Political Party System Research Articles

Migrant populations and external voting: the politics of suffrage expansion in Central America

ABSTRACTRecent decades have seen an enormous expansion in the number of countries allowing their nonresident citizens to vote from abroad, and an emerging literature has sought to identify the factors that lead countries to adopt such external voting policies. This article contributes to this literature by examining the heretofore neglected cases of El Salvador and Guatemala, both of which have large expatriate populations and yet were slow to adopt external voting. I show that the eventual adoption of external voting in these cases was influenced by persistent emigrant lobbying for enfranchisement, the diffusion of an international norm of external voting, and partisan calculations. I also find that two factors largely overlooked in previous research – resource constraints and crowded electoral reform agendas – help account for long delays in policy change. Differences in the reform process across the two countries reflect the varying impact of norm diffusion across countries and differences in the countries’ political party systems.

Party Regulations and State Laws in China: A Disappearing Boundary and Growing Tensions

In recent years, the intra-party regulations of the Chinese Communist Party have been rapidly expanding their reach towards state laws. The driving factor is the country’s distinct party system. Different from the ‘power-limiting model’ to which political parties belong in the constitutions of the United States and countries of Europe, China’s political party system belongs to an ‘empowerment model’—a model that has been strengthened over the past decade. Under the ideology of ‘the Party leads everything’, intra-party regulations are no longer limited to regulating Party organisations and Party members but instead extend to a wide range of matters of public administration. The boundary between intra-party regulations and state laws is becoming increasingly blurred, and a tension is forming with the values of popular sovereignty, checks and balances on power, and rights protection contained in the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China.

Linking active and activist citizens: electoral change and the Bosnian plenums

ABSTRACTThis article will examine whether the demands for social justice during the citizen-led assemblies (“plenums”) in February 2014 in Bosnia–Herzegovina (BiH) triggered electoral change in cantonal elections in the Bosniak–Croat entity (the Federation of BiH, or FBiH). Extant analyses underline the perennial weakness of Bosnian civil society, and the stasis in the ethnified political party system, even in the wake of the protests in 2014. However, these studies only look at the aggregate level and do not differentiate between places where plenums were established and those where they were not. To address this gap, the present article will differentiate, following Engin Isin, between “active citizenship” and “activist citizenship” as the basis for the conceptual framework. A difference-in-differences analysis will be employed using municipal-level FBiH cantonal election results from 2006, 2010, 2014, and 2018. There are two main questions in the study. First, was there a significant electoral change in municipalities with plenums compared with places without a plenum? Relatedly, did the change differ amongst the main parties? The article will thus link active and activist citizenship in the post-conflict and post-socialist setting of BiH.

Reformulation of the Monitoring on Political Party Fund System; A Case of Indonesian Political Party System

Political party is an entry point to affirm the Democratical State. In order to realize the function, political party needs operational fund so that the state issued Government Regulation Number 1 of 2018 concerning Financial Aid to Political Party which raised financial assistance to political party from 108 rupiahs per valid vote to 1,000 rupiahs per valid vote. However, it became polemic because of increasing political party aid fund without supervision of the management and reporting of aid fund. As a result of the absence of supervision, there is corruption in political party because the supervision of management, reporting of political party fund and sanction have not been done optimally so that political party is not able to accommodate and realize the principles of Good and Clean Governance as mentioned in Law Number 2 Year 2011 concerning Political Party. The purpose of this research is to answer the polemic of increasing political party budget related to the system of monitoring political party fund comprehensively. The method used is juridical-normative with legislation and conceptual approach.Keywords: Political Party, Fund System and Pillar Democration.

Revolution from Below: Cleavage Displacement and the Collapse of Elite Politics in Bolivia

For fifty years, Bolivia’s political party system was a surprisingly robust component of an otherwise fragile democracy, withstanding coups, hyperinflation, guerrilla insurgencies, and economic chaos. Why did it suddenly collapse around 2002? This article offers a theoretical lens combining cleavage theory with Schattschneider’s concept of competitive dimensions for an empirical analysis of the structural and ideological characteristics of Bolivia’s party system from 1952 to 2010. Politics shifted from a conventional left-right axis of competition, unsuited to Bolivian society, to an ethnic/rural–cosmopolitan/urban axis closely aligned with its major social cleavage. That shift fatally undermined elite parties and facilitated the rise of structurally and ideologically distinct organizations, as well as a new indigenous political class, that transformed the country’s politics. Decentralization and political liberalization were the triggers that politicized Bolivia’s latent cleavage, sparking revolution from below. The article suggests a folk theorem of identitarian cleavage and outlines a mechanism linking deep social cleavage to sudden political change.

