Political Program Research Articles

Działalność kulturotwórcza konserwatystów wschodniogalicyjskich na przykładzie fundacji Leona Pinińskiego i Dawida Abrahamowicza

CULTURAL ACTIVITIES OF EASTERN GALICIAN CONSERVATIVES ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE FOUNDATIONS OF LEON PINIŃSKI AND DAWID ABRAHAMOWICZThe activity of eastern Galician conservatives is generally assessed only negatively and on the political field. Their perception in historiography has been influenced by the work of Wilhelm Feldman entitled Parties and Political Programs in Galicia. Indeed, Podolacy sought to maintain the status quo in matters of large land ownership. However, some of them undertook numerous pro-social initiatives. Among the most spectacular were the foundations of Dawid Abrahamowicz and Leon Piniński, whose aim was to rebuild the Wawel Royal Castle during the interwar period. The first was founded by the Abrahamowicz couple who donated almost all of their wealth to charity (mainly benefitting children of landowners who can’t afford education) and to cultural purposes. The funds received by Wawel Castle were used to purchase paintings by the best masters from Poland and abroad. By 1937 they had gathered 91 objects for its reconstruction. The second foundation was established in 1927 by art historian and former governor of Galicia Leon Piniński, who donated over 300 objects by artists such as Juliusz Kossak, Jacek Malczewski, Artur Grottger and Józef Chełmoński. As an outstanding collector, Piniński took an active part in the foundation’s work until the end of his life. In the 1930s, as a result of economic crisis, he was forced to sell almost 50 paintings from the Wawel Castle. The article presents the cultural activity of Eastern Galician conservatives, which should not be limited only to political aspects, especially the Polish-Ukrainian conflict.

A non-partisan candidate: count I.I. Tolstoy and the election to the State Duma in 1907

After the June 3rd coup, the question arose about the future of parliamentarism in the Russian Empire. The answer to it depended on the possibility of cooperation between the 3rd Imperial Duma, part of the legislative assembly in the late Russian Empire, and the top government. This issue was at the center of pre-election discussions in the fall of 1907, in which Count I.I. Tolstoy, a well-known public and statesman. His political program turned out to be too liberal for the Russian society. Tolstoy set out his «political platform» in interviews, articles, letters and diaries. The Manuscript Division of the Russian National Library also holds an unfinished essay «Russia on the eve of the 3rd Imperial Duma». These materials make it possible to expand the idea of the limit of concessions that society was willing to make in dialogue with the authorities.

Владимир Маяковский в публицистике харбинского поэта Василия Логинова

The aim of the study is to find an answer to the question of how the poetry, personality and fate of Vladimir Mayakovsky reflected in the journalistic heritage of the Harbin poet, prose writer and journalist Vasily Stepanovich Loginov (1891 – 1945/1946?). The study is novel in that it introduces into scientific use four pieces of correspondence by Loginov in the Harbin newspaper “Gong-Bao” containing references or detailed judgments about Mayakovsky. The perception and assessment of Vladimir Mayakovsky among first-generation emigrants from the countries of the Asia-Pacific region have not been sufficiently studied. As a result, it is shown that the politically and aesthetically conservative writer of the first generation of the Russian émigré community Vasily Loginov knew well and highly appreciated Mayakovsky’s creative work, despite the decisive rejection of Mayakovsky’s political position and programme of aesthetic renewal. This can be explained by the fact that so many different writers belonged to the same cultural field of the Russian literature of the 1910s, which included diverse influences, from Valery Bryusov to the futurists and poets of the Satyricon magazine circle. It is also shown that Mayakovsky did not have a significant influence on the poetics of Vasily Loginov’s poems, however, upon careful reading, one can find echoes of Mayakovsky’s pre-revolutionary poetry in Loginov’s first poetry book (the year of its publication is also specified in the paper).

Towards a fairer and more ‘tika’ political science and politics: Are political science programs equipping students adequately for Aotearoa realities?

