Political Issues Research Articles

The political economy of national health insurance schemes: evidence from Zambia.

Governments in low and middle-income countries (LMICs) are increasingly considering the introduction of national health insurance scheme (NHIS) as a strategy to achieve universal health coverage (UHC) targets. The literature has widely documented the technical challenges associated with implementing UHC policies in LMICs but much less is known about the political process necessary to pass UHC legislation. In this article, we document the political economy issues surrounding the establishment of the Zambia NHIS in 2018. We adapted a political economy framework incorporating, semi-structured interviews with diverse stakeholders and document analysis of policies, operational reports, and legislatures from 1991 and 2018. Our findings show the 26-year journey towards the establishment of the NHIS in Zambia involved a long sequence of policy dialogue, technical review and stakeholder engagement. Our interviews with key stakeholders suggest that the act was eventually passed due to strong political will and dominant leadership of the Ministry of Health. Passing the law required trade-offs between choices influenced by stakeholder pressures and recommendations from research and actuarial studies. Another equally critical factor was the high public support and legacies of past policies, such as the removal of user fees that had created quality gaps and inequities in the health system. Furthermore, global ideas about UHC and initiatives implemented by other countries also generated support for Zambia's NHIS. Overall, this study highlights the complex set of political economy factors that need to align in order for governments to be able to adopt health insurance in low-income settings. We show that political leadership and commitment to getting reforms passed is crucial. We also highlight how certain narratives about countries in the global health sphere can shape policies in other countries.

The Impact of Discourse-Based Learning on Student Civic Engagement, Polarization, and Topic Comprehension

School often serves as the first opportunity for students to learn about civics. However, current systems of civics education may not be adequately preparing students to become actively engaged citizens. Given the growing discontent and polarization in American politics, there is a need for educational solutions to stimulate civic engagement and unity. While previous studies have shown that “interactive civic activities” can increase students’ interest in American civics, less is known about the efficacy of non-partisan, discourse-based learning techniques in fostering open-mindedness and a comprehensive understanding of political issues. These prompted researchers at the Institute for Youth in Policy (YIP) to study this topic. Researchers analyzed pre- and post-workshop data from a virtual workshop (n=36) and found that discourse-based civics programs are effective in decreasing polarization levels, increasing topic comprehension, and promoting civic engagement among youth.

Ideas and Methods of Cognitive Science in the Studies of International Relations and Foreign Policy

International studies have recently witnessed a renaissance of interest in the study of decision-making patterns related to the influence of individual and group actors and the resulting need to understand their deep psychology, the nature of their incentives and motivations. Such studies update the application of behavioral and cognitive sciences in the field of international relations and foreign policy, and encourage the adaptation of the methodology of specialized disciplines to solve complex socio-political problems. The present paper is an attempt to inventory key research subject areas and related literature, as well as to demonstrate the application of existing theories to the analysis of current political issues.

The emergence of international police cooperation in Europe with the creation of the TREVI group

The article examines the roots of international police cooperation in Europe, dating back to the creation of the TREVI Group in the 1970s. The format of the Group is considered and the reasons for its placement outside the format of the European Communities are explained. The centralization and formalization of international police cooperation in Europe, which was observed with the creation of the TREVI Group, is considered. The powers of the TREVI Group to fight terrorism are being investigated. It is emphasized that the granting of such powers to the Group was the result of a response to the threats faced by European states in the 1970s. The debate on the format of the group, which arose among European states, primarily between the United Kingdom, France and Germany, is considered. Germany’s proposals to create a centralized structure and the United Kingdom’s and France’s proposals to create an informal political association are under consideration. It is emphasized that the format of the Group reflects the asymmetric impact of security threats in different countries, which led to the unevenness of the preferences of the states during its formation. The Group’s chosen format reflected the «common denominator» of these political influences. Along with the existence of a common desire to develop international police cooperation, EU member states differed in their vision of the format of such cooperation. It is emphasized that the final format of the TREVI Group reflected the complex structural interdependencies in security issues between the member states of the European Communities and the politicization of security issues in domestic and international discourses. It is emphasized that the negotiations on the creation of the TREVI Group took place in conditions of strong internal politicization of the issue of combating terrorism, which shaped the preferences of states at the EU level. At the same time, the inability of states to agree on a formal structure led to the formation of the TREVI Group primarily as a platform for discussion and cooperation between participating states and an informal body promoting practical cooperation. It is concluded that the Trevi Group has become a relatively free political association, independent of the bodies of the European Communities.