Sociedade civil, partidos políticos e inter-relações: um estudo comparativo entre Porto Alegre e Montevidéu

Este artigo tem o propósito de realizar um estudo comparativo entre o orçamento participativo de Porto Alegre e a descentralização participativa de Montevidéu, tendo como centro analítico o papel desempenhado pelos sistemas político-partidários nos dois países. Nesse sentido, a investigação pretende oferecer elementos que auxiliem a responder à seguinte pergunta: até que ponto a natureza distinta dos sistemas partidários do Brasil e do Uruguai e suas ligações com a sociedade civil afetam a criação e o funcionamento das novas instituições participativas? Na análise buscou-se romper com a dicotomia normativa que separa a sociedade civil da sociedade política, presente em grande parte dos trabalhos acadêmicos sobre instituições participativas no Brasil. Após investigação baseada em fontes secundárias sobre as duas experiências e fontes primárias (entrevistas realizadas com integrantes dos Conselhos de Vizinhos, em Montevidéu, e com delegados do OP, em Porto Alegre), concluiu-se pelas influências distintas dos sistemas políticos nos casos estudados. Em Montevidéu, predomina, hegemonicamente, a participação de pessoas com uma longa trajetória na política partidária. No caso do OP de Porto Alegre, a baixa institucionalização do sistema político-partidário permitiu que os participantes não fossem constrangidos pelas identidades partidárias.

Эволюция российских партий и ожидания общества

The analysis undertaken in this paper indicates an increase in the inconsistency of the Russian party-political system with the modern demands of society. This is becoming one of the main reasons for increasing activity in the political space, accompanied by changes in the motivation of electoral behavior of Russians, which is characterized by an aggravation of the internal contradictions of public consciousness, an increase in social discontent, protest moods and desire for social change. The analysis is based on the data of the Russia Longitudinal Monitoring Survey of the Higher School of Economics (RLMS-HSE).

The impact of perceptions of politician brand warmth and competence on voting intentions

PurposeThe cultivation and maintenance of a brand is becoming increasingly important as politicians seek to connect with constituents. Through the lens of social cognition and group dynamics, this paper aims to understand the impact of evaluations of politician brands on voter intentions.Design/methodology/approachThree studies utilize the social cognition constructs of warmth and competence from the stereotype content model (SCM) and Brands as Intentional Agents Framework (BIAF) to evaluate the impact of brand perceptions on voting intentions, comparing fit between the models. The first study establishes the impact of these perceptions on existing politicians. The second study replicates these effects while controlling for party affiliation and extraneous factors and explicitly studies politicians as brands. The third study examines the formation of perceptions and assumptions when full information is unavailable.FindingsSocial cognition and group dynamics drive responses to politician brands. The data herein support perceptions of warmth and competence as significant predictors of voting intentions. Dependent upon whether the politician is being evaluated as a brand or a person, BIAF or SCM predicts the dimension that will be most impactful. These patterns persist in the absence of full information. As expected, voting intentions increased significantly when the voter was of the same (vs opposing) party as that of the candidate.Research limitations/implicationsConducted during an election year, evaluations of politicians are susceptible to the current political climate and the predominantly two party political system in which the studies were conducted. The design of Studies 2 and 3 addresses some of these limitations. Results point toward the interrelated nature of warmth and competence perceptions and the usefulness of applying both BIAF and SCM to understand how voters view politicians and the drivers of voting intentions.Practical implicationsThis study evidences the depth to which perceptions of candidates impact voting intent, establishing politicians’ unique position as both brands and people. These findings prove useful in interpreting the outcome of elections this year, and beyond.Originality/valueExpanding a limited body of existing research, this work contributes to our understanding of the application of SCM within the context of politician brands. As the first concurrent investigation of SCM and BIAF, these findings are of value to political strategists and academics alike. The contribution is augmented by the consideration of the impact of party affiliation and missing information.

