Post-conflict Era Research Articles

Landmines and Human Security in Post-Conflict Era: Analyzing the Narratives of Landmine Victims in Kurdistan Province, Iran

ABSTRACT The border areas of Kurdistan Province in western Iran continue to be plagued by the presence of landmines left over from the Iran-Iraq war, causing frequent accidents and inflicting severe physical, mental, and social damage on the residents. This paper aims to explore the lived experiences of landmine explosion victims in this region. The immediate aftermath of landmine explosions in these borderlands often results in the amputation of vital organs or tragic fatalities. Survivors of these incidents endure various forms of social and psychological trauma due to their physical disabilities. However, the provision of necessary services to these victims is characterized by a dualistic approach, where some receive support while others are deprived of assistance in order to facilitate activities such as smuggling, kolbari 1 , and illegal trafficking. This structural disparity exacerbates the challenges faced by victims, particularly those residing in border areas.

Paramilitary Conflict in Colombia: A Case Study of Economic Causes of Conflict Recidivism

Following the peace accord on 26 September 2016 between the Colombian government and the Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC), significant structural issues persisted in Colombia, such as state fragility, land distribution challenges, and rural impoverishment, all of which jeopardized sustainable peace. Previous disarmament events indicated potential shifts in violence and recidivism rates among ex-combatants. This paper aims to determine the likelihood that, in the post-conflict era with FARC, these ex-combatants would rearm themselves into new criminal factions. Employing a methodology by Paul Collier, the study utilized logit, probit, and panel data models with both fixed and random effects to evaluate the recidivism risk at the municipal level. A 1% increase in per capita municipal income decreased conflict probability due to the increased opportunity cost of disrupting economic endeavors. Conversely, 1% increases in potential conflict benefits from tax revenue and natural resource proceeds raised the probability of conflict by 40% and 17%, respectively. Key results indicate that economic advancement, as measured by per capita income, reduced the duration of paramilitary presence, whereas revenue from taxes and natural resources extended it at the municipal level in Colombia.

Transformation of Traditional Islamic Education: Dayah as a Modern Educational Institution in Post-Conflict Aceh

This study explored the transformation of Dayah institutions in Aceh, focusing on their change from traditional religious schools to a modern Islamic educational institutions, particularly in the post-conflict era. The integration of modern education into Dayah has sparked a dynamic contestation between tradition and modernity, reflecting broader social and political changes in Aceh. This study also emphasized Dayah's resilience and continued influence on post-conflict reconciliation and contemporary religious practices in Aceh. Meanwhile, this research employed qualitative research with a type of literature review. The findings showed that the transformation of Dayah has formed an integrated educational system that combines traditional Islamic teachings with modern education, fostering the development of science and technology. The Dayah system has successfully cultivated a society with a profound, comprehensive understanding of Islam and has contributed to the cultivation of tolerant individuals by alienating students from radical thought patterns.

Breaking Silences: Women, Citizenship and Theatre In Northern Ireland

This essay seeks to weave together an analysis of women’s citizenship and its dependency on certain silences, and the exploration of this tension in two recent productions by Belfast- based Kabosh Theatre Company. Kabosh, and company Artistic Director Paula McFetridge, stage work that examines the realities of the region in the post-conflict era. In constructing the theoretical frame for the analysis, the concept of “silence” and “silencing” draws from Kristie Dotson (2015), and from work on violence such as Gayatri Spivak’s concept of “epistemic violence” and a wide range of sources on the performance of violence in theatre. Chantal Mouffe’s concept of agonistic democracy shapes the discussion of the Northern Irish state, and Wendy Brown and Joane Butler are the key scholars for the consideration of citizenship and nation.

The Russian Invasion of Ukraine: A Blessing in Disguise for Poland?

The Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 has had profound and far-reaching consequences for Poland. Like the rest of Europe, Poland has had to face the energy crisis, a burden eased to a degree by the country’s decade-long gradual effort to decrease dependency on Russian fossil fuel imports. The war, however, brought with it an unforeseen opportunity for Poland. Poland’s swift and robust response and its positioning as a humanitarian and military hub enhanced its international standing, turning it into a significant player in the newly emerged European order. By actively supporting Ukraine, Poland emerged as a vital NATO ally and a regional power, transforming its geopolitical position. However, as the war continues, the tensions with the European Union in relation to Poland’s climate and domestic policies, which were seemingly forgotten for a time in light of the country’s strong support for Ukraine, are rising again. In this, Poland’s ability to capitalise on its newfound role as a regional leader will most likely be tested further in the post-conflict era.

