Political Program Research Articles

Political Doctrines of Neo-Pagans: from the Community of Equals to the State of the Selected Fewy

Since the emergence of the phenomenon of the Soviet (later Russian) new paganism, the ideologists of the movement set out to develop their own political programs, consisting of utopian projections aimed at the functioning of nativist religious groups in the reality of a hostile/neutral environment. These plans listed as their ultimate goals the raising of paganism to the level of the state ideology and even the complete reorganization of the Russian Federation into a new theocratic state headed by a formal cast of cult worshippers: magi and sacrifi cers. The purpose of this article is to examine the central political concepts of the leaders of the Russian pagan movement of the last third of the 20th — fi rst third of the 21st centuries. The experience of Dobroslav (A. A. Dobrovolsky), who laid the foundations of this worldview for decades to come, is taken as a biographical example of the pagan political development. Dobroslav’s concept received its further development, and underwent the transformation in the course of the quest of magus Velimir (N. N. Speransky) and subsequent ideologists of the Russian religious nativism. As a result of the research, the author of the article arrives at the conclusion about the continuity of the neo-pagan political doctrine and the constancy of the central strata. Those include the organization of “their own” space in the form of self-governing (veche) communities, independent of the “outside world” and aimed at the gradually expanding infl uence up to the complete seizure of power. This can be achieved either through the strengthening and development of diasporic pagan groups (a “peaceful” evolutionary option), or through the violent overthrow of an existing state institution (a “military” coup). Other goals include creating an ethnic hierarchical system subordinate to theocratic leaders as pagan leaders of the nation and strengthening contacts with representatives of the indigenous peoples of the Russian Federation, carriers of pre-Abrahamic beliefs and with “co-religionists” from abroad. In terms of the worldview, we can see a signifi cant infl uence of eschatological views and conspiracy theories; rejection of the off icial science, political and economic systems and reliance on the author’s constructs of community leaders and individual ideologists of the neo-pagan community. It should be noted that this “set” of neopagan constants is subject to modernization taking into account the current (topical) trends in the development of the political system in Russia and the world as a whole.

Define and Explain the Concept of Rationality in the Context of Voting and Political Behavior

Voter behavior is the study of how people vote at the time of voting and what factors influence their voting behavior through political participation. According to Harrop and Miller, voting behavior is influenced by the sociological aspects of individuals or societies, such as occupational groups, origins, gender, and age, while for politicians; voting is influenced by political programs and campaigns implemented by politicians. The aim of this research paper is to investigate the rationality of voting and voter behavior in both sociological and political ways and to present the characteristics that should be present in order to vote rationally.

Advancing into Spaces of Possibility: How the Fridays for Future Movement Intertwines Future-Making Practices with the Creation of Educational Formats

The article explores the question of how political and pedagogical programs are intertwined in the process of designing a sustainable future, using the climate change protest movement Fridays for Future (FFF) as an empirical example. Particular attention is payed to the German Public Climate Schools, a collection of educational courses offered by FFF. The FFF movement emphasizes science and education and has created postdigital spaces for climate education. The article outlines the connection between education and the future, describes FFF and its approach to designing a sustainable future, explores the educational spaces developed by the movement via an analysis of some of the movement’s Twitter (now rebranding as ‘X’) feeds and web site, and provides a basis for further reflection and exploration. It is argued that the FFF movement represents a contemporary form of political future practice that is focused on creating a livable and shapeable future within a postdigital context.

Expert methods use in undergraduate political science programs

The article studies experience of using expert methods in undergraduate political science programs. The author pays special attention to expert assessments algorithms development in conditions as close as possible to real political campaigns. The article describes experience of organizing expert assessments by students of the State University of Management within the framework of the educational project of a socio-political situation in a city in the context of municipal elections, implemented in the process of studying such disciplines as Methods of Political Science Research and Political Analysis. The key factors of successful expert methods application in educational process include the approach to the experts selection, their informational and organizational-methodological preparation for work, and strict adherence to the prescribed algorithms in the course of expertise.

