Political Viability Research Articles

Fishery Management Enforcement Gradients to Achieve Fishery Goals

Marine protected areas (MPAs) can allow some fish populations to rebuild within their borders in areas impacted by overfishing, but the effectiveness of reserves is highly dependent on how effectively fishing mortality is controlled, which in turn depends on the level of fishery management implementation. In Cuba’s Gardens of the Queen MPA, the largest in the Caribbean, a variety of fishery management measures have been implemented to ensure the social, economic, and political viability of protecting such a large area. Here, we evaluate the biological response, in terms of fish density and the biomass of commercially valuable and ecologically important reef fish species, to a spatial gradient of fishery management enforcement, in terms of fish density and biomass, of commercially valuable and ecologically important reef fish species. The enforcement gradient is characterized by the level of protection, fishing effort, patrolling effort, distance to the nearest fishing port, and fishing intensity. Fish density and biomass were estimated from visual scuba surveys. Areas with higher levels of enforcement support higher levels of average biomass (up to 1378 kg/ha) and density (up to 2367 indv./ha) of commercially important fishes in comparison to areas with very low or no enforcement (estimates of 757 kg/ha average biomass and 1090 indv./ha average density, respectively). These fish density and biomass levels can serve as proxies in the development of harvest control rules that adjust fishing pressure according to the ratio of fished density or biomass to unfished density or biomass, through the use of the MPA Density Ratio method.

Neuropsychology and Politics Collide in the 2024 US Presdiential Election: Pitfalls of attacks on age, language, and memory.

Public perception of dementia has emerged as a key factor in the 2024 United States presidential election. The first televised presidential debate (27 June 2024) evoked a groundswell of concern about the neuropsychological health and political viability of President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. A rapid erosion of public support ensued, culminating in the collapse of the reelection campaign the following month. Political attacks on the cognitive fitness of world leaders create dissonance for clinical neuroscientists. We are ethically prohibited from remotely diagnosing public figures. Yet, we are also citizens with the right to feel and express personal concerns. In this commentary, I will address an often-uneasy relationship between politics and neuropsychology with a focus on the history and rationale for ethical guidelines such as the Goldwater Rule. I will also discuss lessons learned from recent events in the 2024 US election cycle about neurological health literacy (e.g. How is dementia diagnosed?) and broader impacts of age-based political attacks on global public health initiatives that target stigma reduction and improved early detection of dementia.

Lizzo’s intersectional visibility politics: contesting colonial beauty standards and dismantling the white heteropatriarchal gaze

ABSTRACT The body positive movement—which initially set out to positively represent, humanize, and liberate fat, nonnormative, and multiply marginalized bodies—has been co-opted, commodified, and depoliticized. For the movement to have any chance of returning to its radical fat activist roots, it must shift to center intersectionality in both the forms of rhetorical labor engaged by body positive rhetors as well as the bodies on and through which body positive rhetoric gains visibility. Using popular hip-hop artist Lizzo as a timely and illustrative example, this essay suggests that intersectional visibility politics are central to the political viability and decolonial worldmaking potential of body positivity. I analyze the ways in which Lizzo’s celebrity persona engages two forms of rhetorical labor that recenter the body positive movement back onto multiply marginalized bodies like hers and envision the possibility of a fat-positive world: (1) assemblaging the big butt and the fat, Black body, and (2) resisting dominant gazing and representational practices through performances of feeling herself. In doing so, I theorize intersectional assemblaging and feeling herself as two rhetorical maneuvers of intersectional visibility that reclaim power, agency, and humanity outside of the terms offered by coloniality and the white heteropatriarchal gaze.

Welfare solidarity in multi-ethnic societies: can social investment reduce the anti-immigrant bias?

Migration flows have diversified western societies, challenging the political viability of inclusive welfare states. This is very clear in research on perceptions of deservingness to social benefits, which consistently shows that immigrants are considered as less deserving of collective help than natives. At the same time, welfare states are being reoriented towards social investment, putting more emphasis on services that strengthen human capital and improve access to employment rather than on redistribution. In this article we ask whether the shift towards a social investment welfare state is likely to reduce the immigrant deservingness penalty. Theoretically, we rely on two perspectives: social trust and identity theory. Following the literature on social trust, we expect the reorientation of welfare states towards social investment to reduce the negative impact of diversity on solidarity, as those interventions are to an extent immune to free-riding. Alternatively, according to social identity theory, we expect a similar in-group bias independent of the intervention. We rely on vignette experiments conducted in 2021 in Denmark, Germany, Sweden, Switzerland, the UK and the US to compare the immigrant deservingness penalty between social compensation and social investment interventions. Results show no difference between the immigrant deservingness penalty across the social intervention types, suggesting exclusionary attitudes are driven by in-group favouritism.