ВПЛИВ ПОЛІТИЧНОЇ СИСТЕМИ ТА ДІЯЛЬНОСТІ ПОЛІТИЧНИХ ПАРТІЙ НА РОЗВИТОК ДЕМОКРАТІЇ: ПОЛІТИКО-УПРАВЛІНСЬКИЙ АСПЕКТ

The purpose of the article consists of complex research political and administrative aspects of the influence of the political system and activity of political parties on the forming of democratic principles of community development. During research uses on the complex of logical methods, in particular, comparatively-political, abstractly logical, and also scientific approaches: comparatively and bibliographic. In the article, complex research is presented politiсal-administrative aspects of the influence of the political system and activity of political parties on forming of democratic principles of community development. It is noticed that the determining line of the functioning of any political system is its interconnectedness with other subsystems of society, that is why national features have a degree of its democratizes and becoming a problem, and a method of functioning of power is the determining criterion of typologies of the political systems. Therefore at the research of influence of the political system on forming of democratic principles of community development, in particular, it is necessary to examine the aggregate of political institutes, relations and political and legal relations, which public relations are regulated by, viability and efficiency of functioning of that or other are provided as a system influence of which on development of the indicated principles is provided an implementation of its functions (normatively regulatory, informatively communicative et al). Is it set that becoming of the democratic system of public management in Ukraine remains foreground job of nowadays and factors which brake indicated becoming are at the same time selected, among which, in particular, disunity national elite, weakness of political institutes, political corruption. It allowed to come to the conclusion, that success of decision of this task on the domestic walks of life substantially depends on the combination of advantages of conservative and democratic types of acceptance and realization political-administrative decisions, which are examined as the quintessence of satisfaction of political requirements of individuals, task forces, and others like that in the process of adjusting of social relations. Taking into account its attention is accented on importance of prevailing foremost of state character in the activity of political parties, as main subjects of forming of political space, institutes of the state and optimization, politicaladministrative processes, what in Ukraine is not observed, that is the main factor of low efficiency of mechanism of responsibility of political power before electors. The scientific novelty of the article consists of execution complex research politiсal-administrative aspects of the influence of the political system and activity of political parties on forming democratic principles of community development. Practical meaningfulness of the article is related to the possibility of the subsequent use of its materials in an educational process and research secret services at research political-administrative aspects of the influence of the political system and activity of political parties on becoming of the modern system of democratic governance in Ukraine in the context of found out factors which generate considerable difficulties in relation to becoming of the indicated system on the domestic walks of life.

The Political Party System as a Public Forum: The Incoherence of Parties as Free Speech Associations and a Proposed Correction

The Supreme Court’s jurisprudence addressing the associational rights of political parties is both highly consequential and deeply inconsistent. It dates back at least as far as the Court’s White Primary decisions more than a half-century ago. In recent decades, the Court has imposed an arguably ad hoc formula, striking down regulations on political parties on First Amendment grounds in some cases, while upholding them in others. From a jurisprudential perspective, critics might point to insufficiently principled distinctions between these cases. From a normative perspective, the very expansion of First Amendment rights to political parties, like the parallel extension to corporations in Citizens United, is ripe for scrutiny. It relies on a questionable underlying premise: political parties, as entities, should be entitled to constitutional rights comparable to those afforded to individuals. As a consequence, this Article argues entities the Framers would have viewed as dangerous factions are empowered, and individuals—the literal targets of the First Amendment’s protection—are disempowered. This Article offers and explores a doctrinal alternative as a corrective: the American political party system should be treated as a limited public forum, subject to the Court’s well-established public forum doctrine.

RUSSIAN MULTI-PARTY SYSTEM IN THE NEWEST DOMESTIC HISTORIOGRAPHY

The study of the Russian multi-party system was laid by the 1990 conference held in 1990 at the Institute of Marxism-Leninism, the most important points of it can be considered the 2003 conference at the Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences in November and the international round table Russian multi-party system and Russian crises of the XXXXI centuries (Moscow, March 27, 2015). At first, the main systemic principles of a multi-party system were called integrity, structurality, hierarchy; conditionality of the development of the system by its relations with the environment, and the folding of the system of political parties was dated from the end of 1905 the beginning of 1906. It was believed that parties expressed the interests of certain social group classes and were associated with the masses. Subsequently, the researchers came to the conclusion that there were no purely class parties either in terms of their social composition or social groups and strata, whose interests were declared in programs and slogans; and a characteristic feature of the Russian multi-party system was that its creator and main character was the intelligentsia. Subsequently, a number of authors insisted on the purely intellectual essence of domestic parties, calling the Russian multi-party system a myth; most authors, noting the leading role of the intelligentsia in the organization and functioning of parties, were associated with certain masses. In general, the Russian multi-party system was significantly different from the multi-party system of developed countries.