ПРОБЛЕМА «ЛИЧНОСТЬ И ИСТОРИЧЕСКИЙ ПРОЦЕСС» В ТЕОРЕТИКО-ФИЛОСОФСКОМ НАСЛЕДИИ ИДЕОЛОГОВ ПАРТИИ СОЦИАЛИСТОВ- РЕВОЛЮЦИОНЕРОВ (ЭСЕРОВ)

Одним из «белых пятен» в теоретическом наследии прошлого является конструктивное освещение философских воззрений идеологов партии социалистов-революционеров, одной из крупнейших партий дореволюционной России, которая имела свои организации во всех регионах российской империи, включая Туркестан. Обращение к истории взаимоотношений политических партий в России до и после Октябрьской революции, анализ их политической программы и философских воззрений помогает глубже понять атмосферу того времени во всей ее сложности и противоречивости, способствует развитию нашего политического мышления. Проблема «Личность и исторический процесс» в теоретико-философском наследии идеологов партии эсеров связана с пониманием ими роли личности в истории, а также с обоснованием террористической деятельности. Специфика истолкования идеологами партии эсеров данного вопроса, по мнению авторов, связана с пониманием ими сущности человека. Как показано в статье, для эсеров было характерно натуралистическое истолкование человека, которое опиралось на биопсихическое понимание личности. Как считают авторы, социалисты-революционеры придерживались позитивистской установки, так как стремление познать объективные законы общественного развития рассматривалось ими как ненаучная попытка, поскольку их истинность не может быть проверена опытным эмпирическим путем. Социологические законы, по мнению эсеров, неизбежно преломляются в человеческой психологии, находят в ней свое подлинное выражение. Социалисты-революционеры исходили из принципов субъективного метода в социологии, разработанного П.Л.Лавровым и Н.К.Михайловским, дополнив их идеями, взятыми из западноевропейских субъективно-идеалистических течений. Обосновывая террор, социалисты-революционеры, исходили из биопсихического понимания личности. Рассматривая террор как возбуждающее и революционизирующее средство, они считали, что с помощью террора можно воздействовать на психику индивида. Абсолютизация биологических и психологических моментов в человеке способствовала неправильному анализу политической обстановки в стране, что делало, в какой-то степени, утопичной и саму политическую программу эсеров.

Influence of PMPD on Twenty-First Century’s Political Movements in Nepal

General Secretary Madan Bhandari’s widely embraced concept, People’s Multiparty Democracy (PMPD): A Program of Nepali Revolution, received overwhelming endorsement during the Fifth Congress of CPN (UML) in 1993. This ideology seamlessly melds democracy and socialism, with distinct Nepali societal characteristics. Originally introduced as a political program, PMPD has since evolved into an indispensable guiding principle in shaping political developments following the restoration of democracy in 1990. In the wake of the publication of the 1848 Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, PMPD stands as a profoundly innovative contribution to communist political philosophy. It stands out for its successful integration of the fundamental tenets of democracy and the well-being of the populace. During a pivotal moment in the global communist movement, marked by the disintegration of the USSR and the downfall of communist governments worldwide, PMPD encapsulates the essence of a New Democracy, embodying the defining characteristics of the burgeoning capitalist democratic revolution within the unique context of Nepali geopolitical dynamics. As a revolutionary concept, PMPD is underpinned by the philosophical cornerstone of opposing feudalism, imperialism, and the stranglehold of comprador capitalism. It achieves this through people-centric programs, active participation in mainstream politics, and the promotion of rational, merit-based leadership. PMPD plays a pivotal role in facilitating a seamless transition from a century-long, centralized unitary system with monarchy to a federal democratic republic. Furthermore, the Constitution of Nepal 2015 incorporates several noteworthy features, including dynamism and flexibility, while firmly afirming the sovereignty and state power vested in the people through periodic elections.