Modeling the economic impact for Chile of an import ban on genetically modified maize.

We estimate producer and consumer surplus changes due to a possible GM maize import ban in Chile, which produces only non-GM grains for internal use. Without foreign non-GM sources, the ban's effect on domestic maize prices would be so significant as to induce Chile to switch from net exporter to net importer of animal products. Fixed factor owners in farm production would benefit significantly, although non-GM maize imports would moderate gains. Total social welfare measures would decline considerably, requiring large offsetting noneconomic benefits for a ban's political viability. Without non-GM imports, internal maize prices would likely eliminate domestic animal product industries; with possible imports, industries and final consumers would suffer, but much less. Currently, the country is a net importer of grain and a net exporter of pork and poultry, and so most welfare losses on the demand side of the market for maize would be in terms of the economic rents generated by the pork and poultry sectors. International competition would protect final consumers to the extent that animal product imports based on GM feed were permitted.

Esbozos para una construcción posmarxista en la microgestión en salud

Abstract The purpose of this article is to analyze the contributions of Mouffe and Laclau from post-Marxism, agonist democracy, and populist logic that innovated the ways of building collective identities and political viability. The potency of these theories for the micropolitical development of health management was investigated. The theoretical contributions indicate passion as the driving force of politics; they propose to sublimate conflicts into action via institutional channels, establish hegemonic practices as the capacity to articulate heterogeneous demands, and explain the capacity to configure a collective identity with a contingent leadership. The particularities of health work such as the hands-on approach, the margins of autonomy, the micropolitical exercise for its development and the organization as a professional bureaucracy, enable the proposals to be put into practice. We point out that the experience of building identities within the organization from an affective bond and the vehiculation of unmet demands reduces the discomfort in the services and promotes a stance of transformation.

Deliberative Mini-Publics as a Democratic Alternative: The Normative Desirability, Technical Feasibility, and Political Viability of Sortition

Mini-públicos deliberativos como una alternativa democrática: la deseabilidad normativa, factibilidad técnica y viabilidad política del sorteo Abstract: Democratic societies are currently facing a legitimacy crisis, as evidenced by citizens’ distrust towards political institutions and parties, as well as the emergence of anti-democratic responses. To address this crisis some civil society actors and scholars have proposed alternatives based on radical egalitarian principles that can be classified as “real utopias”. To overcome the contradiction between utopia and reality, these alternatives need to extend beyond what is considered normatively desirable and must also be both technically feasible and politically viable. This paper aims to analyze sortition and mini-publics as one of those alternatives. Resumen: La emergencia de propuestas antidemocráticas y la desconfianza ciudadana hacia los partidos e instituciones políticas reflejan la crisis de legitimidad que atraviesan actualmente las sociedades democráticas. Para abordar esta crisis, algunos actores de la sociedad civil e investigadoras/es han propuesto alternativas basadas en principios igualitarios radicales que pueden ser clasificadas como “utopías reales”. Para superar la contradicción entre utopía y realidad, dichas alternativas deben extenderse más allá de lo normativamente deseable y deben ser también técnicamente factibles y políticamente viables. El objetivo del presente artículo es analizar el sorteo y los mini-públicos como una de esas alternativas.

Job creation and deep decarbonization

Abstract This paper explores whether economic viability is the key to achieve deep decarbonization or net zero emissions. The hypothesis tested is that popular support for decarbonization policies is conditional upon most people’s belief that their economic well-being will improve, or at least not suffer with these policies. While GDP growth is the typical metric for economic health, a more useful socio-economic indicator for gauging the political viability of climate policies may be job creation. Specifically, the paper reviews the existing evidence about whether climate policies are more successful in achieving deep decarbonization in the long run if policy-makers include job creation as well as emissions reductions when designing and implementing climate policies, because, to date, climate policy-makers have often focused on emissions reductions as the primary criterion for policy choice. While empirical evidence remains thin, we find that job creation in low-carbon industries appears to lead to greater political support for the climate policies that contribute to decarbonization, but employment factors are not always the most salient factor in a voter’s decision. We also find empirical evidence that clean energy deployment policies, such as feed-in tariffs, have led to significant net gains in employment in the countries that have been studied. The review points to several policy implications, including the need to assess competitive advantage, develop plans, design and execute industrial policy, and develop a low-carbon workforce.

