Political Slogans Research Articles

Bail-In between Liquidity and Solvency

The concept of “bailing in” a distressed bank’s creditors to avoid a taxpayer-financed public rescue is commonly accepted as one of the most significant regulatory achievements in the post-crisis efforts to end the problem of “Too Big To Fail”. Yet behind the political slogan, surprising uncertainties remain as to the viability of the concept and its optimal legal design. This paper traces the development of the bail-in concept since it was first conceived in 2010 and demonstrates that it has undergone an important conceptual metamorphosis. Bail-in, first understood as fulfilling the “redistributory” purpose of sparing taxpayers from rescuing banks, has more recently been promoted as additionally serving a “market stabilizing” function: to stem a panic and to avoid run risks.Whilst this trend is to be welcomed, it requires a number of changes to the present legal frameworks that are in place in many jurisdictions around the world. Issues to be addressed include, inter alia, to formulate appropriate criteria to trigger bail-in measures and to overcome a natural reluctance by resolution authorities to intervene and apply bail-in powers. This paper makes the case for early intervention triggers and demonstrates that liquidity provision by a lender of last resort during resolution is crucial to make bail-in credible. The paper places bail-in as a conceptual tool into the broader debate of how to deal with distressed banks and derives a number of concrete regulatory proposals.

The Six Great Societies

“The Great Society” denotes, variously: a slogan or shorthand, a utopia, a means, an end, an era, and a set of normative claims. This paper tracks the changing meanings of “The Great Society” in order to clarify and formalize scholarly claims about the Johnson administration. Employing Edward Sapir’s conception of ‘condensation symbols and Keith Donnellan’s distinction between “referential” and “attributive” descriptions, I create a typology of six Great Societies and trace the origins and deployment of these six meanings through qualitative textual analysis of presidential speeches, newspapers and scholarly writings. Attributive uses of the term gave way to referential uses in the late 1960s, as radical movements and practical implementation problems eclipsed utopian visions of a great society. The analysis illuminates Johnson’s character and contributes to the literature on the rhetorical presidency by demonstrating the importance of context, ambiguity and the attribution of descriptive content to political slogans.

Narrative mediatisation of the “Chinese Dream” in Chinese and American media

This paper examines how the political slogan of the “Chinese Dream”, coined and promoted by China’s president, Xi Jinping, was mediatised in the Chinese and the American media. Applying theoretical frameworks in narrative studies and concepts inmediated discourse analysis, it investigates how elements such as context, time, and space played a vital part in the construal and interpretation of the “Chinese Dream” in a nexus of media practices; as such differing characteristics of mediatisation in the Chinese and the American media emerged. These mediatising mechanisms demonstrate a constant “othering” practice of the American media in mediatising the slogan, and the “blind-to-others” practice of the Chinese media. It is suggested the nexus of the mediatising practice be changed by enhancing the mutual understanding between the two cultural systems.

An Analysis of Asian and Western Corporate Governance Systems: Theoretical and Operational Concerns

The primary concept of corporate governance is with those who provide capital to the companies and its aim is to improve their returns by providing market stability. However, the political slogan of public-private partnership has become popular without implementation of theoretical dynamics of corporate governance. The UK has been an exporter of corporate legal concepts and innovations since the inception of corporate norms not only in continental Europe and emerging economies but also around the world. The British model of corporate governance struck a chord in many overseas countries; it has provided a yardstick against which standards of corporate governance in other markets are being measured. The ideas developed by the Cadbury Committee and its successors committees have received an ample importance in continental Europe and the rest of the jurisdictions particularly in emerging economies such as China, India, Pakistan and those countries which have old colonial ties with the UK. The variation of the corporate governance structure and arrangement appears in different models but the issue of managerial accountability is common everywhere. The corporate governance system in Pakistan including the Code of corporate governance based on ‘shareholders primacy theory’ that involves investors in managerial accountability of listed companies through effective and reliable disclosure to maintain good governance of listed companies and long-term market stability. In Asian economies, family dominated ownership has been playing influential role, require competitive corporate and regulatory structure. Therefore, the regulatory authority, policy makers and corporate community should also be clear that the new corporate legal framework in Pakistan should be attractive for the investors as well as provide security to the non-shareholder stakeholders through services mechanism.