Social and political change is occurring in Aotearoa New Zealand and tikanga, mātauranga, te reo Māori (the Māori language) and Te Tiriti o Waitangi (Treaty of Waitangi) are increasingly being recognised in diverse political and legal contexts. This article explores whether the political science discipline is keeping pace with these political changes, whether research and course content is adequately reflecting these new realities, and if students are appropriately equipped to participate. In particular, we examine the state of university politics programs and outline the form and quantity of Māori politics in the teaching and research of these programs. From the assessment of the current state of politics programs, we make some observations about what changes may be required to ensure politics programs, their students and academics are fully equipped to work in the unique political and legal landscape of Aotearoa New Zealand. Approximately 1% of political science lecturers are Māori, 1% of content taught can be classified as Māori politics and approximately 1% of publications in the New Zealand Political Science journal can be classified as kaupapa Māori politics. This 1–1–1 crisis provides a bleak picture of the existing arrangements in politics programs in Aotearoa New Zealand and must change.

Peran Badan Kesatuan Bangsa Dan Politik Dalam Meningkatkan Partisipasi Politik Pemilih Perempuan Melalui Pendidikan Politik Di Kabupaten Sukoharjo

This research aims to analyze the role of Bakesbangpol in increasing the political participation of female voters and determine the factors that influence the political participation of female voters in Sukoharjo Regency. This research uses a qualitative approach. Data sources in the research include informants, namely heads of departments and staff members of domestic politics and community organizations as well as female voters participating in political education programs, events implementing political education programs at the Graha Satya Praja pavilion, as well as the Sukoharjo Regency Bakesbangpol strategic plan document for 2021-2026. The sampling technique used was purposive sampling. The data collection techniques used were observation, direct in-depth interviews, and document analysis. The validity test technique uses triangulation of sources and methods. The data analysis technique used is an interactive analysis model which consists of four components including data collection, data reduction, data presentation and drawing conclusions. The research results are as follows. 1) Bakesbangpol Sukoharjo Regency has carried out its role as a facilitator by providing facilities and infrastructure, providing political education assistance, and having a focus on discussions related to political participation. Political education is carried out in the form of political socialization. 2) factors that influence the political participation of female voters in Sukoharjo Regency, namely a) political knowledge, female voters who have political knowledge will have the awareness to participate in political activities. b) family, family members, especially the husband, are factors that can influence a wife's choice. c) political stimulation, political education organized by Bakesbangpol is able to increase the knowledge of female voters and social media is able to influence the choices of female voters. d) work that is formed because of similarities is able to encourage individuals to adapt to behavior in the group.

МИРОВАЯ ЭКОНОМИЧЕСКАЯ ДИПЛОМАТИЯ

Traditional studies in the field of diplomacy have long been based on realistic and neorealistic approaches to international relations, which gave rise to a state-centric analysis of mainly political programs, giving way to economic issues. However, recently scientists have begun to pay attention to international relations that go beyond security. Thus, there has been a significant change in the study of diplomacy, with an emphasis on a better understanding of the processes and practices underlying economic diplomacy. New concepts of diplomacy have emerged, such as catalytic diplomacy, network diplomacy and multi-stakeholder diplomacy, which offer new tools for recognizing the wide variety of State and non-State actors in diplomatic practice, as well as for exploring the diverse and changing characteristics of diplomatic processes. In this context, two main topics in the study of diplomacy can be distinguished: The first is the role of a diplomat as an agent in international political economy, the second is how to fit into a diplomatic department for officials who do not belong to the state or the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In the changing environment caused by globalization, economic diplomacy stimulates the development of various diplomatic methods and practices in new and existing economic forums. Four key ways of economic diplomacy have a significant impact on the management of modern globalization: commercial diplomacy, trade diplomacy, financial diplomacy and the provision of consular and visa services in connection with increasing immigration flows. The development of these methods of economic diplomacy has shaped our understanding of diplomats, their role and ways of its implementation.

Трансформация социально-властных отношений в мире «постправды»: деконструкция подлинности

The article analyzes the trends in the development of social and power relations in the modern world. This topic is currently of concern to many thinkers: both within the framework of philosophical discourse, and within the framework of socio-political analysis, which has applied significance for public relations in the political sphere of society. Studying modern social and power relations, the authors use mainly theoretical methods, such as analysis, generalization, modeling, systematization and typologization. The sources for the analysis are texts of politicians’ speeches, online publications, political programs of parties, and videos in various media. Character-izing the world of “post-truth”, the authors come to discouraging forecasts: such changes are anti-humanistic and can lead to a new totalitarianism, the contours of which can already be traced in the activities of the media, which can create any world, any kind of reality. However, a person is either detached from reality, immersing himself in the virtual world, or is preoccupied with consumer culture, positioning himself as a fashionable and advanced user. In fact, he may not realize that he is already living in a totalitarian society.

