Political Campaigns Research Articles

Uncommon and nonpartisan: Antidemocratic attitudes in the American public

Democratic regimes flourish only when there is broad acceptance of an extensive set of norms and values. In the United States, fundamental democratic norms have recently come under threat from prominent Republican officials. We investigate whether this antidemocratic posture has spread from the elite level to rank-and-file partisans. Exploiting data from a massive repeated cross-sectional and panel survey ([Formula: see text] = 45,095 and 5,231 respectively), we find that overwhelming majorities of the public oppose violations of democratic norms, and virtually nobody supports partisan violence. This bipartisan consensus remains unchanged over time despite high levels of affective polarization and exposure to divisive elite rhetoric during the 2022 political campaign. Additionally, we find no evidence that elected officials' practice of election denialism encourages their constituents to express antidemocratic attitudes. Overall, these results suggest that the clear and present threat to American democracy comes from unilateral actions by political elites that stand in contrast to the views of their constituents. In closing, we consider the implications of the stark disconnect between the behavior of Republican elites and the attitudes of Republican voters.

A recipe for advocacy

First paragraphs: Before turning her attention to food and becoming a vice president of the James Beard Foundation, Katherine Miller advised left-leaning political campaigns and foundations on strategy and advocacy. We can be thankful she focused her attention on food and, while the title of the book suggests that it is a guide for chefs, anyone in the good food space can learn her methods of advocacy. Miller begins by explaining how chefs some­times do not realize that they have influence and access that most people do not because of the nature of their work. Everyone eats and influential people usually like to eat well. Using your access in an intimate setting to highlight the issues you care about is powerful. A chef’s platform can also gar­ner publicity against those you disagree with—remember in the last presidential administration when members of the cabinet were refused service at several high-end restaurants. . . .

Proposed Machine learning model for predicting Egyptian Parliament Election Results

Political life and election have become one of the most important comments on social media sites. Governments have shown a keen interest in predicting the results of elections, whether presidential or parliamentary. The purpose of this study is to predict the results of the Egyptian Parliament elections using sentiment analysis, specifically Support Vector Machines (SVM), Naive Bayes, Decision Trees, and Random Forests in the context of machine learning. In this study, a sentiment analysis approach is employed to analyze public sentiment towards political parties and candidates leading up to Parliament elections. The sentiment analysis techniques are utilized to classify sentiment from textual data collected from Tweeter; Data were obtained in November 2020 before and during election days. The study utilizes a machine learning framework to train and test the models using a labeled dataset of sentiment-labeled political texts. The findings of this study reveal that sentiment analysis using machine learning can effectively predict the results of Parliament elections. The accuracy and performance of each technique are evaluated and compared to determine the most accurate and reliable predictor of election outcomes. This study contributes to the existing literature by applying sentiment analysis techniques to predict Parliament election results. The use of machine learning algorithms in combination with sentiment analysis, offers a novel approach to election forecasting. The findings of this study can be valuable for political analysts, election strategists, and policymakers seeking to understand public sentiment and predict election outcomes accurately.

A Comparative Analysis of Advertising in the 2020 Presidential Elections & Phoenix Mayoral Elections using Natural Language Processing

This language model examines advertisements used for political campaigns, specifically the 2023 Phoenix mayoral election. Political microtargeting looks at the tone of content throughout Instagram and Facebook ads during the 8 months leading up to the election. Through various processing techniques, both written and spoken language within ads was collected and used Facebook ad API, associated with a target demographic or group within the platform. This allows campaigns to send targeted messages to voters based on factors like location, media preference, associated political beliefs, age, and other critical variables. This data was then compared to a peer-reviewed study by the University of Amsterdam, that studied Facebook and Instagram ads 8 months before the 2020 US Presidential election. Media companies often offer paid advertisements to a targeted audience, and during highly polarized world events such as an election, uncivil negative ads can be pushed to groups to which the shown ideology appeals. (Votta, F.) The question posed by Votta in the comparative study was: “TO WHAT EXTENT IS POLITICAL MICROTARGETING USED BY POLITICAL ADVERTISERS TO DELIVER TOXIC CAMPAIGN MESSAGES?” To study whether this optimization was occurring, the advertisements were run through a multilevel ordinal regression(Votta [https://www.aup-online.com/content/journals/10.5117/CCR2023.1.001.VOTT] et al., 2023). They took ads from official political campaigns and compared them to third-party groups. They then analyzed the size of the desired audience and compared the size of the audience to the verbal tone of the listed advertisement. Our results indicate that while traditional media remains an important part of electoral voting, show out, and postage signs and campaign events serve a purpose in reaching a wide, unrestricted audience, social media advertising presents a valuable resource in targeting specific groups of individuals who will be most susceptible to guided advertisement. Last, we analyze the implications of our findings in the 2020 Phoenix mayoral election, how city elections differ from a presidential election, and how micro-targeted advertisements might affect voter behavior.