The Non-Governmental Organization (Ngo)/Community Organization (Co) Existence And The Likelihood Of The Local Conflicts: Evidence From Aceh Province

Aceh officially entered a post-conflict era in 2005, in its part of post-conflict peace development, the Local Conflict still escalated between citizens, between villages, between Ethnic, with local government, with the local security force, and between students and other group conflicts. This study examines the association of the Non-Governmental Organization (NGO)/Community Organization (CO)’s to chance of having local conflict in village in Aceh. we use the data of the Indonesian village survey (Potensi Desa/Podes) in 2008, 2011, 2014, and 2018 from statistics Indonesia, and supported with interview results with 20 village leaders. We use Binary Logit to quantify the association between NGO/CO existence and the chance of likelihood of the local conflict. Our results show that the presence of NGO/CO within the village increases the chance of the likelihood of local conflict. And if there is an interaction between NGO/CO and BPD within the village, the presence of NGO/CO is decreasing the chance of likelihood of local conflict in Aceh.

The Identity Crisis in Post-agreement Northern Ireland: Evidence from the Theatre Production Cyprus Avenue

Historical issues led to "The Troubles" in Northern Ireland, which lasted for almost 30 years. The impact of this protracted struggle on society and its citizens was significant, even if the two sides of the dispute were ultimately able to come to an understanding. As a symbol of a person's link to society, identity plays a significant part in this process. Due to their poor environmental adaption in the post-conflict era, many people may experience identity crises because they are unsure of their original identities. This essay will look into the reasons for this issue and attempt to offer solutions for the identity crisis following the conflict. Since theatre can effectively represent several social concerns, this article will take a case study method and select a specific play, "Cyprus Avenue," by David Ireland, from 2016, as a case study to evaluate the primary causes of the identity crisis. It was determined that the reasons for the identity crisis were the limitations of their identity-building strategies and the changes in the social environment.

Membangun Perdamaian Pasca Konflik


 After the peace agreement, Indonesia is now in the post-conflict era and many conflicts in various regions of Indonesia have decreased. Democratization and decentralization bring about improvements in social, economic and security conditions in society. This paper discusses post-conflict challenges in various regions of Indonesia. The main focus of this paper is approaches and strategies for post-conflict peacebuilding in order to build a foundation for peace to achieve consolidation of peace and sustainable development. economics, education and law. The third sector is the main focus of development in order to overcome the root of the conflict. As well as the establishment of institutions (FKUB), FKDM and FPK, as a responsive step by the government in detecting social conflicts in society. The success of all levels of post-conflict management is still dominated by the state, and this is the weakness of the post-conflict management being carried out, due to the dominance of state actors, with minimal involvement/involvement from civil society.
 Keywords: post conflict; peace building; sustainable development

Physiotherapy & Psychosocial Rehabilitation in Postcovid & Postconflict Era: New Roles with same Staff? (dispatch)

Waves of COVID-19 have been managed successfully within US, EU, Southeast Asia and Latin America, however, South Asia and Sub-saharan Africa still suffer new variants and EU fights with UK and United States of ,,new waves of old disease“, postcovide or long covide syndrome. The aim of this communication and research is to prepare our auditors for the size and extent of postcovid systems and the importance of non-doctors and non-medicine experts in management of its consequences.

EPH96 Infant Immunization Coverage in a Colombian Poor Municipality in the Post-Conflict Era

Colombia has an expanded program of immunization of >22 biologics mainly for younger than 6 years old. We aimed to estimate vaccination coverage in children under 6 years old in San Jacinto (Bolivar), in a post-conflict and COVID-19 pandemic scenario.

Social Pedagogy and Social Education in Colombia: How to build a community culture of peace in the post-conflict era

Este artículo tiene como propósito analizar las implicaciones y las relaciones entre la Cultura de paz y la Pedagogía Social en el contexto colombiano a partir de los acuerdos de La Habana desde la conceptualización socio-pedagógica y de paz, los marcos socio-jurídicos dentro de los acuerdos. Destacamos os principales retos profesionales de las licenciaturas de Educación Social (comunitaria, etnoeducación, rural y campesina o de adultos) para la construcción de la paz comunitaria dentro del postconflicto que pueda ayudar a Colombia a construir un futuro dónde la paz pueda ser su realidad.

History and education in post-conflict Colombia

In 2005, the Colombian government implemented the Law of Justice and Peace, which is now regarded as the first step towards the so-called post-conflict era. As a result of this law, many of the armed groups that had historically defied the state’s monopoly on violence have laid down their weapons. This process has been accompanied by a politics of history aimed at creating a “new national narrative.” In this article, we analyze if these politics have been capable of strengthening Colombia’s transition to peace. Furthermore, we carry out a review of public policies in the educational sector and analyze history-related contents in some of the most widely used school textbooks.