Language, belief, and cultural resilience: Rastafarian discourse in Britain

This paper explores the intricate relationship between language, belief, and cultural resilience within the Rastafarian movement in Britain. Drawing upon interdisciplinary perspectives from linguistics, religious studies, cultural anthropology, and sociology, the paper delves into the unique linguistic practices, spiritual beliefs, and cultural expressions of Rastafarians in Britain.The paper examines the evolution of Rastafarian discourse, highlighting its distinctiveness and resilience within the context of Jamaican Patois and British multiculturalism. It analyses the role of language in shaping Rastafarian identity, resistance, and community cohesion, considering how linguistic practices reflect and reinforce Rastafarian beliefs and cultural norms.Furthermore, the paper explores the religious beliefs and practices that underpin Rastafarianism, particularly the reverence for Emperor Haile Selassie I and its implications for Rastafarian identity in Britain. It investigates how Rastafarian beliefs intersect with broader social and political issues, including race, colonialism, and social justice, shaping the movement’s engagement with British society.Finally, the paper examines the concept of cultural resilience within the Rastafarian community, analysing how Rastafarians in Britain have preserved and adapted their cultural traditions in the face of challenges such as racism, discrimination, and cultural assimilation. Overall, this paper contributes to a deeper understanding of the Rastafarian movement in Britain and its significance in the context of language, belief, and cultural resilience. It underscores the enduring impact of Rastafarian discourse and practices in shaping diverse cultural landscapes and fostering social change./ Keywords: Rastafarian colonial discourse, global dynamics, racial politics, Britain, societal integration, policy measures, fragmentation, Afrocentric interpretations, colonial resistance, prophetic salvation, cultural revitalization, London, African exploitation, white working-class culture

Das Frauenbild im Sozialismus. Eine exemplarische Untersuchung der Tageszeitung der rumäniendeutschen Minderheit Neuer Weg (1950)

Abstract This study focuses on the image of women in socialist society, as it appears in several articles on International Women’s Day in the Romanian-German newspaper Neuer Weg in the 1950s. The political authorities of the time would use Women’s Day to draw attention not only to problems specific to women, such as the protection of mother and child, women in the family and at work, but also to discuss political issues such as equal rights for women, universal, equal, secret and direct women’s suffrage and securing peace. The author takes the standpoint of sociolinguistics and pragmalinguistics in analysing and evaluating the linguistic data, whereby the language material points out particularities on a lexical, morpho-syntactic and pragmatic level.

Defending and expanding industrial democracy and worker cooperatives in an age of neoliberal globalisation

ABSTRACT Neoliberalism has reinforced inequality, environmental collapse, famine, refugee crises, supply chain vulnerabilities and more. We agree with Gibson-Graham (2006) that the core of the issue for a post-capitalist politics is to overcome the sense of the inevitability of the dominant system of political economy. With this argument in mind, we analyse the diversity, innovativeness, and resilience of two specific manufacturing alternatives to neoliberal capitalism: the Norwegian industrial democracy and the Mondragon Cooperative Experience. The cases show that each example arises from a unique history, environment, and has unique structures. This diversity shows that there are many paths to workplace democracy, such systems are capable of innovation, and they are internationally competitive. Our comparison also reveals that no successful equilibrium is ever static. Scaling (up or out) to secure market share presents a challenge potentially existential for both models. Reviewing their efforts for meeting these challenges conclude our analysis.

On the Role of Eschatology in the Ideological Confrontation between the Church and the Old Believers

The article describes the process of formalizing the eschatological teaching among the Old Believers and attempts to refute it by Church hierarchs. The focus is on the doctrine of the ultimate destinies of the world, which gained significant support among opponents of church reform in the latter half of the 17th century. The study demonstrates the con tinuity of ideas and the evolution of the views of the authors who explored in their works the theme of the reign of the Antichrist in the world and affirmed the idea that only the defenders of the old rite are able to serve the guarantors of the salvation of mankind. The authors built their arguments on quotations from the Holy Scriptures and their interpretations in patristic literature, explaining the facts of modern reality through them. Such constructions appeared quite convincing to the Russian population's religious consciousness, resulting in an increasing number of supporters of the Old Believer doctrine, turning the intra-church movement into a broad religious and social one. The fight against schism became relevant not only for the Church but also for secular authorities since the defenders of the old rite used the doctrine of the ultimate destinies of the world to justify their opposition towards governing bodies and solutions to social and political issues proposed by them. The Church battled against the Old Believers in alliance with the authorities. Council resolutions and legislative acts evidence this. The article concludes by arguing that the Church and authorities in the 17th – 18th centuries saw the main threat in the dissemination of the teachings of the Old Believers in handwritten propaganda texts, which necessarily contained a statement about the possible accession of the Antichrist in Russia. However, no attempts by the Church hierarchs to rebut the eschatological teaching of the defenders of the old rite were successful, and the religious-social movement only continued to grow. Both sides believed that eschatology played an essential role in the ideological confrontation between the Church and the Old Believers, substantiating the right to oppose the innovations brought into ritual and liturgical practice due to the reform.