The enduring political viability of governance models in tourist destinations and their implications for people and planet

PurposeThe objective of this paper is to examine the ways in which tourism can be regarded as a catalyst for positive change, benefiting both people and the planet. The authors consider the integral role of community engagement as a tangible component within the governance frameworks of destination management organizations (DMOs).Design/methodology/approachOriginating from the authors' professional experience and academic expertise in managing and marketing tourist destinations, both at the local and regional levels, the article explores the pressing requirement for reevaluating policies and strategies. It aims to emphatically underscore and reiterate the role of tourism as a pivotal driver for enhancing peoples' quality of life and ensuring the sustainability of tourist destinations. This effort involves not only maintaining equilibrium among the four widely recognized pillars of sustainability but also pondering the significance of an equally crucial aspect of destination management – the political sustainability of the governance framework of tourist destinations.FindingsCurrent realities encourage the authors to contemplate and act, guided by the unfolding of tourism's swift regenerative influence. It is anticipated that people have gleaned vital lessons from the collective pause people underwent during the pandemic, coupled with the stark realization of being unable to partake in the favourable contributions of tourism in everyday life. This article highlights the urgency of implementing DMO models that are capable of conceptualizing and operationalizing a human-centred tourism development policy and the resulting sustainability strategies, enhancing representation and guidance for the satisfaction of stakeholders.Originality/valueIt is neither a widespread practice, nor are there many prior studies that tackle the potential of forecasting the comprehensiveness of governance and management models for tourist destinations that encompass stakeholders who represent the direct interests of local communities within the tourism system. Supported by a literature review, analysis of secondary data and the first-hand experience of the authors, it becomes apparent that the operational landscape of most organizations functioning as tourist destination managers is predominantly at the regional and local tiers. These very organizations are the ones that have been progressively evolving, displaying a readiness to introduce innovation in this realm. Implementing these models would represent an approach to governance more inclined towards a bottom-up style, thereby posing a challenge to the more rigid and commonly employed strategies that emanate from a centrally structured national framework.

Consulta pública, (Bio) ética e democracia

ABSTRACT Public participation is a fundamental democratic mechanism to evaluate the quality of the decision-making process involving environmental licensing. The operation of public participation in environmental licensing may occur through direct or indirect means, indicating greater or less capacity for social accountability in the relationship between communities and enterprises that will produce environmental impacts that will affect these communities to a greater or lesser extent and scope. The institutional and political viability of paralyzing the voice of those affected by entrepreneurship in the environmental licensing process thus becomes much more than a democratic procedure, but a form of bioethical exercise in the relationship between social actors, the State and economic agents. The purpose of this proposal is to evaluate the extent to which public participation in environmental licensing regarding the Environmental Study of Sedimentary Area (EAAS) of the Sergipe-Alagoas/Jacuípe sea basin. The public consultation is a democratic mechanism for conflict environmental resolution, and it should be understood as an applied ethical bet on political action by recognizing that rights incorporated as human rights. For our eminently interdisciplinary aim, Political Science, Environmental Impact Assessment and Bioethics are fields that mediate this reflection and allow us to reflect the necessary procedural adjustments to an imperfect democratic mechanism.

Averting Doomsday: Arms Control During the Nixon Presidency by Patrick J. Garrity and Erin R. Mahan

