the post-New Order period where the MUI attitudes in the general elections are determined by political developments. The MUI changed its attitude both by distancing itself

The Wahid Institute dan Pluralisme di Indonesia (2004-2008)

This study discusses the birth and development of The Wahid Institute from 2004 to 2008. The method used in this study is the historical method and the presentation of research results is carried out in the form of descriptive narrative. The results of this thesis study explained that the birth of The Wahid Institute in 2004 was inseparable from Abdurrahman Wahid, Zannuba Ariffah Chafsoh Wahid, Greg Barton, and Ahmad Suaedy who were the initiators of The Wahid Institute. Then there are the founding factors of The Wahid Institute such as social and religious conditions in the post-New Order era, because they were released from the New Order era. because of differences in views, beliefs, culture, and ethnicity. This is due to the lack of pluralism in society, so The Wahid Institute was designed by the initiators to fight for pluralism as expected by Gus Dur.

Contested Javaneseness in Sociocultural Documentaries of the Post-New Order Indonesia

This article fleshes out how two Indonesian sociocultural-themed documentary films of the post-New Order era articulate the counter-imaginaries of Javaneseness. They are Jamu (Javanese Traditional Medicine) and Kulo Ndiko Sami (We are Brothers). The emergence of bringing the issue of Javaneseness to light has its cause on its complex politicization in the New Order regime. Javaneseness was ideologically manipulated as the hegemonic narrative of the state to construct an image of Indonesian society. Javaneseness incorporated by the regime was of a desired aristocratic model in combination with other non-Javanese worldviews.This desired strand of imagining was then politically used to simplify the whole gamut of Javanese cultures and marginalize other ethnic cultures. With the collapse of the New Order, sociocultural activists and filmmakers of the grassroots regarded the burgeoning of independent documentary filmmaking as momentum to utilize documentary film as a medium to project alternative interpretations of Javaneseness. The article proposes a symptomatic reading of the examined films by looking at their aesthetics and ideological aspects framed and situatedwithin the oppositional views of the imagined community by Benedict Anderson and Partha Chatterjee. By drawing on the films’ aesthetics and ideologies that articulate Javaneseness, this article aims to show two points. First, the counter-imaginaries of the New Order’s Javaneseness are projected through the documentaries and such projections prove to be dynamic. Second, inclusive views on how to represent ethnicities in contemporary Indonesia need promulgating.

The Phenomenon of English-Indonesian Code Mixing as a Trend in Indonesian Pop Music Industry

This study discusses the phenomenon of code mixing as a trend in the Indonesian pop music industry, which in its development period has experienced a rapid increase over time. Indonesian song texts in the current context, estimated to start in the 2000s until now, many use English-Indonesian code mixing. With this phenomenon, the music industry in Indonesia seems to be running a new trend that is indirectly seen as a habit. Qualitative methods that emphasize on observing phenomena and focus on processes and meanings are used to understand the code mixing phenomena that have been identified in a number of Indonesian pop songs by linking them with Bourdieu's habitus theory, the role of the Indonesian language in the post-New Order era and the concept of using English in Indonesian according to Munsyi. The results show that there has been a habitus in the Indonesian music industry that gave birth to a trend of English-Indonesian code mixing where this code mixing became a phenomenon in the music industry as a form of new habits, but still could not be separated from the historical factors of the role of Indonesian language during its development.

Development of the Architectural Styles of the Reformation Era in Makassar, South Sulawesi, Indonesia

The beginning of the reformation era was the post-New Order era marked by the resignation of President Soeharto in 1998, and the process is still ongoing. The purpose of this study was to identify trends in the development of architectural styles in Makassar, outlined in the form of a timeline for the development of architectural styles in the era. The used research method was the historical-diachronic analysis with data collection techniques through exploration on the internet using google maps, interviews, observations, and documents. The research population was phenomenal buildings in Makassar. Phenomenal means the amount was large/the shapes were prominent/it had a certain style/it had a political background in its emergence. The sampling technique used criterion-purposive-snowball sampling technique. The collected data was analyzed and interpreted descriptively. The assessment of validity and reliability of the data were done through the triangulation of qualitative data collection techniques. This research found that there were diverse architectural styles that developed in the reform era in Makassar, namely: No Style, My Style, Classic, Modern, Minimalist, Perforated Skin, Double Skin, Corporation, Iconic, Container Box, Colonial, Postmodern, and Tropical. The background of the emergence of these styles was influenced by various external factors: globalization, local strongmen, local/national/international corporations, local iconic interpretation, decentralization, industry, and the availability of materials and experts, local and national government, political, economic, social and cultural dynamics. Furthermore, there were also internal factors that influence the styles, namely the taste of the architects, and the taste as well as economic capabilities of the users/owners.