Prawo i Sprawiedliwość wobec procedury zapłodnienia pozaustrojowego metodą in vitro

The main aim of this article is to analyze the position of Law and Justice party (PiS) towards in vitro fertilization (IVF) at the level of ideological and political agenda, results of parliamentary votes, and views of the electorate. Therefore, the following concepts were analyzed: the Law and Justice party doctrinal stereotype, the party's political stance on IVF, draft bills, the position of the party's club in the parliament towards the aforementioned and the results of parliamentary votes alongside the views of the electorate on IVF. Recognizing that human dignity begins with conception, the Law and Justice party is in favor of banning IVF and imposing criminal punishments for carrying it out, experimenting on embryos, and destroying them. These methods include: qualitative analysis of ideological and political program assumptions, institutional and legal assumptions, quantitative analysis of existing data. In order to determine the position of the party's electorate towards IVF, the announcements of the Public Opinion Research Center (CBOS) were analyzed.

White Obstructions; Barriers to the Implementation of Black Studies

This article interrogates the strategies of white supremacy that functioned as obstacles to the implementation of the Black Studies stream in the Social and Political Thought graduate program at York University. The author reflects on her experience as co-chair of the Graduate Student Association and an Executive Committee student representative the year before the inauguration of the stream, identifying and examining white bureaucratic delay, with its practices of reiterative revision and deliberation, as a tactical obstruction to Black studies. The author demonstrates how these administerial tactics, mutually dependent on anti-Black quotidian violence and the ongoing denial of its quintessence to the organizing logic of the university, also work to rescue academic whiteness from threats to its ascendancy, remaking it as the progressive agent of change in the neoliberal era of equity, diversity and inclusion.

Critical Geoarchaeology: From Depositional Processes to the Sociopolitics of Earthen Life

In the last several decades, geoarchaeological research and practice have moved well beyond their foundational concerns for site formation processes and the stratigraphic integrity of artifact associations, developing significant orientations toward archaeological and social theory. This review focuses on four overlapping research emphases that have explicitly extended the reach of geoarchaeological research within the broader social sciences and humanities, including ( a) interpretive, symbolic, and social approaches in geoarchaeological research; ( b) articulations with recent developments in posthumanist and new materialist scholarship; ( c) the application of geoarchaeological investigations to historical ecology and political ecology research programs; and ( d), building on the latter, critical engagements with ongoing transdisciplinary scholarship on the Anthropocene. Taken together, these different orientations offer new possibilities for geoarchaeological research to inform anthropological concerns for social and environmental production and the ways that archaeological and geological fields of practice and discourse contribute to shaping social, political, and environmental conditions today.

The analysis of voting preferences of West Pomerania inhabitants in the years 2001–2020

The article concerns the voting preferences of West Pomerania inhabitants in comparison to the whole country regarding parliament elections, European Parliament elections, presidential elections, except for self-government elections. Taking into account different characteristics of the last type of elections, a separate article has been prepared to discuss them. Applying the comparison method, the election results have been analyzed in terms of political geography. The comparison of territorial diversity of political behaviors has shown how political preferences have evolved with respect to division into provinces, country districts and towns ruled by presidents in reference to, among all, three main political parties (PO RP, PiS and SLD). It has been checked if since 2005 the Platform has really managed to dominate the West Pomeranian political scene and also if any differences in voting preferences occur depending on the place of residence or the type of elections? Subject to the analysis have been election results without the study of factors having impact on them, that is electoral campaigns and events on the political scene (they will be discussed in a separate publication). Regarding the typology of political parties ideological and programme criteria has been applied resulting in west-wing (SLD), central (PO RP) and right-wing division.
 The analysis has shown that there are no significant differences between the results of different types of elections. Regardless, the results from the whole country in West Pomerania in years 1993–2004 left-wing preferences were demonstrated, in years 1993–2004 central and since 2015 central-right. However, analyzing the results depending on the place of residence, together in three types of elections, in 8 the results between country districts and president cities in majority have overlapped and in 6 of them the differences have occurred.