A Kingdom of Possibility

A Kingdom of Possibility

Picture me in person: Personalization and emotionalization as political campaign strategies on social media in the German federal election period 2021

Due to the possibilities of direct communication with voters, politicians successfully use social media for personalization and emotionalization in election campaigns. However, since much of the research is based on text-centered analyses of individual platforms, we examine multimodal strategies of personalization and emotionalization of political candidates across platforms. Through a qualitative content and picture type analysis ( n = 401) of Facebook and Instagram posts, we identify seven multimodal personalization strategies in Study 1. We find that politicians use the two platforms differently; on Instagram, politicians present themselves more privately, whereas on Facebook, a more formal personalization dominates. In Study 2 ( n = 159), we use automated content analytical methods to examine the emotional expressions of candidates within their personalized posts. While positive or neutral emotions dominate the candidates’ self-representation on social media, differences between male and female candidates become apparent: Female candidates show significantly more happy faces than their male counterparts.

Donate to help us fight back: Political fundraising and toxic rhetoric online

Political candidates utilize social media to mobilize supporters, persuade voters, and raise money. However, little is known about the structure of mass electoral appeals when donors are the primary target instead of voters. Because candidates’ donors and voters can differ significantly, with donors more partisan and ideologically extreme on average, we theorize that candidates use strategic rhetoric tailored to specific audiences. To analyze how campaigns perceive and target their “financial electorate,” we leverage data from the Facebook Ad Library for 2020 U.S. congressional candidates and distinguish political ads by their persuasion targets. Using text analysis, we test the hypotheses that donor-targeting messages are more toxic, negative, and likely to reference a polarizing president than voter-targeting messages. The results support our hypotheses, and Republican candidates, on average, used more toxic language than their Democratic counterparts. As campaigns’ scramble for donations intensifies, these characteristics of fundraising appeals may further polarize the electorate.

The normatively troubling impact of attitudes toward the role of money in politics on external political efficacy

AbstractObjectiveWe explore whether Americans’ attitudes about the role of money spent on political campaigns and separately their attitudes about the influence of corporations impact their external political efficacy (EE) or perception that the government is responsive to them.MethodsWe conduct three independent sample surveys (total N = 2789) to measure individuals’ attitudes toward the role of money in politics (ARMP), attitudes toward corporations, and EE. We also measure political partisanship to test for moderating effects.ResultsARMP are strongly and positively associated with EE: those who are more favorable of the role money plays in politics view government as more responsive to them. This finding is specific to ARMP and does not extend to corporations, suggesting that public awareness of campaign spending is shaping individuals' views of government responsiveness. We find no evidence that this relationship is moderated by partisanship, despite differing views of money in politics between Democrats and Republicans.ConclusionOur results are normatively troubling and suggest that as campaign spending continues to rise, individuals will increasingly feel that the government is less responsive to their concerns.

The radical left and its political communication. An examination of the campaign activities of radical left candidates in sixteen Europe countries

In this paper we focus on the political communication activities of the candidates of the radical left parties (RLPs), emphasizing their campaign activities during electioneering. We aim to address three key questions. First, we seek to understand what type of political communication activities RLP candidates use. Second, we undertake a comparative analysis, contrasting these activities with those employed by candidates and MPs from other party families in order to identify any notable distinctions. Third, we explore the thematic emphasis of their campaign activities and whether it aligns with the commonly held perception of RLPs as less individualistic, particularly in light of the prevailing trend towards increased personalization in politics. Our data come from the Comparative Candidates Survey (CCS) and cover 16 European countries over the years spanning from 2005 to 2017. In sum, the findings present a nuanced perspective and do not conclusively demonstrate a distinctly unique type of candidate of the radical left.