ПОШИРЕННЯ ПОЛІТИКИ ПОПУЛІЗМУ ТА ЗМІНИ ІДЕОЛОГІЧНОГО ПРОСТОРУ У КРАЇНАХ ЄВРОПИ

Aim: To perform the geographic analysis of the socio-political context of mass spread of populist movements in European countries and to trace its impact on the ideological space in the European region. Methodology: The paper is based upon the historical-geographic overview of the pre-conditions framing the political and party systems development in European countries in the second half of the XXth century, analysis of populism spread dynamics across European states and speculation on the factors conditioning rapid populism spread becoming a major political trend f the recent years. Empirical data on the level of support of the populist parties in European countries is borrowed from the Swedish analytical think-tank TIMBRO, which compiles the authoritarian populism index for European states and provides data on the support level for populist parties of various parts of the political spectrum. We used the methodology of the T.Blair Institute for Global Change for classifying populist political forces in Europe. Results: The article presents the analysis of the key trends and dynamics of the electoral support for populist parties in the number of European states and a historical-geographic overview of the development of the political and party systems in the European countries in the post-War period. Also, it contains the analysis of the contextual factors of populism electoral support, namely those related to the changes in relations between political elites and their base electorate as well as those related to the changes in the external environment of political system development. Academic novelty: The article suggests employing theoretical perspectives of B.Moore (social origins of democratic institutes and evolution of the relations between political elites and their electorates) and S.M.Lipsett-S.Rokkan (development of the major socio-political cleavages in European states) while searching for explanations of the populist parties growing support. That is employing the terms of structural analysis of the party elites, their material, social and value base as well as historical and geographic context of their development. Practical significance: Ukraine faces similar to other European countries challenges of mass populism. The search for efficient strategies of countering this phenomenon requires comprehensive analysis of the European experience as well as comparison of the Ukrainian context and factors determining political party system and ways of electorate mobilization with the analogous features of the political space in the European states.

An Epidemiological Math Model Approach to a Political System with Three Parties

The United States has proven to be and remains a dual political party system. Each party is associated to its own ideologies, yet work by Baldassarri and Goldberg in Neither Ideologues Nor Agnostics show that many Americans have positions on economic and social issues that don't fall into one of the two mainstream party platforms. Our interest lies in studying how recruitment from one party into another impacts an election. In particular, there was a growing third party presence in the 2000 and 2016 elections. Motivated by previous work, an epidemiological approach is taken to treat the spread of ideologies and political affiliations among three parties, analogous to the spread of an infectious disease. A nonlinear compartmental model is derived to study the movement between classes of voters with the assumption of a constant population that is homogeneously mixed. Numerical simulations are conducted with initial conditions from reported national data with varying parameters associated to the strengths of political ideologies. We determine the equilibria analytically and discuss the stability of the system both algebraically and through simulation, parameters are expressed to stabilize a co-existence between three parties, and numerical simulations are performed to verify and support analysis.

ПРАВЫЙ ПОВОРОТ ИЛИ НОВАЯ АЛЬТЕРНАТИВА ДЛЯ ГЕРМАНИИ

The article looks at the phenomenon of the modern right-wing radicalism in Germany. Special attention is paid to the emergence of the young and successful Alternative for Germany party, which became the largest opposition political force in the Bundestag after 2017 German federal election. Alternative for Germany is the first radical far-right party to get a substantial representation in parliament in the German post-war history. Firstly, this case shows the gradual legalization of far-right ideology in German society. Secondly, Alternative for Germany success can be seen as a part of possible German party political system conversion towards its further fragmentation against the backdrop of the CDU/CSU and the SPD low popularity and their inner-party disputes. “Undemocratic liberalism” of the political establishment on issues such as immigration and European integration also plays its role. Finally, the entry of the far-right Alternative for Germany into the Bundestag presents a new challenge to Germany’s politicians and changes the political landscape in general, complicating the party contention, improving the discussions quality and shifting political agenda to the right. However, a number of land election campaigns and especially the outcome of the European Parliament election have demonstrated obvious difficulties for the party when it is trying to build a political coalition as well as have shown the AfD limitations in the context of the modern Germany political process. The lack of strategic perspective, the lability of the party voters self-identity along with the establishment stepping up and adopting or intercepting some of the political slogans hamper the ratings of the German far right. Neither the intensification of the populist rhetoric nor the drift to the political center can help AfD to overcome its difficulties. The author pays special attention to the substantial rise in protest and nationalist sentiments in Eastern Germany that is reflected in the achievements of ultranationalist Pegida political movement, AfD and even neo-Nazi NPD party and also highlights profound differences between modern West and East Germany. About author: Anna S. BADAEVA, Cand. Sci. (Polit.), Research Associate, Sector of Political Theory.