Implementing the Role of The Ngos in Curricular and Societal PPKn Through Political Literacy in Indonesia

The importance of political literacy in improving people's understanding of political education, citizens' rights and obligations, and being able to actively participate in the democratic process. In this context, NGOs have the potential to contribute to developing political literacy that is more effective and has a wider impact. Although Civics is an integral part of the curriculum, the challenge of teaching democratic values and effective political participation can still be implemented by NGOs as a form of curricular and societal Civic education. Penguatan Pendidikan Karakter, PPKn (Civic Education) is a Nawa Cita (government program) mandate proclaimed by President Joko Widodo about carrying out a character revolution. Civic education also concerns the personality or morals of students because the current generation is the golden generation who will become leaders in 30 years. The research in this paper aimed to find out the role of NGOs related to political literacy in society through education and advocacy strategies. The research method used was qualitative with data collection techniques of observation, documentation, and structured, open, and in-depth interviews with informants selected by purposive sampling. The findings were based on the results of research conducted for six months from January to June 2023 with limitations in regional coverage. The political literacy program was declared successful in demonstrating the role of NGOs with the strategy of conducting political literacy training, providing easy-to-understand political information, holding public discussions, inviting people to get involved in the political process, and establishing partnerships with government institutions and civil society. Political literacy activities have a positive impact on participants although it is not seen and impacted directly by the entire community. As a conclusion, through political literacy, NGOs can help people become politically literate, less susceptible to political issues, and more open in their political thoughts and actions.

The Environmental Agenda in the Election Programs of Russian Political Parties

The article is devoted to the study of environmental agenda in the Russian political field on the example of the analysis of the election programs of Russian political parties. The study analyzes the factors and features of the inclusion of the environmental issues in the political programs of Russian political parties. The main environmental problems raised by political parties and the dynamics of its considering were highlighted, and the specific of their discursive representation were analyzed. The study revealed the following features of the appeal of political actors to environmental issues: techno-utopianism as an unconditional belief in “green technologies” that does not imply major institutional changes; eco-populism, manifested in the connection of environmental problems with more popular social issues; ritualization as a formal mention of the “green” agenda, which does not receive careful consideration. Special attention was paid to the (un)formation of the climate agenda in Russia, which showed the limitations of the global process influence on the Russian political agenda. The study was carried out on the basis of a qualitative methodology.

“Model Opera” of the 20th Century in Chinese Musical Culture

The article is devoted to the problem of studying the conditions of development of musical culture in China, in particular, the creation of the twentieth-century model opera, as a result of the synthesis of the East-West arts. The purpose of this article is to determine the components of the opera model and to indicate the prerequisites for its creation. The research methodology is based on the use of the hermeneutic-comparative method, which allows studying the model of Chinese opera in accordance with the conditions of the historical development of musical culture, as well as general scientific methods of analytical and historical-descriptive content, which formed, among other things, the methodological foundations of the art and cultural studies accepted for the study to understand the patterns and generalisations in accordance with the definition of the popularity of the twentieth-century opera model in Chinese culture. The scientific novelty lies in the universalisation of approaches to the synthesis of art in the East-West context and the study of the peculiarities of the existence of vocal and stage art in China as a component of the country's political programme of development and as a carrier of ideology. Conclusions. It has been determined that the performing tradition and functioning of vocal and stage art in China has a synthetic character, which took shape in the 19th century, but became active in the 20th century. The concept of a model opera came into use as an exemplary component of vocal and stage art that reflected political views and was also a carrier of the country's ideology. The creation of a number of operas based on the same model did not limit the development of Chinese musical culture, but rather created the conditions for the formation of a completely individual, unique national genre, which was embodied in a kind of model opera with its numerous experiments, but at the same time, some of its initiatives were distilled and even canonised into semantic units, performance practices, and norms of musical structure. Key words: model opera, Chinese music, vocal and stage performance, East-West, ideology.