The Shift of Kyai’s Roles in Kediri East Java in the Post New-Order Era: The contribution on local environment context

This study discusses kyai’s roles in responding to the social, economic, and political changes in Kediri, East Java, in the post new-order era. Since the collapse of Soeharto’s power in 1998, Indonesia was viewed as a model of the unity of Islam and democration. Islam played important roles in the orientation of the political form in Indonesian. The stronger contribution of the Muslims after the new order can not be separated from the roles of kyai. To date, kyai has a role of selecting outside cultures that enter the society. Unfortunately, the capability of kyai to selesct outside cultures is often not comparable to the swift flow of culture that reduce the role of kyai. This study concludes that the ownership of all symbolic, social, economic, and cultural capitals, has not been able to lead kyai to be successful in all arenas of their struggle.This is because efforts to strengthen economic and social capitals, especially political capital, turned out to weaken symbolic capital. The further impact is that their followers do not provide adequate support when kyai develop their wings in economic and political affairs.

Spirits

This essay is one of more than a dozen in this volume to honor the late Mary Margaret Steedly. The paper’s theme is “spirits,” and reflects on how Steedly wove stories of encounters with spirits and mediums into an intricate matrix, thus revealing a space of a particular narrative experience. Each encounter pushes someone out of a comfort zone, thereby destabilizing a recognized identity, revealing the fragility of a boundary (“border between two worlds”), or undermining confidence in one’s understanding of something. While Steedly’s projects on spirit mediums and Indonesian supernaturalism are different and separated by twenty years, they complement each other. Attention to the supernatural offered her an unusual lens on the twists and turns of Indonesia’s historical transformation from a modernizing postcolonial nation to the mass-media-saturated, post-New Order era.

REPRESENTASI LIQUID RELIGION KELAS MENENGAH MUSLIM DALAM FILM ISLAMI PASCA ORDE BARU

The main focus of this article is the construction of the middle class Muslims through representation and images in the form of Islamic films. Representations and simulations are used to maintain and strengthen the position of the middle class in Muslim societies. In the era of liberal capitalism, spectacle media is the most popular medium of society. The image is the main value in the media, which disturbs the society of capitalism to smooth the agenda of capitalism and consumerism. The main question in this article is how the representation and simulation of Islam is from the middle class Muslims in Indonesian Islamic films in post-new Order era? This article reveals the position of Islamic films as a medium of preservation of the religious values of the middle class that are displayed through film framing such as economic ability, education qualifications and political choice. The identity of the middle class is a value that is not only illustrated without ideological battles and the struggle for space in films, but at the same time becomes a religious ideological medium, especially the closed middle class Muslims ideology.

Poverty, Deprivation, and Social Exclusion as Source of Violent Conflict: Case Study of West Papua Post-New Order Era

AbstrakTulisan ini akan membahas mengenai kompleksitas hubungan antara kemiskinan dan konflik kekerasan. Konflik kekerasan selalu mengakibatkan kerugian dalam hal nyawa manusia, ekonomi dan kehidupan social, dan juga merupakan sumber utama dari kemiskinan dan keterbelakangan pembangunan. Tulisan ini juga membahas tentang keterkaitan antara keterbatasan sumber daya, keterkucilan dalam kehidupan social dan kemiskinan akan meningkatkan rasa ketidaksetaraan yang dapat menimbulkan kekerasan. Kemiskinan membuat suatu masyarakat menjadi lebih rentan terhadap provokasi-provokasi untuk melakukan tindak kekerasan; kerentanan ini disebabkan oleh rasa ketidakadilan dan bahwa kekerasan dapat memberikan solusi yang lebih terhadap permasalahan yang ada. Tulisan ini mengambil contoh kasus di Papua Barat dimana kondisi kemiskinan dan keterkucilan social saling berkaitan. Dan dalam konflik ini dapat terlihat bahwa kekerasan struktural dapat menghasilkan dan melanggengkan kemiskinan.Kata kunci: Deprivasi, Kemiskinan, Keterkucilan Sosial, Konflik Kekerasan, Papua. AbstractThis article discuses about the complexity of causal relation between poverty and violent conflict. Violent conflicts have huge human, economic, and social costs and are a major cause of poverty and underdevelopment. The article suggests that the coupling between deprivation, social exclusion and poverty increases the significance of inequality and may contribute to violence. Poverty conditions make the victims more vulnerable to being provoked into committing violent actions; this vulnerability is due to the grievance of deprivation and the incentives that the violence offers given the misery of the present condition. This paper takes the West Papua conflict as an example in which the conditions of poverty and social exclusion are entrenched. The violent conflict in West Papua, Indonesia has shown the pattern that structural violence can produce and sustain poverty.Keywords: Deprivation, Papua, Poverty, Social Exclusion, Violent Conflict

A Policy Analysis of Islamic Education Budget in Indonesia

Budget policies for Islamic education in contemporary Indonesia, especially in the post-New Order era, are still within the authority of the management of the Ministry of Religious Affairs (MORA) of the Republic of Indonesia. In terms of quantity, the amount of budget obtained is still in the low category compared to the national education budget received by the Ministry of Education and Culture and the Ministry of Research, Technology, and Higher Education. Moreover, the budget received by the MORA is not all for the implementation of Islamic educational institutions but also for other non-Islamic educational institutions which are the responsibility of the ministry. Therefore, this paper discusses the policies of the Islamic education budget in Indonesia and the impacts of these policies on the implementation and sustainability of the quality of Indonesia’s Islamic education. This paper exposes that Islamic education policies are always placed at a crossroads. In this context, the Islamic education budget policy is face to face and even contrasted with other policies. The problems with the political policies of the education budget, including those in the Islamic education budget policy in contemporary Indonesia, still need to be continuously monitored, evaluated, and implemented in relation to existing policies to optimize while providing better solutions and contributions.