ＥＵのマルチレベル・ガバナンス論:―その統合理論としての意義の再考―

ＥＵのマルチレベル・ガバナンス論:―その統合理論としての意義の再考―

Nowomowa po jugosłowiańsku

The Yugoslav NewspeakIn the article the issue of a language of the Yugoslav communists – called here after Orwell the totalitarian Newspeak – is taken into consideration. It aims at finding similarities and differences between the Polish and Yugoslav Newspeak basing on analysis of discourses of the Yugoslav dictator – Josip Broz Tito, Yugoslav historiography and political slogans. In the first section concrete linguistic phenomena are taken into account (like lexical items, semantic dichotomies, periphrases, metaphors and so on), whereas in the second: extra-linguistic circumstances – including social-political and cultural context – making the Yugoslav communicative practices specific and different from the Polish ones.

The Power of Language: Globalizing “The Chinese Dream”

After assuming the Chinese presidency in March 2013, Xi Jinping introduced the new political slogan “the Chinese Dream,” which he does not only address to the domestic audience but also aims to promote to the world. Since his inaugural trip abroad, Xi has repeatedly used the term “Chinese Dream” in his speeches when addressing international audiences. However, nowhere has the catchphrase received as much appeal as in Africa. Simultaneously, African academics and other interested parties have observed the promotion of the idea of an African Dream by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) with great suspicion as they view it simply as a projection of China’s own foreign policy onto Africa. But what do the Chinese Dream and African Dream actually mean? How can we make sense out of these terms? In order to decode or demystify the meaning behind the Chinese Dream narrative in the context of China’s foreign policy, this paper argues that it is essential to examine how it is constructed and projected to the international audience, in particular to Africa. The Chinese Dream is understood as a narrative which is strategically used by the CCP in order to shape perceptions and behavior of other international actors according to their own agenda. Moreover, the dynamic interactions between the media and politics and how they impinge on the formation and projection of the Chinese Dream and African Dream narrative will also be taken into account.

Influencing potential of meta-programs of NLP in political slogans

Influencing potential of meta-programs of NLP in political slogans

Social Alienation and Estrangement in Four Stories by Palestinian Writer cAlā Ḥlayḥal

This article examines the novella al-Sīrk (2001) and three short stories (ʿZawjī Sā'iq Bāṣ', 2008, ‘Tacāyush’, 2008 and ‘al-Sajjāda’, 2003) by contemporary Palestinian writer cAlā Ḥlayḥal (Ala Hlehel). These texts manifest a preoccupation with the breakdown of human relationships and related themes of failed communication and miscommunication between people. These themes articulate the alienation, isolation and estrangement of individuals from one another, from community and society. The purpose of the present study is an analysis of the portrayal of social decay, alienation and estrangement in these texts, revealing structural expressions of degeneration, as well as a deterioration of interpersonal relations articulated by stymied communication, miscommunication and neglect, often expressed textually through irony and hypocrisy. These particular works were chosen because of their preoccupation with the themes at hand, and also because these are masterfully written stories in their own right deserving critical analysis. While Ḥlayḥal's stories resound with the theme of alienation which has marked Palestinian literature from its formative stages onwards, they reject a staunchly committed stance and do not issue moral imperatives or political slogans. The nuances of these texts are examined in light of other works of Palestinian literature, and especially considering the intertextual references therein.

Augustus, Agrippa, the Ara Pacis, and the coinage of 13 BC

In 13 BC, Augustus returned to Rome from a lengthy tour of the western provinces, just as Agrippa returned from the East. All conditions had been readied to present to the Roman people the establishment of Agrippa as the new partner of Augustus’ labours after a multi-year build up, culminating in the Ara Pacis ceremony at which Agrippa co-presided. However, to those watching the political slogans and headlines of the Roman mint, the Ara Pacis ceremony and Agrippa’s prominent role therein did not bring news, for the coinage of 13 boldly proclaims Agrippa as if he were second princeps by advertizing his enhanced status and by highlighting his accomplishments beyond the level ever provided for any of Augustus’ other colleagues, including his eventual successor, Tiberius (whose own enhancement of powers after AD 4 was modeled upon the precedent of Agrippa). The coinage of 13 BC represents a break from the recent general pattern in that it broke up Augustus’ quasi-regal domination of the mint, and it sent out two simultaneous and compatible messages. Firstly, and more specifically, the imagery informed the Roman public as do newspaper headlines today of the elevation of Agrippa as Augustus’ legal equal, showing that Rome was no monarchy. The Roman mint alternated between standard issues for certain messages and new images for others, including escalation of the status of Agrippa. The year 13 provided several occasions to raise the status of Agrippa, a novus homo. Agrippa was offered a third triumph, which he again refused. He received a new priesthood(s). His tribunician power was renewed for five years, as was that of Augustus. And at the Ara Pacis ceremony, Agrippa shared equal credit for pacifying the Empire in a ceremony that may have included closing the Gates of Janus. Much of this information comes to us not just from textual evidence, but also the archeological record. The coinage of 13 informs us of the regime’s official statements and the Ara Pacis itself shows the veiled Augustus at the head of the Pontifical College and the veiled Agrippa completing the Pontifical College and starting the imperial family as a demonstration of his integral role in the state, although tragically his life would end before the Ara Pacis was completed, leaving it to be a monument of a vision of the future Augustus was never able to achieve.