Decolonising Politics and International Relations Classrooms: Reflections from the “Field”

International Relations (IR) is a discipline founded upon and shaped by colonialism and Eurocentrism. Its Eurocentric tropes and myths distort the discipline's historiography and its perceptions of why and how it was founded, and for what purpose, such that race and colonialism are eliminated from mainstream discussions of disciplinary history and IR's main themes, concepts, and theories. This is reproduced in both the teaching and research of IR. Focusing on the former, this paper reflects on my experiences as the convenor of a course on colonialism. This is a second year, core course in the Politics and IR program at UNSW Sydney. The explicit purpose of the course is to contribute to decolonising UNSW's Politics and IR curriculum by centring Indigenous perspectives of colonialism and IR, critically interrogating the racism and Eurocentricity of Politics and IR, and exploring how colonialism shaped the world we live in and continues to inform our world and our lived, everyday experiences. This paper explores the concepts and theory informing the pedagogical praxis employed in the course, this praxis itself, and critically reflects on the achievements, challenges, and pitfalls of actively attempting to contribute to decolonising the IR classroom within Australia's settler colonial context.

The Urgency of Returning the People's Consultative Assembly Authority in Determining the Outlines of the Nation’s Direction

The role of the MPR after the amendments to the 1945 Constitution carried out in the reform era has reduced most of the power of the MPR which was originally as an implementation of people's sovereignty, as stipulated in Article 1 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution. As a result, the MPR of the Republic of Indonesia showed that as an permanent state high institution, although they continue to function as ad hoc organizations. Furthermore, the government's development became unsure and tended to be chaotic after the Indonesian People's Consultative Assembly abolished the power to define the country's direction, prioritizing only the five-year political program. By placing restrictions on the drafting of these provisions, restoring the People's Consultative Assembly of the Republic of Indonesia's power to make decisions, it is hoped that it will become a function of social control of the Citizen. Based on the description above, the following problems are formulated: 1. The urgency of returning the MPR's role to make decisions as a function of citizen social control. 2 Restore the authority of the MPR to make the outlines of the nation’s direction as a guideline for state development. In order to discuss this, a historical approach, a statutory approach, and a conceptual approach are combined with a normative legal research methodology.

Earth-Observation-Based Monitoring of Forests in Germany—Recent Progress and Research Frontiers: A Review

One-third of Germany’s land surface area is covered by forest (around 11.4 million hectares), and thus, it characterizes the landscape. The forest is a habitat for a large number of animal and plant species, a source of raw materials, important for climate protection, and a well-being refuge for people, to name just a few of its many functions. During the annual forest condition surveys, the crown condition of German forests is assessed on the basis of field samples at fixed locations, as the crown condition of forest trees is considered an important indicator of their vitality. Since the start of the surveys in 1984, the mean crown defoliation of all tree species has increased, now averaging about 25% for all tree species. Additionally, it shows a strong rise in the rate of dieback. In 2019, the most significant changes were observed. Due to the drastic changes in recent years, efforts are being made to assess the situation of the forest using different remote sensing methods. There are now a number of freely available products provided to the public, and more will follow as a result of numerous projects in the context of earth-observation (EO)-based monitoring and mapping of the forests in Germany. In 2020, the situation regarding the use of remote sensing for the German forest was already investigated in more detail. However, these results no longer reflect the current situation. The changes of the last 3 years are the content of this publication. For this study, 84 citable research publications were thoroughly analyzed and compared with the situation in 2020. As a major result, we found a shift in the research focus towards disturbance monitoring and a tendency to cover larger areas, including national-scale studies. In addition to the review of the scientific literature, we also reviewed current research projects and related products. In congruence to the recent developments in terms of publications in scientific journals, these projects and products reflect the need for comprehensive, timely, large-area, and complementary EO-based information around forests expressed in multiple political programs. With this review, we provide an update of previous work and link it to current research activities. We conclude that there are still gaps between the information needs of forest managers who usually rely on information from field perspectives and the EO-based information products.