The story of arms control's heyday has been told numerous times before. Indeed, there is no shortage of 1960s–70s arms control lore to be found throughout innumerable memoires and journalistic accounts. Its retelling in Averting Doomsday, by Patrick J. Garrity and Erin R. Mahan, takes a unique approach, looking exclusively at the vast array of arms control accomplishments that occurred under Nixon's watch—what Kenneth Waltz might have called a “first image” account, among the three possible images of man, the state, and war. The book also serves as a kind of intellectual history of Nixon and his ideas and beliefs about weapons of mass destruction, evolving those beliefs as he was confronted with political exigencies they presented. In this account, Nixon plays the antihero, tacitly tasked with averting doomsday, fears of which rear their head on his watch during his presidency—this time including biological and chemical weapons, in addition to nuclear. The rub is this: while more arms control agreements were inked during Nixon's presidency than any other U.S. president, the man himself was unequivocally not pro-arms control. The authors look at arms control through the lens of Nixon's presidency, with a focus on his political ambitions. Culling from a wide array of primary sources, including Nixon's White House recordings and recently declassified primary source documents, the authors craft an image of a deeply political being, whose ambitions collided with a bevy of weapons of mass destruction concerns during his presidency. While John Newhouse famously told the tale of SALT I journalistically in his book Cold Dawn, in which he faithfully chronicled the trials and tribulations of the negotiation process in painstaking detail, Garrity and Mahan leave that aside and tell the story of SALT I and its accompanying Antiballistic Missile Treaty through the lens of Nixon's yearning for political success, his political viability, and his electability. Similarly, pertinent personalities like Nixon's national security advisor Henry Kissinger are described as a function of their proximity to and favor with the president. The timing of the publication of Averting Doomsday is fortuitous; it comes at a moment when the world could use a reminder of not only the prolonged and arduous efforts that went into the crafting of multiple arms control treaties but also the value of their complementarity. The chapter in the book that speaks to design and redesign of SALT II is particularly illuminating in this regard. SALT II had multiple functions: it was meant to shore up gaps that remained upon SALT I's inking, and create greater symmetry in limitations for the United States and Soviet Union. In addition, SALT II negotiations also addressed the idea of making SALT I a permanent agreement in order to solidify the progress the United States and Soviet Union had made in creating some semblance of stability and thwarting the nuclear arms race. Today, we tend to consider each agreement in isolation when discussing its merits and deficiencies, but the origins of nuclear arms control were designed and effectuated in a systemic approach. While the Nuclear Proliferation Treaty limited the number of nuclear weapons states, among other aims, the Nuclear Suppliers Group and IAEA Trigger List were then created to close proliferation gaps from nuclear materials, for example, that could contribute to proliferation and nuclear breakout. Similarly, SALT I was meant to be the beginning of a process of restraint. Whether we will ever get to the end goal of stability at low numbers now remains to be seen. Notably, it was as difficult during Nixon's presidency to negotiate away a missile-related arms race as it appears today.

The case for Instant Runoff Voting

Instant runoff voting (IRV) is an electoral system that produces better elections and more representative outcomes in races with three or more candidates. Used by over 50 American jurisdictions, IRV addresses the challenges of plurality voting in crowded candidate fields. It upholds majority rule, promotes voter engagement, discourages personal attacks, and minimizes strategic voting. IRV is preferable to runoff systems and other proposed single-winner methods. In comparison to runoffs, IRV produces higher, more equitable turnout and reduces costs and demands on voters. In contrast to methods based on rating candidates, voters in IRV elections have incentives to indicate their honest preferences. IRV demonstrates greater political viability and more intuitively fair outcomes than Condorcet methods. For legislative elections, IRV complements the single transferable vote, which is the best way to address the U.S.’s governance and polarization crises, end gerrymandering, and secure fairer representation for all.

Benefits and challenges of consolidating public health functions into a National Public Health Institute: a policy analysis.

National Public Health Institutes (NPHIs) around the world vary in composition. Consolidated organizational models can bring together critical functions such as disease surveillance, emergency preparedness and response, public health research, workforce development and laboratory diagnosis within a single focal point. This can lead to enhanced coordination and management of resources and enable more efficient and effective public health operations. We explored stakeholders' perceptions about the benefits and challenges of consolidating public health functions in an NPHI in seven countries where the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has supported NPHI establishment and strengthening. From August 2019 through January 2020, we interviewed a total of 96 stakeholders, including NPHI staff (N = 43), non-NPHI government staff (N = 29) and non-governmental and international organization staff (N = 24) in Cambodia, Colombia, Liberia, Mozambique, Nigeria, Rwanda and Zambia. We conducted a policy analysis using Tea Collins's health policy analysis framework to assess various possible options for coordinating public health functions and their likely effectiveness. The findings can be used by policymakers as they consider public health infrastructure. We found that consolidating functions in an NPHI, to the extent politically and organizationally feasible, promotes efficiency, flexibility and coordination, as well as supports data-driven health recommendations to government decision makers. Countries pursuing NPHI establishment can weigh the potential challenges and benefits of consolidating functions when determining which public health functions will comprise the NPHI, including clarity of role, access to resources, influence over decisions and political viability.