Effectiveness of Civic Political Literacy Through Collaboration Between Schools and NGOs in Makassar City

<span lang="IN">The low political literacy of citizenship is an urgency in building community participation, so real efforts are needed to increase public understanding and awareness of political issues. This study explores LAPAR SULSEL’s role in the civic political literacy program in Makassar City in providing information, implementing political education, and collaborating with other institutions to achieve program goals. This research was conducted using descriptive qualitative research methods. The results showed that LAPAR SULSEL has a significant role in increasing civic political literacy in Makassar City. They provide information through publications on social media, seminars, discussions, and training using educational and advocacy strategies to build public awareness</span><span lang="IN"> about political issues. In this research it can be concluded that through the provision of information and effective political education programs, LAPAR SULSEL has succeeded in helping people become more active and aware of their rights and obligations as citizens. Therefore, this study has positive implications for the development of civic political literacy by emulating the efforts of LAPAR SULSEL in providing information and conducting political education</span>

Prevalence, Presentation, and Popularity of Political Topics in Social Media Influencers’ Content Across Two Countries

ABSTRACT Social media influencers (SMIs) are not only important players in marketing but have also repeatedly posted about political issues on their channels. Yet, we lack insights into the prevalence of their political communication, their portrayal of different political subjects, and factors driving content popularity among audiences. This comparative study tackles these gaps: Quota-based youth surveys in Germany and Belgium (N Total = 2,800) informed a YouTube content analysis in both countries (N Total = 5,740), which was complemented by video metadata (i.e. views and likes per views on videos). Our findings show that most youth encounter political content from SMIs, but on a more occasional basis. Correspondingly, we found that most of the SMIs in our sample addressed political topics rather sporadically. However, their political videos received more views and likes than their nonpolitical content, implying that their discussion of meaningful subjects garners audiences’ attention. Our five-year analysis further suggests that political topics have become more prevalent in their content over time, pointing to an upwards trend in their political communication in recent years. Moreover, findings indicate that lifestyle-based political topics (e.g., gender, health) are most frequently discussed by SMIs. Generally, political topics were most often presented in the form of commentaries or reaction videos, which has several theoretical implications. Last, our results demonstrate that commentary-style videos and those characterized by high infotainment are most liked by audiences, showing that this type of content resonates strongly with SMIs’ viewers.

The Macassan–Aboriginal relationship and the Commonwealth of Australia 1901–1906

The relationship between Macassan trepangers and Aboriginal people became a political issue for the Commonwealth of Australia between 1901 and 1906. The cultural interchange between these groups, and how their interactions were understood and acted upon by white Australian society, has been the subject of academic investigation. This article builds upon existing research and highlights that in the final years of the trade the Macassan–Aboriginal relationship raised diplomatic, constitutional and political questions for the Commonwealth before the trade was ended in 1906. The Commonwealth’s position has not been widely understood and is noteworthy for its disinterest and unwillingness to act against the trade.

Pope Francis as an influential leader? How papal statements affect public attitudes toward anti-poverty measures

Abstract Pope Francis has been very active in the public debate on several key social and political issues, gaining a role that foregoes the sphere of religiosity and morality. Overall, he has been perceived by the media and the general public as a leftist figure and even a modernizer. Nonetheless, little is known about the influence of Pope Francis' positions on public opinion, especially beyond the climate change issue and outside the US context. In this regard, this paper contributes to the analysis of the Francis effect on public support for poverty alleviation measures. By employing a survey experiment carried out in Italy, we therefore tested whether the papal endorsement of an anti-poverty measure during the COVID-19 pandemic affected people's support for it. The results highlighted a generalized Francis effect among the Italian public. In addition, trust in the Pope and leftist political orientation substantially enhanced this effect, while the same only partially applies to individual religiosity.