The Policy of Belgrade towards the Turkish and the Albanian Minorities in the Yugoslav Federation with an Emphasis on Demography from the End of World War II to Tito's Death

In the article, the subject of research and analysis is the situation and status of the Turkish and Albanian minorities in the Yugoslav Federation after the Second World War, with an emphasis on Kosovo and Macedonia and the Yugoslav policy towards them. Because of the conflict with Kominform in June 1948 and the deterioration of the Yugoslav-Albanian relationship, the Belgrade leadership was worried about the reaction of the Albanian population in Yugoslavia. At the same time, to limit the demographic and ethnic invasion of the Albanians in Kosovo and Macedonia, Yugoslav authorities started a political campaign for their exportation. After the signing of the Yugoslav-Turkish agreement in 1953, which confirmed the convention from 1938 for the exportation of Turks from Yugoslavia in Turkey, the emigration into Turkey not only of Turks, but also Albanians, was legalized. Albanians in the Yugoslav federation got the possibility to define themselves as “Turks”, and thus to immigrate to Turkey (not Albania). In that way, many Albanians in Yugoslavia, mainly from Kosovo and Macedonia, declared themselves as “Turks”. In those years, Belgrade decided to intensify and renew the idea of emigrating the Muslim population, such as the Turks and Albanians, after World War II.

IRT for voting advice applications: a multi-dimensional test that is adaptive and interpretable

Voting advice applications rely on user input to match user preferences to political parties or candidates. Providing the input can be time-consuming, which may have a negative effect on participation. For individuals who are under time constraints or who are affected by survey fatigue, the participation threshold may be lowered if there is an option to conclude the test without answering all question items. The test result should ideally be close to the result that the participant would have gotten after answering the full battery of questions. We propose a method that allows respondents to conclude a VAA early and still get results with sufficient accuracy.The method proposed here extends the Graded Response Model and the Maximum Information Criterion, used in Item Response Theory. The aim of the method is to allow the user to control the length of the test. Furthermore, we want a simpler interpretation of multidimensional parameter estimates than we get from traditional MIRT. To achieve this, we propose an algorithm for adaptive IRT capable of selecting from a pool of items that belong to separate unidimensional scales. Using both simulated data and response data from a voting advice application project, we evaluate the accuracy of shorter tests implemented with our adaptive method. When only a few test items are answered, our proposed method outperforms a static-order IRT test of equal length in identifying the best match. We expect that implementation of the method can increase participation and engagement in voting advice applications.

The Forms of Political Participation in Coastal Communities during the 2020 Mayoral Election in Makassar

This research aims to analyze the forms of political participation of coastal communities in the 2020 Local Election in Makassar City. The research method employed is qualitative and descriptive. The study is conducted in the Sangkarrang Islands Regency, with data collection techniques including observation, in-depth interviews, and document analysis. The research took place from February to March 2023. The selection of informants was done through purposive sampling, involving 6 (six) individuals, including representatives from district and sub-district governments, election organizers such as the Election Commission (KPU) and Election Supervisory Board (Panwaslu), youth leaders, community and religious leaders, as well as women leaders familiar with the political forms and participation of coastal communities. The research findings indicate that the forms of community participation in the Makassar mayoral election are reflected in political socialization, campaigns, voting, and the counting process. During political socialization, participation is notably low due to occupational factors. In political campaigns, some members of the community abstain from campaigning, considering it unproductive and a waste of time, while others view it as a communal endeavor. The voter turnout during the election is high, reaching a percentage of 66.84%. Simultaneously, the vote count also demonstrates significant participation, driven by the desire to assess whether the elected local leaders align with community expectations