From Nazism to Pro‐Kurdish Activism: The International Society Kurdistan, Silvio van Rooy and the struggle against communism in the 1960s and 1970s

AbstractKurdish studies was born as a field of study in imperial Russia, and for much of the twentieth century, the Soviet Union remained the centre of ‘Kurdology’. With the foundation of the International Society Kurdistan (ISK) in Amsterdam in 1960, however, this centre started to move westwards. Officially established as a non‐party democratic action group helping the Kurdish nation in its struggle for democratic independence, the ISK’s unwritten aim was to support national struggles as a means to prevent communism, particularly the Soviet Union, from expanding its sphere of influence. Silvio van Rooy, who had been an active collaborator with the Nazi occupying forces in the Netherlands, devoted a decade of his life to what he considered an experiment in psychological warfare to influence the Kurdish intelligentsia, and for this he made every effort to establish a centre for Kurdish studies in the West that could develop a political programme around anti‐communist ethno‐nationalism. Yet Van Rooy’s involvement with the Kurds was intense, but also passing. In the second half of the 1970s his loyalty to anti‐communism took a new turn as he drew close to the Iraqi nationalist Ba’ath regime. The research data employed here has primarily been obtained through archival work. Based on an analysis of these primary documents and augmented by personal recollections, this study thus contextualises the work of the ISK through the political trajectory and views of Silvio van Rooy, the society’s founder and president.

Digital education utopia

ABSTRACT This paper uses Levitas’s (2013) ‘utopia as method’ as a way to approach the histories of digital education and its utopian possibilities. The themes of emergence, openness and desire are woven through the three modes of Levitas’s method. First, an archaeological analysis considers the relationship between digital education, lifelong learning and utopia in the political programmes of UNESCO, OECD and the UK government. Second, Levitas’s ‘utopia as ontology’ considers how critical digital education might help move us from the paradigm of the locked-down ‘data subject’ within a human capital model of education toward emergent and more-than-human ways of understanding. Third, the method’s architectural phase is used to explore how a future for digital education might be imagined through the themes of ecopedagogy, diversity of knowledge and the end of institutions. The paper argues that the new twenty-first century utopian imagination might help us to imagine and build better futures for digital education.

The social meaning of wealth taxes

Wealth taxes are back on the political agenda of developed democracies, but are subject to contestation. Given increasing inequality, middle classes may support wealth taxes so to redistribute wealth from the rich. However, asset appreciation has become central to the realization of life chances, so a political programme of ‘wealth taxes’ may appear threatening. This paper asks: what does the prospect of increased wealth taxes mean to the middle classes? Combining a relational theory approach with a qualitative focus group study in the United Kingdom, the paper highlights two especially salient meanings of wealth taxes: (1) that wealth is considered as a form of security that one builds through surplus income earned through work (thereby conflating income and wealth); which can then be (2) used to sustain an intergenerational family through the relations of inheritance. Consequently, wealth taxes take on a meaning as a double tax that penalize hardworking families.

Narrative Power in an Era of Crisis and Convergence

Recognizing the current conjuncture, this article explores the changing role of media and communications in the cohering of social struggles by antisystemic social movements. Transforming structural relations of media and their tactical uses, the authors argue, are key components to shifting the terrain upon which such movements build. In response to a deepening organic crisis, the authors argue for the importance of organizing against and beyond the existing political economy of platform media by building new narrative blocs as bases of power that can serve as one of several determining factors for the direction of popular movements and the generalization of new notions and political programs around which a counterhegemonic consensus may emerge for society. Transformative resistance and collective power will depend on the ability to develop movement-based media infrastructures to deepen international communication processes with and relationships to an ongoing global mass movement against the rise of antidemocratic politics, popular authoritarianism, and other morbid symptoms of a declining order.

“Iskra” Versus “Vremya”: Controversy Over “Soil”

“Soil” (“pochva”) as a metaphorical name for the political and literary direction of the “Vremya” (“Time”) and “Epokha” (“Epoch”) journals was the subject of newspaper and journal polemics in many periodicals in the 1860s, including the satirical and humorous press. One of the implacable opponents of the Dostoevsky brothers' magazines was the weekly “Iskra“ (“Spark”) (1859–1873), whose publications are considered in this study. In the fight against opponents, the authors of “Iskra” used the possibilities offered by satirical genres: they published caricatures, cartoons, parodies, satires, pamphlets, feuilletons, jokes on literary topics, fantastic scenes and dramatic fantasies. A feature of the controversy was the sharp criticism of the political and literary program of the Dostoevsky brothers’ magazines and their direction. The periodicals' hostility was mutual. F. M. Dostoevsky called Iskra “Firebrand” on two occasions and created a negative image of an employee of the satirical magazine in the story “A Bad Joke.” In response to criticism, the Dostoevsky brothers calmly explained the “soil” ideas, notions and concepts of their journals.