Kemalism vs Erdoğanism: Continuities and Discontinuities in Turkey’s Hegemonic State Ideology

: For over a decade the Turkish ruling party, AKP, is consciously trying to construct a new historical narrative by contesting, and replacing, the dominant ideological doctrine of Kemalism. In so doing, the Turkish government recycles the past selectively and interprets the present in terms of historical myths to offer a counter-memory, challenging the Kemalist indoctrination in Turkish society. Thus, the article focuses on the core socioeconomic and political program of ‘Yeni Türkiye’ (New Turkey) of the AKP, and Recep Tayyip Erdogan in particular, and explores how a counter memory is being constructed. It analyses the methods, discourses, and repertoires employed to cast a new narrative to hegemonize Turkish society and politics into the future, as Kemalism did in the past. Finally, it discusses continuities and discontinuities between Kemalism and Erdoğanism.

Hong Kong's Networked Agitprop: Popular Nationalism in the Wake of the 2019 Anti-Extradition Protests

Hong Kong's protest movements have created a repertoire of symbolism in artworks and artefacts that make statements about the political status of the city. This article analyses the protest art that emerged during the 2019 anti-extradition protests. We explore how actors produced a sense of “Hong Kong-ness” and distributed political meanings through networked agitprop: a form of strategic communication that links people and ideas together in both physical and digital contexts, through emotional appeals in the service of a grassroots political programme. By analysing examples of such agitprop, we show how the movement organically constructed networks of meaning to promote its ideas of people, nation, and even independence. However, we also find that the commitment to nationalist frames of reference ultimately prevents such art from re-imaging Hong Kong outside the confines of nations and that it even inadvertently reproduces the systems of power it ostensibly sets out to challenge.

Development of Energy Recovery from Waste in Slovakia Compared with the Worldwide Trend

With societal development and population increase, the amount of waste and energy consumption is also increasing. The use of waste for energy production is gradually establishing in the international and national legal norms and political programs of most developed countries around the world. Many experts are beginning to be inclined to hold the opinion that it will be necessary to include energy-recoverable waste as a renewable energy source. Slovakia is a country that understands the importance of producing energy from waste without harming the environment. The current paper focuses on the potential of Slovakia compared to other countries in the area of energy recovery from waste. With the use of regression analysis, the growth trend of municipal waste in Slovakia was defined. The results show that the Slovakian trend goes against the EU goals. On the one hand, this represents a very serious problem for the environment, but it also indicates the significant potential of secondary raw materials and energy in the case of energy recovery from waste.

Developing Entrepreneurial Society: Have We Ignored the Opportunities of Preschool Education?

Entrepreneurship education has much potential to act as the main driver for society, which promotes well-being, economic sustainability, and solving global wicked challenges, such as climate change. Thus, education strategies and political programs emphasize that entrepreneurship education or strengthening entrepreneurs’ activities should occur through the educational system. However, entrepreneurship education has its roots in adult education or teaching older students. In addition, the field reflects a business orientation, making it difficult for the theme to be integrated into education for young children. In this paper, we study “How has entrepreneurship education been studied in the preschool context?”. This study utilizes a semi-structural literature review which was conducted in the fall of 2022. This approach allows for a better understanding of complex areas within a given research topic, such as studying entrepreneurship education in the context of preschool education. Eleven peer-reviewed studies were included in the analysis. The articles were coded deductively and inductively using a concept-centric approach. The results show the potential of entrepreneurship education to be utilized more in educating young children if we want to develop societies more ambitiously. In general, more research is needed in the field. Furthermore, there is a need to study what happens in entrepreneurship education preschool interventions and what results can be achieved. Our research can also contribute to preparing educational strategies and developing curricula, providing ideas to early childhood educators.