How Wartime Bonds Affect Ex-Combatant Political Attitudes: A Natural Experiment with the FARC

ABSTRACT What determines political attitudes of ex-combatant after conflict, specifically the inclination towards rearmament? And to what extent do these attitudes depend on ex-combatants’ individual profiles? I argue that ex-combatant political attitudes are determined by whether wartime bonds are maintained after conflict. The argument indirectly implies that the impact of individual characteristics, such as gender, age, education, time in conflict, and family relations, fade in the face of group-level factors determined both during and after conflict. The argument highlights the challenge of post-conflict peacebuilding, where keeping intact the organizational structure of rebel groups might lead to peace but discourage reintegration into the country’s political (non-rebel) institutions. The Colombian Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) program’s design with a long demobilization process in camps lends itself to a natural experiment to distinguish community effects from individual-level influencers of ex-combatant political attitudes. Relying on data I have collected through 121 semi-structured, in-depth interviews with FARC ex-combatants residing in five ETCR, I find ex-combatants that have maintained their primary group cohesion in the post-conflict era have stronger secondary group cohesion, more favorable attitudes towards DDR, and less enthusiasm towards rearming. However, they have less trust in the government.

Propagandistic Atavism in Post-conflict Northern Ireland: On Riots As Discursive Events

In Northern Ireland (NI), riots are frequently employed by communities as a means of voicing political discontent. In the post-conflict era particularly, NI has witnessed a growing pattern of (reactionary) riots enacted by marginalised communities who feel increasingly disenfranchised. Yet, this communicative capacity of riots remains largely unsung in the literature on political communication in NI. Significantly, such marginalised groups remain side-lined in NI’s public sphere in order to stabilise power-sharing arrangements. Historically, through state-censorship imposed during NI’s political conflict, “the Troubles”, such peripheral status impelled marginalised movements to utilise alternative media practices (e.g., political muralism) to draw attention to their agendas (Rolston, 1991, 2003; Hoey, 2018). In the post-conflict era, however, these marginalised actors are increasingly instrumentalising riots as publicly performed spectacles to publicise their political grievances. The loyalist riots of spring 2021 stand out as one such case study, wherein a marginalised community utilised a riot as a mediatised public platform to disseminate messages to external audiences that, up until then, had been inattentive to the concerns of loyalism. In lieu of the above, the following article’s objectives are two-fold: firstly, we expound a conceptual understanding of riots as “discursive events” before presenting an analytical instrument capable of analysing riots in this light. Secondly, relying on primary data, we apply this framework in an analysis of a case study of the 2021 loyalist riots in NI. Beyond demonstrating the expediency of discursive approaches in the analysis of riots, the findings of our case study illuminate the strategic, propagandistic and instrumental dimensions of the 2021 loyalist riots which research has so far neglected.

Governance in post-conflict scenarios: assessing models of community-based governance in the departments of Caquetá and Cesar (Colombia)

ABSTRACT Local and environmental governance is crucial for contending with the complex problems of land-use systems and socio-ecological conflicts that bedevil progress toward sustainable development. The community-based governance (CBG) framework is a practical instrument designed to identify collective problems, source the appropriate institutions and articulate joint solutions. It uses community perspectives to construct local and environmental governance models. Through a literature review, two expert workshops and 37 applied questionnaires, a bottom-up CBG model that could enhance environmental and local governance in a post-conflict era for two Colombian administrative departments is developed. Strengthening law enforcement, supporting sustainable land-use systems and promoting education are integral to a participatory-led approach to socio-ecological conflict prevention and resolution. The results are instructive for other communities and regions facing persistent conflict.

Identifying profitable activities on the frontier: The Altillanura of Colombia

CONTEXTThis paper assessed the potential for agricultural development in the Colombian Altillanura, a frontier area of a middle-income country with a history of internal conflict. This region is suitable for growing diverse crops ranging from staple crops and livestock to high-valued commodities such as cacay (a nut whose oil is used in the cosmetic industry). OBJECTIVEThe model suggested an optimal portfolio of agricultural enterprises for a representative farm that maximizes revenues net of variable costs and returns to resource endowments. Traditional agricultural enterprises were assessed, as well as some others that appear to be promising possibilities for Altillanura. METHODSA linear programming model (LP) was designed to support the assessment of the relative profitability of agricultural enterprises in a post-conflict era as a response for the need to reduce agricultural net imports, satisfy a growing domestic food demand and boost economic and social development. RESULTS and CONCLUSIONA major finding was that labor shortages in the region are a key constraint for perennial crops such as oil palm, cacay, and cashew. Inclusion of mechanized crops like rice, corn, and soybean can help to alleviate this limitation, resulting in the preferred farm choice among the conventional farm activities. Integrated (Crop + Hog) operation is the most profitable among promising enterprises, but its operation size would be constrained by access to processing plants and marketing strategies. Cacay and cashew represent a viable option for farms to increase net returns using high-valued perennial crops. SIGNIFICANCECurrently, cattle production on native savannas is the most common agricultural activity in the region, but this model challenged this status quo by identifying other more profitable alternatives that include improved production systems for cattle, hogs, and crops.

