Political Viability Research Articles

Industrial organization and public policy

Competition policy has been dominated by politics. Industrial Organization can expect to exert an influence only insofar as it commands superior knowledge. That is true with respect to the long run. Since economies of scale are limited to the short run, competition is feasible in the long run. Therefore a trade-off approach seeking to identify optimal market structures is misleading. Competition policy should instead be directed at prohibiting protective strategies of incumbents to deter entry. Competition being a process of ‘creative destruction’, political viability of a competitive order requires competition policy to be supplemented by a social welfare policy.

Self-Interest and Voter Support for Oregon's Land Use Controls

Abstract Local land use controls have received considerable attention from political economists, but statewide land use controls have not. This research note offers an analysis of the political economy of statewide land use controls in Oregon. Unlike two previous studies, which indicate that such controls generally serve the upper class, this research note asserts that the statewide land use program in Oregon subsumes four identifiable issues, which generate the necessary supporting coalition among distinct groups. These results suggest that the political viability of statewide land use programs depends critically on public perception of how they address the issues that affect the voters.

Coming in from the Cold: British Propaganda and Red Army Defectors, 1945–1952

During i 948, as the Cold War settled over a divided Europe, the British government became alarmed by the increasing volume and ferocity of Soviet propaganda directed against the West, the Marshall Plan, and the political viability of those Western European democracies to which US aid would flow.1 The propaganda offensive seemed but one part of a concerted Soviet attack in that year: the takeover of the Prague government by the Czech Communist party in a well-engineered coup in February, followed by the tightening blockade against West Berlin, and signs of Soviet pressure on Finland and the Scandinavian powers. To counter the Soviet propaganda offensive, Great Britain created a peacetime covert propaganda agency known as the Information Research Department (IRD).2 The IRD, housed at the foreign office, was a true child of the hightension atmosphere of international politics into which it was born, and typified the serious attention given to the ideology of the Cold War within Whitehall. There was even a perceptible sense of mission at the onset of the propaganda war: a paper prepared for the cabinet in 1951, defending the value of British propaganda, did not hesitate to describe the Cold War as a 'struggle for men's minds ... a struggle to determine whether the mass of mankind shall look for hope towards the Soviet Union or towards

Evolution of Cuban Separatist Thought in the Emigré Communities of the United States, 1848-1895

T-HROUGHOUT the final half of the nineteenth century, Cuban emigre communities in New York, New Orleans, Key West, Tampa, and numerous other cities in the United States served as guardians and adherents of the separatist ideal. They maintained the political viability of separatism even when on the island the movement seemed dormant and unpopular. Most of the primary separatist leaders at one time or another traveled to or resided in the United States, and many of the movement's ideological formulations emerged from these communities. While the importance of the expatriate centers in maintaining and developing separatist thought has been noted in the historical literature on the Cuban independence process, few studies have examined in detail the emigre centers and the dynamics of their ideological evolution.' This is particularly surprising since it was in the emigre centers-and not Cuba-that separatist debates were conducted freely and publicly. And although it is not possible to argue that emigre thinking exactly paralleled separatist thought in Cuba, the exile centers did represent an important segment of the Cuban separatist community that cannot be ignored if we hope to advance our understanding of the Cuban independence process in general. The study of emigre opinion is of particular interest for gaining an understanding of the dynamics of change in separatist thought between

The consumer housing subsidy approach versus producer housing subsidies

Abstract This study makes a broad comparison of consumer housing subsidies and producer housing subsidies in housing policy. A number of criteria, ranging from improvement in physical living conditions to political viability, are used to assess the relative benefits and disbenefits of each approach.