The Political Viability of Carbon Pricing: Policy Design and Framing in British Columbia and California

The Political Viability of Carbon Pricing: Policy Design and Framing in British Columbia and California

Top Gun: The Orbán Government’s Position on the War in Ukraine

Top Gun: The Orbán Government’s Position on the War in Ukraine

Framing market‐based versus regulatory climate policies: A comparative analysis

AbstractAn active debate has emerged about the political viability of market‐based versus non‐market‐based policies to address climate change. As carbon pricing policies face significant political challenges, some have argued that regulatory policies are a better option because they do not highlight consumer energy prices and can be linked to other economic and social priorities. Yet, no study has compared communication strategies for regulatory versus price‐based climate policies in practice. This paper fills that gap through a qualitative content analysis of framing strategies for Ontario's 2016 cap‐and‐trade program for greenhouse gas emissions, and Virginia's 2020 clean energy mandate. Results largely confirm the paper's primary hypothesis that similar financial frames will be used as or more frequently for the regulatory policy as for the price‐based policy, complicating any theory that regulatory policies will face an easier political path due to their different messaging options.

Getting Closer or Falling Apart? Euro Area Countries After the Sovereign Debt Crisis

We study convergence and divergence dynamics in a sample of euro area countries by assembling an extensive dataset that contains information on public spending and policy outcomes in a variety of areas of government intervention including education, health, and civil justice from the early 1990s. We also focus on other important determinants of a country’s economic performance such as the level of regulation of product and labor markets, as well as the trust in political institutions, quality of governance, and inequality. Results show that despite divergent economic growth in the euro periphery countries after the 2010–2012 sovereign debt crisis, the quality of services and level of regulation did not deteriorate or indeed improved, increasing convergence with the core euro countries. However, the euro area sovereign debt crisis dramatically worsened citizens’ perceptions of quality of governance, as well as the level of social trust. This calls in question the future political viability of the EMU project and asks for reform.

“I Sort Rather with Those who Do Not Read”

Wanne Mendonck, “‘I Sort Rather with Those who Do Not Read’: Edward Carpenter, the Religion of Socialism, and the Prophetic Agitation of Literary Form” (pp. 56–90) Edward Carpenter’s prose poem Towards Democracy (1883) constructs “new forms” to frame a radical voice that helped shape the British “socialist revival” of the 1880s and 1890s. Formal questions, however, have often been skirted in relation to Carpenter, or referred to his reputation as a disciple of Walt Whitman. This article argues, by contrast, that they can be productively asked in relation to a prophetic understanding of individual political and artistic agency, Carpenter’s working out of which is illustrated via his early play Moses (1875). Carpenter’s hybrid lyrical-narrative poetry is shaped by a deeply anxious self-consciousness about its political-spiritual duties, which expresses itself in a form that attempts to cancel out its own formalism. Its prose rhythms and hyperquotidian diction strain toward an immediacy that ultimately chafes against its own textuality. Only thus can Carpenter attain to the spontaneity and “inescapability” that support an understanding of pioneering, prophetic authorial agency that is at the basis of his conceptualization of politics, evolution, and queer sexuality. His poetry desires to intervene in the extratextual but is intratextually “agitated” by anxiety about the political viability of its own (counter)cultural authority and texture. This reading opens newly expansive ways of understanding Victorian literary form in its dialogic relationship with the political, arguing for a dynamic understanding that regards even the most experimental of late-nineteenth-century socialist poetry as responding to, and resisting, dilemmas of discursive authority and intelligibility implied by an embedded authorial model.

Public Opinion About Visitability Mandates in the United States: Favorable but Divisible*

Americans commonly want to stay in their current homes as they age, but few houses accommodate the physical impairments that aging often brings. One public policy tool to gradually make the housing stock more age- and disability-friendly is a “visitability” mandate—a requirement that new dwellings meet specific design standards that make them minimally usable by people with mobility limitations. Using original, nationally representative survey data from 2020, this paper analyzes public opinion about visitability mandates. Specifically, it analyzes who has relatively warmer versus cooler feelings toward people who benefit from visitability mandates. The data indicate that Americans on average feel warmly toward visitability mandate beneficiaries, but these sentiments differ by ideology, party identification, gender, age, self-assessed health status, and health experiences. Because public opinion influences the political viability of policy ideas, these findings have applied relevance for city planners, architects, home builders, public administrators, and elected officials.