Experiences of Violence and Mental Health Outcomes among Colombian Men who have Sex with Men (MSM) and Transgender Women.

Colombia endured 70 years of internal conflict, but despite a peace agreement, violence continues to be significant in the post-conflict era. Violence degrades the health and well-being of affected populations and it engenders psychological distress. Little is known about the impact of violence on the mental health of sexual and gender minority populations in Colombia. This study aimed to examine the frequency and sources of violence among cisgender men who have sex with men (MSM) and transgender women and their association with depressive symptoms and substance use. We administered a survey to 942 MSM and 58 transgender women recruited using respondent-driven sampling. We estimated the relationship between mental health indicators and experiences of violence using stepwise logistic and linear regressions, controlling for income, education, age, race, and mistreatment for being effeminate when younger. Respondent-driven sampling adjusted prevalence of any type of violence was 60.9% for the total sample, 59.8% for MSM, and 75.1% for transgender women. Experiences of violence were significantly related to depressive symptoms, binge drinking and drug use for the MSM sample. Violence perpetrated by family members or acquaintances was associated with greater depressive symptoms, and violence perpetrated by partners and strangers was associated with increased binge drinking and drug use. These results provide significant evidence of the negative association of experiences of violence and the mental health of sexual and gender minority people, a vulnerable population in Colombia. This study addresses issues of diversity regarding sexual orientation and gender identity in a Latin American middle-income country.

The Socio-critical Study of the Vulnerability of Displaced Women in Post Conflict Era in Sri Lanka

The conflict between LTTE and Sri Lankan government led to a vast number of economic, civil, political, social, and cultural issues in the country. Women were the severely impacted of the war. During war time and after the war many survived women had to play the role of the caregiver and the head of the household while experiencing violence and exploitation. The objective of this research was to identify the challenges and issues faced by these displaced women after returning to their villages within the post conflict scenario. Mixed methodology was used in this research. 162 families from 06 villages of Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mannar, Vavuniya, Trincomalee and Puttalam districts were interviewed. Also, human rights monitoring reports, reports from Grama Niladharies, relevant books and research papers were used to get information and for the purpose of conceptual identification. According to the data collected, it could see several issues faced by the displaced women in the post conflict era. Some were living with disabled husbands, some husbands were in detention centres and most women faced land and property issues. Government compensation was not received by these women. Therefore, the family income was unstable, and they had to face livelihood problems as well. Considering the data collected through the sample, the displaced women of these areas faced several problems. They were economically and socially unstable. They have experience violence of the war and suffering with traumatized children. Most of their marriages have happened to avoid the imposed recruitments to the Vanni war.

Leishmaniasis in the Colombian post-conflict era: a descriptive study from 2004 to 2019.

INTRODUCTION: Leishmaniasis is strongly associated with armed conflict. We describe the epidemiology of leishmaniasis before and after the peace agreement in Colombia. METHODS: Data for 2004-2019 period were collected from the National Public Health Surveillance System. The annual incidence per geographical department before and after the peace agreement was calculated and correlated with armed conflict severity. RESULTS: The annual incidence of leishmaniasis registered a downfall with an annual percentage change of 17.7% after the peace treaty. CONCLUSIONS: A decrease in hostilities has a positive impact on the leishmaniasis incidence, which may be the case for other public health issues.

Voices of Resilience: Colombian Journalists and Self-Censorship in the Post-Conflict Period

ABSTRACT Colombian journalists experience abundant threats and acts of violence as well as corporate and governmental obstacles to publishing the truth. In response, many reporters engage in self-censorship, eschewing stories to protect their livelihoods—and their very lives. Our in-depth interviews with sixteen journalists in the post-conflict era, some of whom have had to leave the country because of such threats, disclose the severity of the problem in deeply textured ways. The results show that dependency on sources and advertising, severe judicial and online harassment, and powerful editorial pressures prevent journalists from reporting freely. The generalized fear, the distribution of official advertising and political publicity, the media’s property, and local journalists’ vulnerability are the key factors that trigger self-censorship. Nevertheless, these journalists also have counterstrategies to circumvent the problem and further democracy, such as sharing scoops with colleagues when covering sensitive issues, finding international funding, or creating new online media.