The Faces of Contemporary Russian Nationalism

In contrast to the substantial output of Western works on the revival of nationalism among the non-Russians in the USSR, the critical phenomenon of Russian nationalism has been little studied in the West. Here John B. Dunlop measures the strength and political viability of a movement that has been steadily growing since the mid-1960s and that may well eventually become the ruling ideology of the state. Professor Dunlop's comprehensive discussion depicts for the Western reader the gamut of Russian nationalism from Solzhenitsyn to the vehement National Bolsheviks.Originally published in 1984.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

The political viability of rule-based monetary policy

We have estimated two models explaining political support for the president as a function of economic performance. One model reflects the assumption characterizing most of the literature, that voters indiscriminately punish inflation and unemployment without regard to the tradeoffs between them. The other represents a more demanding conception of voter sophistication about macroeconomic possibilities and about control of the money supply. While the data do not unambiguously designate a ‘best’ model of behavior, the sophisticated voter hypothesis performs as well as the naive voter hypothesis in the context of our study. Clearly this result is subject to the usual econometric caveats including possible misspecification of the model, multicollinearity among independent variables, etc.. However, there is no particular reason to believe that these problems should favor one model as opposed to the other. Thus, while we cannot conclude that voters really think in terms of rates of growth of velocity and natural output, we can question the conventional wisdom that consistent rule-based monetary policies may not be politically viable.

The Quebec question and the political geography of Canada

The Quebec-Canada problem arises some ambigious and contradictory issues with Quebec itself being the source of the current facets of the crisis. Political geography is able to contribute to a greater understanding of the crisis by clearly demonstrating some of the classig concepts drawn from the discipline: geography of federalism, political viability and centrifugal forces, ethnic separatism, territorial integrity and linguistic territoriality, nationalism, and regionalism, territorial ideology, international frontiers... Evermore, Quebec appears to be the unique case of a national state. The gravitation of Canada's population towards the West has a direct impact upon the Quebec situation, with the eventual independence of the Province bringing about ipso facto a Pakistanisation of the country as a whole. Currently, one may observe an ever-widening lack of communication between Quebec and the rest of Canada. In order that Europeans (and many others) may fully understand the Quebec situation, a sort of mental debriefing must take place.

Political and organizational preconditions for application of the standards for educational evaluation: The standards for educational evaluation seen in a wider perspective in relation to policy making and organization

Some of the standards for educational evaluation refer to the political and organizational context in which evaluation projects take place: “conflicting interests,” “political viability,” and various standards which have to do with the identification of the evaluation object and of the most important groups and persons involved. Whereas the Joint Committee on Standards for Educational Evaluation seems to focus on the level of the individual research project, the present authors feel that in addition, contextual influences on evaluations should be analyzed at a higher level of aggregation. Political and organizational factors at the macro level can even be seen as preconditions for the application of the standards at project level. This point of view is illustrated by referring to a study of the functioning of evaluation research within some innovative programs in Dutch education.

The possibility and potential of public policy on accessibility

The development of measures of accessibility has proceeded largely independently of concern for the ways in which public policy makers respond to analytic research. Academic interest in accessibility is not necessarily paralleled by a public interest and the former cannot be expected to have a ready-made market or to promote public policy of its own accord. Public policy on accessibility will only be forthcoming if accessibility is a well politicized issue. If improved accessibility can be achieved as part of other programs, then there is little likelihood of public policy being addressed to accessibility exclusively. If conditions are such that public policy on accessibility is a possibility, sound policy-relevant research is still not a guarantee of program success. Successful implementation of public policy relies in part on identifying those who have actual and not merely nominal control over outcomes. Political viability is also vital to the working of accessibility. Public policy imposed from above is unlikely to succeed in the context of a pluralist society honeycombed with special interest groups committed to participatory problem solving. Reflecting on the possibility of formulating and implementing an effective policy on accessibility suggests the importance of giving as much attention to the development of a conceptually robust and incisive notion of accessibility as to the improvement of accessibility measures.