Fenomena Pasca-Kebenaran: Belajar dari Sejarah, Menyongsong Tahun Politik 2024

This writing aims to dissect several aspects of the Post-Truth phenomenon in general, including its definition, the reasons behind its emergence, its elements or characteristics, as well as its impacts. To make it easier to comprehend, real-life examples will be provided, both in the political and mass media spheres, which happened both internationally and within Indonesia. In this research, we use qualitative method through literature and internet review. Learning from history, the Post-Truth phenomenon is rampant during political campaigns leading up to elections. Therefore, as the year 2024 approaches, a significant political year in Indonesia, efforts need to be made to anticipate the negative impacts of Post-Truth. These negative consequences can foster distrust in society, provide opportunities for irresponsible individuals to take advantage, and potentially threaten the stability, security, and unity of the nation. To address this issue, all parties and authorities involved must collaborate and employ a multidimensional approach called the "Four-IS Solution," which includes efforts in philosophical, sociological, technological, and aesthetic education.

Social Media and the DIY Politics in Thailand's 2023 Election

This article argues that Thailand's 2023 parliamentary election was the first election in which social media played a decisive factor in the electoral outcomes. Prior to this election, social media was an important campaign tool, but it was unclear whether it made a difference in the electoral results. Based on our original post-election survey data (n = 1,249), social media was the most important media in governing vote choice. Social media was a crucial space for activation and conversion—motivating the undecided to become partisans and converting partisan voters to shift their allegiances. Thailand's 2023 election was also marked by a rise in the personalization of political campaigning, wherein citizens felt free to decide how and what their political participation looked like, and parties that encouraged inclusive and open engagement with politics were best poised to win in the electoral arena. Drawing on social network analysis of social media data, this article demonstrates how the Move Forward Party's (MFP) loosely structured and inclusive social media campaigns allowed both their candidates and supporters to mobilize individualized large-scale collective action, in contrast to their rivals who focused on traditional top-down style campaigning. Despite the MFP's winning social media campaigning that produced electoral victories, the party was unable to come to power due to an entrenched authoritarian political system designed to maintain the power of the country's autocratic elites. The Thai case demonstrates powerfully how autocrats might lose an election due to social media, yet still manage to hang on to power through entrenched authoritarian institutions.

Political Foundations of Climate Action: Some Uncomfortable Truths


 This paper questions two fundamental political foundations for climate action: that there is but one common humanity and that global warming is the most critical and immediate threat to the survival of humankind. It further argues that the philosophical foundations of climate action lack depth and precision. While ‘climate justice’ appears center-stage to climate action, its conceptual basis remains weak because it has failed to integrate the enormous work done on justice, human rights, equality, governance, democracy and civil society since the mid 19th century. In fact, ‘climate justice’ only makes sense as a part of an overall framework of equality rather than something sui generis. On a political campaign level, this paper argues that too much attention has been paid to global conferences such as the series of COPs culminating in the most recent COP 28 in Dubai. Much less has been done on charting how the dialogue surrounding climate action today is affected by the emergence of global corporations, rapid urbanization, growth of middle-class consumption and the growth of megacities especially in Asia. The paper suggests that it would be more fruitful to focus on the local/community and regional levels to promote familiar technologies and conservation practices rather than on global conferences and their associated statements. 

Digital transformation on the design and implementation of virtual political campaigns in Kuwait: perceptions and attitudes of politicians and campaign managers for bold innovation and social impact in Kuwait

Purpose This study aims to examine the perceptions of political figures and campaign strategists in Kuwait regarding the adoption of virtual political campaigns during the COVID-19 pandemic. By using an enhanced version of the technology acceptance model (TAM), it seeks to understand and quantify their attitudes toward these digital campaign methods. This study can be considered as a bold contribution to the discussion on digital transformation of virtual channels for the promotion of bold innovation and social impact in Kuwait. Design/methodology/approach Data was gathered from 82 participants, comprising 47 politicians and 35 campaign managers in Kuwait. A comprehensive method involving both questionnaires and face-to-face interactions was implemented to ensure a thorough collection of relevant data, aiming to support the research’s objectives effectively. Findings The results underscore the significant influence of perceived ease of use, perceived usefulness and the newly integrated factor of perceived convenience on the attitudes toward virtual political campaigns. These factors collectively shape the willingness and approach of political entities in embracing digital campaigning avenues. The findings also indicate that digital transformation in the design and implementation of virtual campaigns can be grounded on positive attitudes and perceptions. Originality/value The research fills a critical gap in existing literature by examining large-scale attitudes toward virtual political campaigns in Kuwait’s unique context. It offers novel understandings of how political figures and campaign managers perceive and adapt to technological advancements in campaign strategies, mainly during unprecedented crisis times like the COVID-19 pandemic. This study contributes to academic discourse and has practical implications for the evolution of political campaigning strategies in a digital age. A direct implication of our study is also the need to promote further future research on the capacity of digitally transformed channels for political campaigns to be venues of bold innovation. It also highlights the need to provide citizens with training and awareness for this new era of prompt responses to their requirements toward sustainable development and innovation.