Cooperativism in a Dirigiste State: SEKE and the Reconstruction of Greece’s Tobacco Sector (1947–1967)

Abstract: The Co-operative Union of Tobacco Producers of Greece (SEKE) made a series of key contributions to the reconstruction, and development, of Greek tobacco production and exports in the postwar period. Its strategies allowed tobacco growers to retain a larger part of the value that they produced. A historical analysis of SEKE’s emergence and early trajectory allows a complex narrative of the postwar economic reconstruction to emerge, one in which we can appreciate the role of sub-state actors more clearly than has been the case thus far. By influencing the institutional framework regulating the tobacco sector, opening up new export markets, and investing in human capital, SEKE partially actualized the agrarian political program of the interwar period. As a large trading firm owned by agricultural cooperatives, SEKE’s history forces us to revise the limited, often cynical view of Greek agrarian cooperativism as a mere mechanism for the enforcement of redistributive state policy and the management of credit from the Agricultural Bank.

The ‘Autographic Self’: Facsimile Signatures and Lithographic Portraiture at the Crossroads of Liberalism, Romanticism and Nationalism, c. 1800–60

This article traces the cultural history of a portrait format popularised through the global expansion of lithographic printing. This format combined a traditional portrait vignette with a lithographic facsimile of the sitter’s signature. Such ‘facsimile-autographed’ portraits evoked the notion that sitters had physically signed their own likenesses – testifying not only to the veracity of the depiction, but displaying an indexical trace of embodied agency. The article argues that this format afforded a particularly cogent way to conceptualise and communicate ideas about selfhood and society in liberal, romantic, and nationalist political programmes. Such lithographic portraits did not simply ‘encode’ or ‘reflect’ these new ideas, however, but were part of a technological revolution that decentralised the production of mass media and thereby reshaped the societies in which such novel ideas flourished. By connecting the various expressions of public selfhood found in facsimile-autographed portraits to the way lithography expanded audiences and reshaped modes of conceptualising public and private life over the course of the nineteenth century, this article argues that established scholarly concepts like the ‘romantic self’ or ‘liberal self’ might be reconsidered through a new, technomaterial heuristic: the ‘lithographic self’.

Kresy w programie politycznym księcia Adama Jerzego Czartoryskiego na emigracji. Przyczynek ikonograficzny

Polish Eastern Borderlands in prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski’s political program in exile: An iconographic contribution The article is a contribution to the reflection on the place of the Eastern Borderlands of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the political program of Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski and his followers after 1831. This program was expressed and implemented in various ways, and its addressees were both the Poles and the public opinion of Western Europe. Without trying to present the whole issue, three iconographic representations that contained elements of this program were analyzed here. What they had in common was that all of them were to honor the closest British ally of Prince Adam – Lord Dudley Coutts Stuart (1803–1854). In 1846 he received a decorative tapestry from Polish emigrants, in 1847 a golden watch, and after his death a medal made by J.F.A. Bovy was minted in his honor. The heraldic and cartographic motifs adorning theses items indicate that Prince Adam and his associates saw the future of the Eastern Borderlands in connection with the rebirth of Poland. These representations were a persuasive message addressed to Polish and foreign audiences, the purpose of which was to convince them of the importance of this issue in Czartoryski’s plan for the restitution of the Polish state.

Partisan media discourse and its impact on community security

The research deals with the media and its most influential role in societies in the world, and perhaps Iraq is among the countries in which democratic change and openness took place at the media level since 2003.
 The absence of a firm censor has led to a state of media chaos prevailing in most areas and on a large scale, far from professional ethics. Particularly the media owned by parties and political blocks are establishing a political reality in which there are many problems that require objective and rational solutions from the relevant authorities to limit this conflict between partisan interest and the national interest, especially in a country that is witnessing fragmentation and the rise of sub-identities at the expense of national identity, and the rampant administrative and financial corruption.
 The essence of the research is to seek to study this problem scientifically and to investigate the nature of the conflict that occurs in the discourse and performance of many ideological Iraqi satellite media channels that follow political parties, and to study the contents of their political programs realistically for the purpose of limiting the abuses that hinder the achievement of societal security and political stability. The conscious public must be involved, based on its understanding and life experiences, in political issues, so that there is a kind of harmony between the media, politicians, and the public.