Agricultural Policy and Political Viability in Rural India

Agricultural Policy and Political Viability in Rural India

The value of information concept applied to data systems

Cost-benefit analysis has a considerable literature in which information systems have been patently ignored. This reflects the considerable difficulties of applying the theory to information systems, and the state-of-the art remains relatively as Koopmans described it some 19 years ago (1957). A bar to further development would appear to be the lack of an applicable value-of-information concept. This paper seeks to clarify the issues and provide a robust theoretical and data analysis framework that will cover most situations. The approach here is to separate explicitly the dimensions of cost from those of information benefit, and examine the implications. The Null Information Benefit condition emerges as a special theoretical case, but potentially a most important one in applications. This case together with the Pareto optimum defines a large class of such problems that can be handled by the decision criteria and data analysis techniques tabulated and discussed here. The selection of input data techniques defines the limits of later project justification and may be crucial to the political viability of the projects throughout its life. Finally, the general management vs information systems management relationships are discussed in terms of this situation.

The Effects of Economic Policies on Votes for the Presidency: Some Evidence from Recent Elections

THREE strands of thought and conjecture contribute to the belief that economic conditions play an important, and perhaps decisive role in elections. Recent theories of rational voting behavior-Buchanan and Tullock' or Riker and Ordeshook2 are examples-treat votes and voting as the outcome of a rational calculation of marginal costs and benefits. Prosperity, rising real income and increased employment may, in this framework, yield benefits to the individual that can be translated into votes for the party or candidate. Related, yet distinct, is the growing body of conjectures about a "political business cycle." High employment and low inflation in election years are followed by anti-inflation policies that temporarily lower employment and the rate of inflation in succeeding years. These policies work gradually and are replaced by policies to stimulate the economy, so the candidate or party can boast of prosperity and lower inflation at the next election. The conjecture arises also from casual and impressionistic evidence and from some studies of voting. Perhaps the most widely cited recent example is the Kennedy-Nixon election of 1960 when a small plurality and rising unemployment seemed to support the conjecture. Econometric studies of voting behavior provide, at most, mixed support. Most of the evidence comes from time series studies of Congressional elections. Kramer, Stigler, and Arcelus and Meltzer used different methods and reached different conclusions.3

Labor Movement Parties & Inflation: Contrasting Responses in Britain & Sweden

Martin distinguishes the response of two democratic labor parties to the problem of inflation. Swedish policy seemed to combine technical effectiveness with political viability (maintaining organized labor support for the labor party) more successfully than British policy. Yet the British Labour party seemed not to learn a lesson from its Swedish coreligionists. The essay is helpful not only concerning strategies for controlling inflation, but concerning the policy process and the value of comparative analysis in eliciting alternatives to the policy actually chosen. Martin finally points-however tentatively-an accusing finger at the British Labour party leadership.

Singapore in 1974: Consolidation amidst Uncertainties

Since her separation from the Federation of Malaysia in August 1965 to become an independent republic, Singapore has sought various strategies to ensure her political and economic viability. Unlike many other developing countries, Singapore is in many ways a city-state. Restricted to a territorial area of 585 square kilometres and with a population of two million, Singapore does not have any significant hinterland. As most of her people live in the urban area, employment and income must thus be largely generated from non-agricultural activities. Traditionally Singapore's role has been that of performing entrepot and dis tributive services for Southeast Asian countries. This role has declined in importance over the last two decades, mainly because of the deliberate policies of economic nationalism (and direct trading) of neighbouring countries. Since the People's Action Party (PAP) took over power in 1959, there has been the deliberate restructuring of the economic base from entrep?t to industrial. The activities of the Economic Development Board and the rapid development of infrastructural facilities in new industrial sites thus began in earnest. The merger with Malaya and the British colonies in Borneo to form the Federation of Malaysia in 1963, too, represented an attempt to seek long-term economic viability through a larger political and economic framework. The separation from Malaysia in 1965 did not remove the need to embark on accelerated industrialization; in fact, separation reaffirmed the over whelming importance of avoiding becoming hostage to the vicissitudes of regional events. Industrialization and an economy oriented to a global, as opposed to a regional, market would constitute key features of Singapore's survival exercise. Since separation, the government has embarked on an even more intensive campaign to induce a greater flow of foreign investments. Between 1965 and 1971, the amount of foreign investments rose tenfold from SS157 million to SS1,572*5 million. Partly facilitated by the tightening of labour and industrial relations regula tions (the Employment Act and the Industrial Relations (Amendment) Act of 1968 helped to ensure industrial peace), foreign investments were regarded as important from three aspects. Firstly, such investments (partly because they come from well established multinational corporations) meant that ready export markets for locally produced industrial products would be available. Singapore could also benefit from technology-transfer and the results of research and development of these