Stage Business and the Neoliberal Theatre of London by Alex Ferrone

Reviewed by: Stage Business and the Neoliberal Theatre of London by Alex Ferrone Alessandro Simari STAGE BUSINESS AND THE NEOLIBERAL THEATRE OF LONDON. By Alex Ferrone. Contemporary Performance Interactions series. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020; pp. 264. Stage Business and the Neoliberal Theatre of London begins with a story. The book's author, Alex Ferrone, recounts his spectatorial experience of attending Matilda the Musical at the Cambridge Theatre in London's Covent Garden. Ferrone tells us that his booking of a West End show was an "unlikely" occurrence and that, although he took his seat as a [End Page 122] "resolutely sceptical" audience member, the "sheer pleasure" of his spectatorial experience resulted in his leaving the theatre with an "affective rush," as well as an enthusiastically purchased program tucked under his arm (1). Ferrone grounds his affective response to Matilda in its perhaps surprising political potential: that a mainstream West End show, packaged and sold as benign family-friendly drama, should "contain" (in both senses of the word) the capacity to interpellate child spectators as "active subjects with the ability to challenge and disrupt oppressive structures of power" (29) through the deployment of the dramaturgical mechanisms of the musical theatre. This opening anecdote, and the materialist semiotic analysis of several moments of performance from Matilda in the book's introductory chapter, neatly exemplifies both Ferrone's hopeful approach to his subject matter, as well as his methods for critical examination. Stage Business and the Neoliberal Theatre of London locates and disentangles a perceived tension observed in commercial theatrical productions of an array of contemporary English plays, which are found to give voice to critiques of neoliberalism even as the theatre industry is itself financially reliant upon and "invariably enmeshed in networks of neoliberal capital and labour practices" (187). The single greatest contribution that Stage Business offers to the study of performance and political economy is its insistent attention, by way of richly detailed and incisive readings, to what Ferrone invites us to think of as "capitalist dramaturgy" (115), or the ways in which contemporary English drama visualizes, articulates, and critiques neoliberal policies and ideologies in its dramatic structures and stagings. Each chapter is organized around semiotic readings of performance in one or more significant London theatre productions, attending to how dramaturgical forms, theatre aesthetics, or performance and production practices articulate an opposition to neoliberalism. Ferrone's analyses are united by the adoption of an altitudinal approach to theatre that asserts a claim toward "the analytical and political viability of ambivalence" (5): to deliberately and optimistically conceive of theatre that, while conditioned and constrained by its position within market economies, nonetheless through its form, content, themes, and collaborative labor practices might resist if not rupture the "ethos of capitalism that fundamentally structures cultural life" (4). If there is one downside to this structured approach, it is that the meticulously compiled readings of playtexts, performances, and performance histories that Ferrone weaves together in his individuated assessments feel unmoored within the monograph. The absence of a conclusion to Stage Business—in which the author might have drawn an argumentative through-line between his case studies, drawing connections that provide a clearer insight as to how theatre's position within neoliberalism might instantiate instances of "capitalist dramaturgy" as a method of expressing the tension so aptly articulated in the monograph's introduction—seems something of a missed opportunity. The most striking and successful of Ferrone's readings is found in chapter 2, which focuses on theatre and corporate finance. Ferrone interrogates the dramaturgical concretization of financial instruments in stagings of Lucy Prebble's Enron (2009) and Caryl Churchill's Serious Money (1987), attending also to these productions as transatlantic theatre commodities with mirrored performance histories whose commercial successes and failures were determined less by artistic considerations than by the market imperatives that both plays work to critique. Ferrone makes the compelling case that these plays, in their production histories and stagings, "dramatize capitalist logic's infiltration of every aspect of social and cultural life at the turn of the century" (76), including if not especially the performing arts. In chapter 3, the spatial-temporal dislocations in Lucy Kirkwood's Chimerica (2013), debbie tucker green...