THE MYTH OF FEMALE BEAUTY: STUDY OF REPRESENTATION TOWARD POST-NEW ORDER NOVELS WRITTEN BY MALES

Males representing female beauty without experiencing to be real females in post-New Order era become the background of this study. This study is aimed: (1) to identify female beauty in post-New Order era represented by male writers, (2) to identify factors forming the representation. To achieve the aims, the study is done by applying Stuart Hall's representation theory which is not only about meaning produced through language and knowledge produced through discourse, but also about revealing patriarchal structure containing in discourse. After applying Stuart Hall's representation theory, it is found that female beauty in post-New Order era is not the same as the one in New Order era. Male writers represent that beautiful females in post-New Order are the ones whose body attracting other people and who struggle for freedom. The representation is formed by male writers in relation with males in post-New Order era and in discursive formation in post-New Order siding with males to keep masculine domination.DOI:10.24071/ijhs.2019.020204

AMBIVALENSI RADIKALISME AGAMA DALAM PERSPEKTIF MUHAMMADIYAH

There is no sexiest word besides Radicalism. Its existence often makes people stricken with fear. Even those who guessed that the end of radicalism was a brutal act of terrorism. The end of the religion is related. Various types of prevention are carried out by various official governmental and private institutions. The aim is none other than so that the ideas that lead to acts of terror can be stopped. In understanding the meaning of radicalism, many are confused, because if it is traced, the equivalent of the word radicalism is not in accordance with the meaning. Because the meaning of the radik is root / rooted (meaning deep thinking / philosophizing), while people do too much, they may not necessarily think deeply. Meanwhile, the word ism itself which contains the meaning of a notion, should be distinguished by an act that ends brutally. Herein lies the error, the word used to describe this should be extremism. Because there are always people who overdo it.That the symptoms of radicalism among Muslims in the post-New Order era can be seen as an 'act of identity' carried out in order to respond and answer the crisis of identity they experienced in the midst of dramatic and dramatic changes that occurred in Indonesia in the early phase of transition to democracy. not right if always associated with religion. But it does not mean that in religion there is no action, in any religion there are always people who interpret religion in a textual way, raping the scriptures for their interests. So that short-sightedness leads to brutal action / terror. The Muhammadiyah which is the main guardian of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia will also not agree with various kinds of violence, occupation and deviant acts. It's just that Muhammadiyah suggested that the handling that smelled of Islam be carried out with a persuasive approach. Therefore, if the government insists on repressive actions, new terrorists will emerge. The emergence of radicalism cannot be separated from the long history of this nation, herein lies the ambivalent nature that we must seek and solve together, so that such ideas do not reappear.

Employment Arrangement for Person with Disabilities in Indonesia in Post-New Order Era

The right to employment of persons with disabilities got better attentions in Indonesia, especially after the fall of the New Order era. This paper discusses the employment arrangement for persons with disabilities in Indonesia in Post-New Order era. It is found that some reforms have been made to accealerate the fulfillment of the right to employment of persons with disabilities. It began with the enactment of Law Number 21 of 2002 on Labour Union and Law Number 13 of 2003 on Employment. In addition, the Government had ratified the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities through Law Number 19 of 2011. Furthermore, Law Number 8 of 2016 on Person with Disabilities was issued. This law has properly regulated the rights of persons with disabilities, including their employment rights. Nevertheless, this law still requires several comprehensive operational regulations. Law Number 13 of 2003 can be synchronized with Law Number 8 of 2016 since it functions as a guideline for employers and workers in carrying out working relationship.

Language selection in the Indonesian novel: Bahasa gado-gado in expressions of love

In the post-New Order era, the use of English in Indonesia is noticeably increasing, particularly in otherwise Indonesian popular print texts, a domain where language selection is evident and publicly accessible. The appearance of English in Indonesian popular texts is linguistically known as code-switching, called bahasa gado-gado in the Indonesian context. Although noticeably increasing, English is still unfairly treated by many Indonesians and by the government as a foreign language that carries the “West” ideology. In other words, English not only functions as a linguistic resource but also as a language of Otherness that may carry some Western ideologies for many Indonesians. In fact, the juxtaposition of English and Indonesian in otherwise Indonesian speech acts still receives social censure or is seen as an interference to Indonesian-ness. Using an interpretive textual analysis, I show that code-switching with special reference to English effectively functions to express the overt love expressions and to project one’s socio-cultural hybridity and lingustic proficiency.