La ricerca elettorale dell'Istituto Cattaneo

The present article relates the story of the electoral research project by Istituto Cattaneo since the early '60s up to 2001. It is a conceptual and methodological reenactment distinguishing three periods. A first phase (1958-1974) of quite exclusive attention payed to the continuity of both the political party system and the political behavior. A second phase (1975-1987) in which, under the pressure of electoral results strongly different from the past (i.e. referendum on divorce in 1974, regional election in 1075 and national election in 1976), studies were focused on cues of "change inside the continuity". Finally, in the third phase (1988-2001) the change - both on a structural and individual level - was the focus of scholars' attention. This transformation of the interpretative paradigms is view in relation to the research methods employed. Such methods progressively shifted from the ecological analysis of the vote based on official data of territorial aggregates to the analysis of self-reported individual behavior through surveys.

The (Trans)formation of Religious Capital in Indonesian Politics During New Order Era: A Case Study Of Nahdlatul Ulama

Religious capital always has crucial role in Indonesian politics. This paper aims to analyze the formation and transformation of religious capital in New Order era that has been heavily influenced by the dynamics of relationship between the state and religious groups, especially Islam, over time. As a case study, this paper will discuss Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). By analyzing the development of NU during the course of the New Order, it shows that the transformation can be divided in two phases. The first phase is the systematic weakening of Islamic movement since the late 1960s until the midst of 1980s. It is conducted by manipulation such as demonization of Islamic groups in 1960s, as well as by several policies and regulations such as simplification of political party system in 1973 and the enforcement of Pacasila as the sole principle for socio-political life in 1985. The second phase characterized by de-politicization of Islamic organizations since the midst of 1980s and at the same time, by capitalization of religious symbols and identity by individual politicians in political practices during 1990s.

Validating and Improving Voting Advice Applications: Estimating Party Positions Using Candidate Surveys

Abstract Locating political parties correctly regarding different policy issues is not just crucial for research on parties, party competition, and many similar fields but also for the electorate. For the latter, it has become more and more important as the relevance of voting advice applications (VAA) has increased and as their main usage is to compare citizens’ policy preferences to the offer of political parties. However, if party positions are not adequately assigned, citizens are provided with suboptimal information which decreases the citizens’ capacities to make rational electoral decision. VAA designers follow different approaches to determining party positions. In this paper, we look beyond most common sources like electoral manifestos and expert judgments by using surveys of electoral candidates to validate and improve VAAs. We argue that by using positions derived from candidate surveys we get the information by the source itself, but at the same time we overcome most of the disadvantages of the other methods. Using data for the 2014 European Parliament election both in Greece and Germany, we show that while positions taken from the VAAs and from the candidate surveys do match more often than not, we also find substantive differences and even opposing positions. Moreover, these occasional differences have already rather severe consequences looking at calculated overlaps between citizens and parties as well as representations of the political competition space and party system polarization. These differences seem to be more pronounced in Greece. We conclude that candidate surveys are indeed a valid additional source to validate and improve VAAs.

The Politics Insurgents Make: Reconstructive Reformers in American and British Postwar Party Development

As political parties and party systems across the democratic world are being roiled by insurgent challengers, political scientists need to think more systematically about insurgents and the politics they make. In this article I propose a new analytic framework for the study of electoral insurgents and their systemic impact on politics. Varying along dimensions of regime- and party-orientation, I argue that insurgencies unfold in four distinct patterns: reconstructive; co-optive; reorienting; and reactive. I make the case for one particular type by comparing two reconstructive insurgencies during the postwar period in which the structure, rules, and procedures of an existing major party were challenged and reformed: the New Politics movement inside the Democratic Party; and the New Left in the British Labour Party. In both cases, reconstructive insurgents had durable effects on party development by altering the rules of the game and shifting the organizational terrain on which subsequent political contests unfolded. These cumulative changes institutionalized a reformist dynamic in both parties that has routinely drawn organizational issues into intraparty contests, undermining the legitimacy of the parties over time. Thinking systematically about the politics insurgents make offers a new way of understanding the role of social movements and political entrepreneurs in party development.