College Women’s Establishing of Peer Social-relationships and Communicating about Pandemic-related Political Identities and Topics

This mixed-methods study examines two research areas concerning whether U.S. women college students, compared with men, enrolled in online classes during the pandemic suffered from stress regarding their ability to socialize and negotiate a community/national political issue(s) affecting them negatively academically in terms of their grade point average and course outcomes, as well as whether the women would experience a sense of belonging and camaraderie with classmates by discussing topics impacting their identities and circumstances in terms of their individual and communal, social-relational, health, and financial pandemic contexts, which might also influence them negatively academically as stressors linked to their course outcomes and progress. Conducted in a rural, geographically marginalized area, the study implements survey and short-answer question instruments and utilizes an exploratory case-study design and a convergent-parallel strategy assessing 188 women and 188 men participants, including racial/ethnic minority and low socio-economic status (SES) women, with women’s median age of 23. of women and men surveyed, the former reported statistically significantly higher stress levels than men connected to the women’s need to socialize and tackle pandemic-oriented community and national political issues affecting their lives and statuses, which subsequently influenced their academic progress. Overall, the pandemic damaged women, especially racial/ethnic minorities, more than men, with women having higher stress rates revolving around their need for socializing (59% versus 33%) and addressing political issues (54% versus 32%), stressors hampering the women’s academic outcomes and status, as well as some experiencing additional stress regarding health and financial concerns. In response to these settings, 21% of women (n = 40) desired to discuss controversial topics, such as their pandemic stressors and related experiences in the classroom, including the pandemic’s political consequences for themselves, to promote self-expression, forge bonds, and seek and provide assistance in addressing all classmates’ academic, personal, and community needs.

Contesting Power as Political Theology: Traditionalist Islamic Preaching and Post-Secularism in the West

Traditionalist Islamic preaching in the West is not limited to the normative aspects of theology, law, and ethics. In addition, it addresses the most pressing social and political issues that Muslims are currently confronting in the West; it also challenges Western modernity in general and secularism in particular. Two critical sermons of secularism delivered by two of the most well-known traditionalist Muslim preachers in their respective countries—Hamza Yusuf in the USA and Hani Ramadan in Switzerland—are analyzed in this study. First, I shall examine the arguments put up by these preachers against secularism and in support of post-secular society. Next, I will study the rhetorical strategies used in these two sermons. Finally, I will discuss the relevance of these two sermons to the contemporary debates in the West on contesting secularism and multiple secularisms. It is argued here that traditionalist Muslim preachers see secularism as an encroaching power that poses a danger to the figures of authority and norms that control gender, knowledge, and education within Muslim communities and societies.

Identity Struggle and Ethno-Social Conflict in Papua: Uncovering the Root of the Problem and Finding Sustainable Solutions

Background: Papua Province is a region rich in diverse ethnicities and has complex social dynamics due to significant ethnic differences. Social conflicts in Papua are not only conflicts between individuals, but also reflect broader changes with cultural, political and socio-economic aspects.Objective: The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the determinants of social conflict in Papua based on ethnicity and to propose strategies for achieving sustainable social harmony.Method: This research employs a qualitative method focusing on indigenous Papuans, selecting informants such as traditional leaders, community leaders, youth, women, religious figures, and bureaucrats through in-depth interviews and literature studies conducted from July to August 2023.Results: Papuan ethnic identity is shaped by their unique cultural values and traditions, distinguishing them from other ethnic groups in Papua. However, the government's development programs fail to address this identity, contributing to the marginalization of Papuans.Conclusion: The conflict in Papua stems from Papuans fighting for their basic rights tied to their ethnic identity, rather than economic or political issues, highlighting the need for future research on development policies that respect this identity.

Money Politics in a Democratic Political System: A Case study of South Korea and European Countries

The issue of money politics in Indonesia has severely undermined democratic integrity, affecting equality in political participation, increasing the risk of corruption, creating disparities in political access, influencing public policy-making, and damaging public perceptions of the political system’s credibility. This study aimed to explore how other countries address the challenges of money politics and offered concrete solutions to strengthen democratic integrity. Using a comparative approach, the study examined money politics policies and practices, as well as assessed the effectiveness of anti-corruption and transparency measures in South Korea and Europe. The findings revealed that strict regulations on campaign financing and oversight by independent bodies have effectively mitigated money politics practices in these countries. Consequently, Indonesia is encouraged to adopt a similar approach by establishing an independent oversight body and fostering active public participation to address the challenges of money politics and high political costs, promote equitable political participation, and strengthen democratic integrity.