OPTIMALISASI PENDIDIKAN POLITIK MELALUI IPEQ (INSTITUTION FOR POLITICAL EDUCATION BASED ON AL-QUR’AN VALUE)

Elections are an absolute requirement for every democratic country. Democracy is defined as a political ideology and system based on the doctrine of "power of the people" as stated in Article 1 paragraph 2 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. Q.S. Ali Imran: 159 also explains the political principles related to democracy, namely the involvement of the community in the policies of the authorities. One of the characteristics of democracy is the guarantee of the rights of citizens, where the state is obliged to respect, protect, and fulfill without discrimination. However, nowadays, one of the human rights related to political education to the public has received little attention from state administrators. Bawaslu data shows that 3.09 million ballots were invalid in the governor and deputy governor elections in 17 provinces. This is because the public does not understand how to use their voting rights properly, and proves that the government has been negligent in fulfilling its obligations to provide political education to the public in running a democratic electoral system. Based on the problems above, the authors form a grand design of political education through IPEQ (Institutions for Political Education Based on Al-Quran Value) which is a political education program through four main institutions, namely Regional Government, KPU, Political Parties, and Schools as regulated in positive law. Indonesia by applying political values ​​according to Islamic law, especially the Qur'an. It aims to increase public participation in elections as well as concrete evidence of the concern of state administrators in producing politically intelligent and religious citizens. In this study the author uses normative juridical research or also called doctrinal legal research

Optimizing the Role of the Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) Deliberative Bureau: A Systematic Literature Review

The Deliberative Bureau (Banmus) plays an important role in ensuring the smooth and effective work of the DPRD in making quality decisions. Optimizing the role of the DPRD Deliberative Bureau has great significance in improving the quality of legislative performance at the regional level. This study seeks to do discussion various steps and strategies that can be taken to optimize the role of the DPRD Deliberative Bureau. The literature search process was carried out on various databases (PubMed, Web of Sciences, and Google Scholar) regarding optimizing the role of the consultative bureau of the Regional House of Representatives. This study follows the preferred reporting items for systematic reviews and meta-analysis (PRISMA) recommendations. Efforts to optimize the role of the DPRD Deliberative Bureau can be made in a number of ways, namely: strengthening the role of legislation by increasing the capacity of members of the DPRD Deliberative Bureau in drafting and supervising regional regulations (perda), as well as involving stakeholders and the public in the perda-making process through dialogue and public consultation. Increasing the understanding of members of the DPRD Deliberative Bureau about the political system, democratic principles, and legislative tasks through political education programs, carrying out their duties in a transparent and accountable manner through mechanisms such as live broadcasting of the DPRD Deliberative Bureau meetings, regular publication of activities, providing access to information to the public, and establishing a complaint mechanism and handling complaints from the public. Increasing cooperation and synergy between the DPRD Deliberative Bureau and local government through the establishment of working groups, coordination meetings, dialogue forums, and synergy in regional development planning and budgeting. Carry out the oversight function more effectively through the mechanism of routine monitoring meetings, field visits, local government performance audits, inquiries, and interpellations, as well as reporting mechanisms and complaints from the public.

Pancasila Ideology in Political Education Programs

Pancasila is the source of everything related to the nation and state which reflects the soul of the nation (Volkgeist). In the life of the Indonesian people, in realizing the spirit of the nation, a political party was formed which is an important element as a supporter of the success of a democratic country. Therefore the Gelora Party as a political party needs to build and have good political will in the form of unity, attitude to defend and love the Indonesian people. Political education is the foundation for political parties which need to comply with the Pancasila Ideology. The condition of Indonesian society where some of them do not fully understand Pancasila Ideology needs to be guided, one of which is through political parties. The implementation of political party members in practicing political education needs to be maximized. So that the obstacles that occur in political education programs can be overcome. This research is based on the Theory of Policy Implementation and Theory of Constraints, with a type of qualitative research, as well as descriptive research methods. In this study, researchers looked for studies that were relevant to the research being conducted, reviewing existing research. Public apathy towards politics is one of the inhibiting factors, besides that the Indonesian Gelora Party is a new party which is constrained by human resources. The efforts made by the Regional Leadership Council of the Indonesian Wave People Party in Tangerang Regency in carrying out political education have been quite good through joint discussion forums to social media. The obstacle or obstacle faced by the Regional Leadership Council of the Indonesian Wave People Party in Tangerang Regency is having to compete with long-established political parties.