Model Setting of Political Party System and Electoral Systems to Prevent Political Corruption

Abstract. This study aims to analyze and examine the causes of political parties to systemic corruption and efforts to save them from corruption. Political parties are important actors in democracy in a country. Democracy manifests in the form of election, the main actor of the election is a political party. If the main actor of corruption is confirmed, democracy and elections will fall. The result is a bad stigma in political parties: democracy yes political party no. Based on the research result that the cause of political party of corruption: First, the placement of political party as an important agent in state structure of Indonesia Post-amendment of 1945 Constitution, but it is not balanced with recruitment model of political party cadre that meritokratic, integrity and, responsibility to the public. Secondly, financing for running the organization of political parties is very expensive, especially if the political parties are projected to win the seats of DPR / D, governor/regent/mayor and president. Third, the choice of model of legislative election system in 2009 and 2014 based on Law Number 10 Year 2008 and Law Number 12 the Year 2012 on General Election of DPR, DPD, and DPRD (Indonesian Legislative Election) members are the most open-based voting proportional system. The recommendations for reforms to save political parties from corruption through party system and election system aspects are (1) to improve the recruitment model of political party cadre; (2) making alternative for financing model of political party organization; (3) tightening the requirements of political parties into election participants; (4) eliciting election costs by returning to open proportional systems with sequence numbers, and (5) designing alternative mixed-model electoral systems.Keywords: Arrangements, models, political parties, general elections and political corruptionAbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis dan mengkaji tentang penyebab partai politik (parpol) melakukan korupsi sistemik dan upaya menyelamatkannya dari korupsi. Parpol adalah aktor penting dalam demokrasi di sebuah negara. Demokrasi terwujud dalam bentuk pemilu, aktor utama pemilu adalah parpol. Jika aktor utamanya korupsi dipastikan demokrasi dan pemilunya terpuruk. Akibatnya muncul stigma buruk pada parpol: demokrasi yes parpol no. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum empirisis (sosiologis) yang bersifat diskriptif-eksplanatoris. Karena penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif, maka cara memperoleh data dilakukan dengan studi pustaka dan observasi. Teori yang digunakan adalah teori korupsi politik, teori sistem kepartaian dan teori sistem pemilu. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian bahwa penyebab parpol korupsi: Pertama, ditempatkannya parpol sebagai agen penting bernegara dalam struktur ketatanegaraan Indonesia Pascaamandemen UUD 1945, namun tidak diimbangi dengan model rekruitmen kader parpol yang meritokratis, berintegritas dan tanggungjawab pada publik. Kedua, pembiayaan menjalankan roda organisasi parpol sangat mahal, apalagi jika parpol diproyeksikan untuk meraih kursi DPR/D, gubernur/bupati/walikota dan presiden. Ketiga, pilihan model sistem pemilu legislatif tahun 2009 dan 2014 berdasarkan UU No.10/2008 dan UU No.12/2012 Tentang Pemilu Anggota DPR, DPD dan DPRD adalah sistem proporsional terbuka berbasis suara terbanyak. Adapun rekomendasi untuk reformasi menyelamatkan parpol dari korupsi melalui aspek sistem kepartaian dan sistem pemilu adalah, (1) memperbaiki model rekruitmen kader parpol; (2) membuat alternatif model pembiayaan organisasi parpol; (3) memperketat syarat parpol menjadi peserta pemilu; (4) mempermurah biaya pemilu dengan kembali ke sistem proporsional terbuka dengan nomor urut, dan (5) merancang alternatif sistem pemilu model campuran.Kata Kunci: Pengaturan, model, parpol, pemilu dan korupsi politik

The Global Economics of European Populism: Growth Regimes and Party System Change in Europe (TheGovernment and Opposition/Leonard Schapiro Lecture 2017)

The expanding literature on growth regimes has recently been applied to explain the growth of populist movements across the OECD. Such applications posit a stand-off between debtors and creditors as the core conflict that generates populism. While insightful, the theory has problems explaining why, in some European countries, such movements pre-date both the global financial crisis and the austerity measures that followed, factors that are commonly seen as causing the rise of populism. This article takes a different tack. It derives shifts in both political parties and party systems from the growth regime framework. In doing so it seeks to explain the evolution of the cartel form of party that dominated the political systems of Europe from the late 1990s through to the current period and why that form proved unable to respond meaningfully to both the financial crisis and the political crisis that followed it.