Perempuan Sebagai Pemilih : Isu Utama, Preferensi, dan Dampaknya terhadap Pemilu 2024

This article aims to depict the main issues, political preferences, and the impact of women's participation as voters in the 2024 elections in Indonesia. Through qualitative descriptive research with the methodology of literature review, an analysis is conducted on the conditions of gender equality and sexual violence in Indonesia, considering women's political preferences in legislative and presidential elections, and discussing their impact on the strengthening of democracy in Indonesia. It is found that gender equality and sexual violence issues are the primary focus for women in the 2024 elections. Women's political preferences tend to be influenced by the personality and background of candidates. The participation of women as voters can have a positive impact on creating policies that are responsive to various women's issues. This research also underscores two crucial aspects: the importance of the role of political parties, candidates, and presidential candidates as contestants in elections to present concrete solutions to women's issues packaged in tangible programs or missions. Additionally, this article emphasizes that the success of elections is not only seen in their procedures but also in their substance, which must provide solutions or answers to women's issues in Indonesia.

Does Brown beat Biesiada? Name fluency and electoral success

Of the myriad cues voters rely on to evaluate political candidates, only one cue is available to all voters in all candidate-based elections — the candidates’ names. Drawing upon multiple decades of election data in local and congressional elections in the United States, I examine the relationship between the processing fluency (pronounceability and commonality) of political candidates’ names and vote share. I observe a strong, positive relationship for name pronounceability and more ambiguous results for name commonality. A one-standard deviation increase in pronounceability is associated with an increased vote share of 0.8 percentage points in congressional general elections, 1.4 percentage points in congressional primary elections, and 0.29 percentage points in local elections. Despite some sensitivity to how fluency is conceptualized, these findings suggest that the phonological characteristics of candidates’ names are consequential heuristics that voters use to evaluate candidates. Future research should seek to unpack the causal processes underlying these results by disentangling the racial and ethnic cues embedded in names.

The Role of New Media in the 2024 General Election Campaign

Political parties extensively used New media in the 2014 and 2019 general elections. This platform proved vital to the ruling BJP. Other political parties have learned from this and refined their New media tactics. As the 2024 general election approaches, each political party has begun strategizing according to their strength. Political strife is escalating over New media. The current study investigates the possibilities of political parties' usage of New media for election campaigning in the impending 2024 general elections. It also tries to understand the role of New media in the upcoming elections. A quantitative study of voters in Delhi and the National Capital Region was done. According to the findings, people anticipate that New media will also play a major role in political parties' election campaigns in the 2024 general election. The study also anticipates that the 2024 general elections will be fought primarily through New media rather than traditional media.

Peran Media Sosial Instagram Sebagai Sarana Kampanye dalam Strategi Komunikasi Politik

The role of social media which has a big role in political communication strategies for voter participation and how the relevance of political communication is increasing on social media platforms, implies the development and change of traditional political communication by converging information technology with more modern political communication so as to achieve novelty much more effectively to interact with the community. This research uses qualitative methods with descriptive narratives aimed at providing explanatory results that are easy to understand by describing and understanding social phenomena from the perspective of the subject under study. Subjects in research are individuals involved in the object of research based on information and data. The use of social media platforms can be systematically planned and programmed to develop identity politics, it is important to ensure interactive interactions on social media platforms. It is concluded that social media can be a forum as well as a facilitator and play a role for an interest and has the potential to have benefits in political campaigns. Through platforms such as Twitter, Instagram and TikTok political candidates can interact with the public and successfully win the hearts of the people.