Население степных окраин Российской империи накануне революций 1917 г.

The demographic development and ethnic composition of the Russian Empire regions significantly determined the problem background of the prerevolutionary years, the social movement character and political slogans. The article studies population size and structure in the Steppe Region and Turkestan on the eve of the revolutions in 1917 on the basis of the archival and statistical sources and gives the estimate of the social and political consequences of the ethnodemographical changes. In the beginning of the XX century the steppe area of the Russian Empire was characterized by the population growth due to the natural increase and migrants’ inflow and by the increase of the non-native population proportion in the population structure. The territories left by the migrants were situated predominantly in the European part of Russia which determined the ethnic and religious composition of migrants. In the majority of the territories the Slavic population proportion increased greatly compared to the census data of 1897. Local migratory crises and inability of authorities to react to them significantly aggravated both the land question, and other socially significant problems. Ethnodemographical changes caused by the migration politics promoted the escalation of the social contradictions and as a result the increase of conflicts in the relationship of the different local communities.

English

The aim of the paper is to critically analyse the potential of Zimbabwe’s foreign policy, specifically the Look East Policy at stimulating economic development and growth. This analysis is based solely on selected secondary material. In response to external and internal pressure, the government of Zimbabwe redesigned its foreign policy outlook with the aim of establishing relations with countries in the East like China as an alternative to the fragmented links with the West. Zimbabwe’s target is to create and sustain relations with states that it supposedly shares common goals with. China, regardless of its famous proclamation that it is driven by a desire to help the oppressed, pursues foreign policies that promote its own national interests. China is seeking opportunities to boost its economic and political status in the international system. Zimbabwe, while seeking similar goals, lacks proper guiding structures and appears to be closely associated with ZANU-PF to an extent that one is tempted to conclude that it is more of a political slogan rather than a proper foreign policy. Zimbabwe has turned into a predatory state which is on the verge of total collapse. The ruling elite are concerning themselves with security political posts as a means to accessing personal wealthy at the expense of national development. The potential of the LEP can only be realised when Zimbabwe policy makers put the needs of electorates ahead of personal gains and develop a strategic approach to its relationship with Beijing. The government of Zimbabwe needs to realise that if China does indeed become a super power it is likely going to impose its will on its weaker associates. Before positive economic development outcomes can be produced by the LEP, Zimbabwe has to change its position in this partnership. Key words: Look East Policy, economic development, failed state, sovereignty, state.

For anarcho-geography! Or, bare-knuckle boxing as the world burns

Responding to the set of dialogues on my original article, ‘Why a Radical Geography Must Be Anarchist?’, I throw my hat back in the ring and offer a blow-by-blow commentary on the sucker punches and low blows that some Marxists continue to want to throw at anarchism. In particular, I go toe-to-toe with the fallacious idea that Marxism remains the only viable politics on the left and demonstrate why anarchism is not only up to scratch, but in a world that continues to be marked by domination, as far as emancipation is concerned, anarchism is a heavyweight contender. While I pull no punches with the two Marxist pugilists, the remaining commentators are in my corner, and I welcome their thoughtful critiques by taking it on the chin. Yet rather than throw in the towel, I attempt to set the record straight by repositioning anarchism as an ethos that merges rebellion with reciprocity, subversion with self-management, and dissent with direct action, where the potential combinations are infinite. Anarchism is to be thought of, quite simply, as an attitude. When we remember this quality, without attempting to pin anarchism down to a particular set of commitments or distinct group of activities, we begin to recognize that anarchism can both float like a butterfly and sting like a bee. The reason for this multifarious character is because anarchism is not an identity but is instead something you do. Anarchism consequently has knockout potential to unite diverse strategies and tactics under the black flag of this radical political slogan. Insofar as the future of radical geography is concerned, anarchism has got the guts, the spirit, and the heart to go the distance. Let’s get ready to rumble!