Belief-System and Ideology Formation in the Lebanese Katâ'ib Party

One of the primary reasons for Lebanon's political viability over nearly three decades of independence in a volatile political environment has been the relative success of well-organized, intensely nationalistic Lebanese groups in mobilizing effective support for the system. The most significant such organization is the Lebanese Katâ'ib Party (LKP), which has exceeded others in its membership support, structural stability, ideological commitment, and coercive powers to influence government policy.

The Political Economy of Regional Water Institutions

AbstractWater experts, prominent among them resource economists, typically suggest a unified regional organization as the appropriate institutional approach to an entire range of problems. Yet, the performance of multistate regional organizations has been disappointing. It is argued here that failure of regional institutions to innovate is largely determined by the restraints imposed by political viability. The article describes the political environment of regional organizations and the incentives and disincentives for various interests to associate themselves with regional organizations. Finally, various possible strategies whereby a regional organization can build support are outlined.

Administrative Policy and Practice in Sarawak: Continuity and Change Under the Brookes

AbstractOne hundred years of Brooke rule in Sarawak seem to present a stark contrast to the political and social foment in Burma, Indonesia and Vietnam. Cognizant of the ill effects of European domination in the archipelago, the Brookes established a paternalistic rule whose policies were designed to curtail European economic investment in the area and to protect the indigenous inhabitants from internal and external exploitation. However, despite the fact that Brooke rule was structured for maintaining traditional order, not development, the European interlude in north Bornean history may have been more of a deviation than is apparent. The suppression of “piracy” in the area and the political domination of the Brookes over most of the northeastern part of the island had several important results. First, the area trade patterns—if piracy can be seen as a form of luxury trade—were altered to the ultimate economic advantage of the Chinese who came to dominate retail trade. Second, the natural northeastern expansion of the Iban people was halted to the chief benefit of the indigenous Malays who gained significant political advantage under die Brookes. Finally, an inevitable depersonalization of rule occurred as the administration of the state became increasingly complex. If, in a “modern” world, a rule of law, not economic development per se, is the essential ingredient for political stability, Brooke rule made a significant contribution to the political viability of northern Borneo by fostering a White, civilized way of settling disputes.

Administrative Policy and Practice in Sarawak: Continuity and Change Under the Brookes

One hundred years of Brooke rule in Sarawak seem to present a stark contrast to the political and social foment in Burma, Indonesia and Vietnam. Cognizant of the ill effects of European domination in the archipelago, the Brookes established a paternalistic rule whose policies were designed to curtail European economic investment in the area and to protect the indigenous inhabitants from internal and external exploitation. However, despite the fact that Brooke rule was structured for maintaining traditional order, not development, the European interlude in north Bornean history may have been more of a deviation than is apparent. The suppression of “piracy” in the area and the political domination of the Brookes over most of the northeastern part of the island had several important results. First, the area trade patterns—if piracy can be seen as a form of luxury trade—were altered to the ultimate economic advantage of the Chinese who came to dominate retail trade. Second, the natural northeastern expansion of the Iban people was halted to the chief benefit of the indigenous Malays who gained significant political advantage under die Brookes. Finally, an inevitable depersonalization of rule occurred as the administration of the state became increasingly complex. If, in a “modern” world, a rule of law, not economic development per se, is the essential ingredient for political stability, Brooke rule made a significant contribution to the political viability of northern Borneo by fostering a White, civilized way of settling disputes.

United States Policy and Vietnamese Political Viability, 1954-1967

United States Policy and Vietnamese Political Viability, 1954-1967