Echoes of violence: experiences of Palestinian Arab students in Israeli academia during the violent events of May 2021

AbstractThis paper investigates the challenges faced by Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel (PAI) who are students in Israeli higher education institutions amidst periods of national turbulence and violence, particularly focusing on the violent events of May 2021. Using interviews with students, academics, and members of civil society organisations, the paper puts forth a constructivist grounded theory model that charts the impact of the violent events of May 2021 on PAI students. It reveals that students’ experiences of violence, in various forms, give rise to a host of emotional, social, and political processes that heighten their awareness of the structural violence of the broader Israeli-Palestinian struggle. In response, PAI students withdraw both physically and mentally from their campuses and concurrently mobilise within their communities to address unmet needs neglected by official authorities. The perceptions of PAI students regarding their institutions’ responses to political issues are marked by intense cynicism—a sentiment that is mitigated by individual supportive initiatives by faculty members. Based on the findings, the paper argues that periods of political escalation are not to be viewed as fleeting events that heighten emotions but rather as critical junctures where identities and perceptions are formed, leaving an impact that lasts long after the immediate turbulence subsides.

Об обязательности трудоустройства как критерии освобождения от долгов

The article analyses the problem of whether a citizen deserves freedom from debt. The author has analysed German law on the issue of a debtor’s obligation to earn money and Russian judicial practice of refusing to release debts due to refusal to work or concealing income and comes to the conclusion that the inclusion of such a basis for non-exemption is permissible based on the interpretation of the standard of an honest citizen-debtor, but its acceptance is primarily a political issue.

Measuring norm pluralism and perceived polarization in US politics.

Recent research has shown how norms shape political and economic decision-making. Much of this work assumes that a single norm influences the behavior of all people, but in fact, many situations are characterized by the existence of competing normative viewpoints. We apply a method for measuring belief in the simultaneous existence of multiple norms. Such multiplicity arises naturally when norms are associated with distinctive groups, and thus political polarization can be characterized, in part, as a product of diverging norms between groups. We thus assess the validity of our measurement technique by testing whether it can recover polarization on seven salient political issues on which US Democrats and Republicans tend to hold different views. We then compare the norms elicited by our method to the norms of Democrats and Republicans elicited in a separate sample using an established and validated-but methodologically less rich-measurement approach. Our study uncovers a wide range of co-existing views between and within political groups. Partisans understand their group's norms and hold personal views that align with them. They can also recognize the diversity and polarization in US public opinion by identifying norms specific to political parties and acknowledging the variety of views within their own parties, which may indicate internal divisions. This research underscores the importance of nuanced approaches to political norms that go beyond party lines. By acknowledging a plurality of views, we can encourage productive discussions and bridge ideological divides.

Media Ownership and Its Role in Shaping News: Analysing Republika's 1999 and 2021 Coverage in Light of the 2024 Gaza Genocide

This study aims to examine the reporting of the Israeli aggression towards in the Indonesian newspaper Republika during the years 1999 and 2021, with a contextual reference to the 2024 Gaza genocide. The reports were selected through purposive sampling, focusing on direct coverage from both 1999 and 2021. Additionally, interviews were conducted with members of Republika's editorial team. Using Entman’s framing theory as well as Shoemaker and Reese’s Hierarchy of Influences model, the research identifies notable differences in news framing between the two periods. In 1999, the coverage in Republika largely emphasised political support from prominent figures, both in Indonesia and internationally, advocating for the defence of Palestine. In contrast, the 2021 coverage highlighted support from civil society, including athletes and celebrities. Differences are also evident across several levels of the Hierarchy of Influences model, with the media routine, organisational, and ideological levels being the most prominent. In 1999, Republika’s reporting on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the international section was relatively independent, focusing primarily on political issues. By 2021, however, the reporting followed a compartmentalised model, where one section complemented and connected with others. Despite the differences in time and ownership, Republika's stance on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict remained consistent. The newspaper continues to assert that the Palestinian people must be defended, a position shaped by its Muslim readership, who maintain a strong psychological connection with Palestinian Muslims. Keywords: Framing, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, media ownership, the influence of mass media hierarchy, Republika.