The Ditch

The Ditch Paul Ruffin (bio) I’ll begin by telling you outright that I am not a violent man. But there are times when all the talk and reason in the world won’t address a threat that’s coming at you. When I was younger, I didn’t mind getting into scrapes when some kid messed with me. My philosophy was to walk softly and carry a big fist to knock the shit out of my opponent—not exactly an acceptable political slogan—which meant to conduct the fight, if it had to come, with one swift blow to the nose. If you do it right, all the lights in the house will come on in your adversary’s head when your fist strikes, and he will be blinded to the point of buckling to the ground, wondering what universe all those new stars are from, and generally the lights will dim real low or go completely out. The first time it happened, second grade maybe, a much older boy on the schoolbus kept turning around in his seat and poking me in the shoulder, and all I wanted was for the bus to get me home and away from him. But as the bus ground up the long gravel road toward our mailbox, it seemed forever in making the grade, so I just flung a fist as hard as I could at the kid’s nose, and when it smacked home, it didn’t hurt me at all, but he slid down off his seat onto the floor, with blood spurting all over. The driver knew that he was a bully and didn’t say anything to me. But he winked at me as I left the bus. It happened again three years later, when a kid stole my bike and messed up the chain. One blow to the nose. The thing about going after the nose is that you don’t come away with skinned knuckles or broke fingers—the nose just caves in, flattens. No bone there. Nothing but soft nose. You can hit a guy all day in the mouth or upside the head, [End Page 535] and likely as not, he’ll keep coming at you, and you’re gonna end up hurting your fist on teeth or bone. Land your fist dead-on on the nose, and all he wants is to shake those stars out of his head, forget the pain, and breathe again or go to sleep. And if you do it properly, his nose will swell up like a damned ripe tomato and both his eyes will go black, and you are not likely ever to have to deal with him again. What I’m saying is, it beats the shit out of any other kind of blow that you can deliver. A couple of years after that bike incident, I did it again when I hammered the boy next door for accusing my daddy of poisoning dogs, even when he was telling the truth. It wasn’t nice, I told him as he cupped his bleeding nose and tried to get to the safety of his house before I followed up the blow. If you do it right the first time, there is no need to follow up. My childhood confrontations were always conducted the same way with the same effect. After the age of fifteen or so, I never fought again. For one thing, my reputation was such that most kids wouldn’t dare mess with me. For another, I became more tolerant of the dumbasses of the world. I figured that most of them didn’t have the sense to breathe and stayed alive only because Nature made it impossible for them to die from not taking a breath. I always thought it was a shame that Nature had to fling that wide a net. I mean, dogs and cats and horses and cows and the wilder animals, sure, it’s OK for them to do dumb shit from time to time, but lots of people I knew didn’t deserve that kind of break. I’m telling you, there are some dumbass people out there, and...

Turkey as a Regional Natural Gas Hub: Myth or Reality? An Analysis of the Regional Gas Market Outlook, Beyond the Mainstream Rhetoric

Over the last years Turkey has been increasingly associated in the international political and economic debate with concepts such as “gas corridor” and “gas hub”. This characterization of Turkey is clearly mainly due to its unique geographical position at the crossroads the Caspian region, the Middle East and Europe. In particular, this argument is often advanced in the political discussion on the rise of Turkey as a leading regional power and in the debate on the future prospects for the EU-Turkey relations. However, by going beyond the political slogans and by focusing on the concrete gas realities around Turkey this picture could be seriously put into question. The aim of this paper is to explore the real potential role of Turkey in the regional gas markets, firstly focusing on the current situation of gas producing countries around Turkey and then moving to the future prospects of gas cooperation in the region. To this end, the paper will provide an assessment of both the current situation and outlook of gas markets in Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Iraq, Iran, Israel and Cyprus, subsequently providing a discussion of the future prospects of the Southern Gas Corridor and of the potential Eastern Mediterranean Gas Corridor. This analysis will indicate that Turkey will hardly have the potential to become a regional gas hub in the medium term (up to 2020-2025). However, Turkey could have the potential to play an important role in the regional gas markets in the longer term (after 2025-2030) if a number of infrastructural, commercial and political barriers described in the paper are overcome and -last but not the least- if the EU gas demand recovers and the EU market actually needs more natural gas supplies.