Symbolic Politics as a Tool in Social Protest

The article analyses the concept of symbolic politics and its potential for explaining the mechanisms and means of struggle used by social protest movements. A detailed discussion of the protest events that took place in Lithuania between 2021 and 2023 reveals how the symbolic capital of major national holidays and commemorations was exploited by the opposing political forces.Between 2021 and 2023, social discontent was rising in Lithuania and so was the number of mass protests in the country. The latter differed significantly from the previous ones not only in the geography and social composition of the participants (mostly not the residents of Vilnius but those of the province, representatives of the so-called lower social classes), but also in the problems and political demands they identified. The rhetoric used was more typical of the ‘culture wars’, with demands for systemic changes and calls for the resignation of some high-ranking officials or even institutions, such as the government of the Republic of Lithuania. The frequency of these protest events and the number of protesters have also been noticeably rising.The main reasons for the growing dissatisfaction of some citizens were the domestic and foreign policies implemented by the ruling coalition formed by the TS-LKD (Tėvynės sąjunga-Lietuvos krikščionys demokratai, Homeland Union-LithuanianChristian Democrats), the Lithuanian Liberal Movement (Lietuvos liberalų sąjūdis, LLS), the Freedom Party (Laisvės partija, LS) and the government it appointed at the end of 2020, as well as the legislative initiatives reflecting the so-called gender discourse. These protests were suppressed with the help of a negative image of the protesters in the mainstream media and (not always adequate to the situation) by demonstrating the measures taken by the force structures structures to control the civil unrest. However, early in 2022, protesters spontaneously discovered and exploited, sufficiently effectively, unconventional or openly counter-conventional symbolic political tools: they used major national holidays and commemorations and public events organised on those occasions, which became an arena for demonstrating openly their negative attitudes towards the political elite.With this in mind, the aim of this article is to take a closer look at the official commemorations of 13 January, 16 February, and 11 March, the three most important national dates in 2022, and the forms of civic dissatisfaction that were expressedduring them. The category of symbolic politics was used as a theoretical basis for the study and is presented in greater detail in the article. In addition to sources such as public speeches of politicians, broadcasts of these events, TV reports or discussions about them in official and social media, etc., anthropological participatory research was chosen as a significant method of analysis.Taking into account the specifics of the development of post-Soviet countries, the topic of the exploitation of cultural memory, especially related to the era of the national movement Sąjūdis (the time of the restoration of the state) in the accumulation of symbolic capital and in the solution of topical socio-political problems was of particular importance for the analysis of the interaction of symbolic politics and social protest. The mass protests of 2021–2023 illustrate how the Sąjūdis epoch and the political values and programming of Lithuania’s development put forward during that era are still being used to challenge, reject, and create a vision contrary to the currently established political discourse and its order, including the commemorative ritual. The ongoing struggle for the right to control the symbolic legacy of the Sąjūdis and the lack of ‘feedback’ in political communication are fuelling hostility and radicalisation on both sides of the conflict. The struggle for the appropriation of the memory and moral capital of the Sąjūdis (and of the first Republic of Lithuania, from which the Sąjūdis evolved legally and symbolically) has become extremely significant for each of them, because the appropriation of this resource also plays the role of the legitimation of a particular political group. Denying the political opponent the right to this symbolic resource simultaneously denies any legitimacy they may have and at the same time eliminates them symbolically from the field of political competition.