The China Dream: Desires or Nightmares

China Dream, as a political slogan raised by the new central leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), is currently one of the hottest topics in domestic China. Contrary to the rhetoric preaching, the oppressive political system, the deteriorating legal environment and the authoritarian governance of China were deeply analyzed and the Chinese public’s common dreams were truthfully revealed from a different viewpoint in this article. The reasoning suggests that without effectively defending democracy and fundamental human rights, China Dream will become only the party’s political fantasy or the populace’s unrealizable desires and it is not the communist principle but the universal values that represent the general public’s ideal.

Democracy Without Parties? Italy After Berlusconi

This article looks at the legacy of ‘Berlusconism’ for Italian politics. On the right, we identify a process of fragmentation. As a result of the personalised leadership of Silvio Berlusconi, where loyalties and ties were to il cavaliere as an individual rather than to a party or a political tradition, there is little by way of legacy on the right. Surprisingly, we find that Berlusconi's greatest legacy lies on the left of Italian politics, in the figure of Matteo Renzi. In his savvy manipulation of the media and in the careful construction of his own image, accompanied by a non‐ideological set of political slogans, Renzi has gone even further than Berlusconi. As a result, he may be the one to final bury Italian ‘party government’ and all its associated traditions and ideals.

The Role of Pavlov’s Theory in North Korea in the Late 1950s: Ideological Struggle in Medicine and Scientification of Traditional Medicine

This paper deals with Pavlov theory in North Korea in the late 1950s, focusing on its role in ideological struggle in medicine and in reinterpretation of traditional medicine. In North Korean Ministry of Health found Pavlov theory to have rich resources which could be used in the construction of the North Korea's socialist medicine. First of all, Pavlov theory provided the North Korean Communist Party with a powerful ideological weapon against capitalist medical thoughts, representing superior socialist medicine based upon Marx-Leninism and dialectical materialism. This paper examines the contents of Pavlov theory introduced in the North Korea from the Soviet Union in the late 1950s. Pavlov theory in the North Korea was not merely a political slogan but a unified medical system of thought, ranging from biological theory on the organism and pathogenesis to clinical theory. Nonetheless, Pavlov theory became Pavlov doctrine in the ideological struggle in healthcare field initiated by Kim Il Sung and the Communist Party. In the process of the ideological struggle, the abducted surgeon Kim Si-Chang was accused and purged of counter-revolutionary and refusal to conform to Pavlov doctrines by the Communist Party in 1959. Interestingly, Pavlov theory was used in reinterpretation of Traditional Medicine in North Korea from unscientific practice to a rich and scientific complementary medicine by connecting the two with common theoretical components such as Pavlov's typology. By the enthusiastic Communist Party members, Pavlov doctrine was introduced, transformed and exploited to build monolithic ideology system in medicine in North Korea in the late 1950s.

Collapsing walls and the question of commemoration: graffiti in the Israeli withdrawal, August 2005

The paper focuses on graffiti which was created by The Gaza Strip settlers during the Israeli withdrawal (August 2005), while being fully aware of the predetermined demolition of the houses by the Israeli army. The graffiti served two functions: One, concrete and short-termed, was meant for the eyes of the soldiers and the media, and was constructed as an image event. The second function was the construction of historical commemoration through iconic and inscribed narratives, and was directed exclusively to digital archives on the Internet and private collections. This choice illustrates the deliberate twist of the original essence of graffiti as an anonymous genre, which usually performs in the public sphere into a protest against the desecration of the intimate sphere. Biblical citations, popular songs, political slogans and playful inscriptions are discussed. The content analysis of 150 graffiti is supported by interviews, which were conducted with graffiti writers and their addressees.

Collapsing walls and the question of commemoration: graffiti in the Israeli withdrawal, August 2005

The paper focuses on graffiti which was created by The Gaza Strip settlers during the Israeli withdrawal (August 2005), while being fully aware of the predetermined demolition of the houses by the Israeli army. The graffiti served two functions: One, concrete and short-termed, was meant for the eyes of the soldiers and the media, and was constructed as an image event. The second function was the construction of historical commemoration through iconic and inscribed narratives, and was directed exclusively to digital archives on the Internet and private collections. This choice illustrates the deliberate twist of the original essence of graffiti as an anonymous genre, which usually performs in the public sphere into a protest against the desecration of the intimate sphere. Biblical citations, popular songs, political slogans and playful inscriptions are discussed. The content analysis of 150 graffiti is supported by interviews, which were conducted with graffiti writers and their addressees.