Political Blocs Research Articles

The Impact of Indonesia’s 2019 Presidential Campaign on the Human Rights Movement: Narrow Solidarity versus Affinity

In the April 2019 elections in Indonesia, the incumbent president, Mr. Joko Widodo, was pitched against former general Mr. Prabowo Subianto. Mr. Widodo won his first term with a strong human rights agenda that was supported by thousands of human rights activists. In his 2019 campaign, the focus was on the country’s economic development. During this campaign, authoritarian tools were widely used to stifle criticism of the incumbent. The human rights movement became strongly polarized between adherents of the two presidential candidates. Both camps waged a fierce social media war in which hoaxes and slander were spread. The political blocs quickly reconciled after the elections, striving for a politics based on consensus. Army factions and Muslim parties that had supported the different sides also soon closed ranks. However, the fracturing of the human rights movement into two opposing camps remained also after the elections. This led to its enervation in relation to several illiberal immediate post-election reforms. In this article, I focus on four cases to analyse the divisive dynamics within the human rights movement. These are the post-October 1965 genocide, the weakening of the Anti-Corruption Commission, the revision of the Criminal Code, and the Anti-Sexual Violence Bill. Problems of solidarity politics will be pointed out. I will examine some hoaxes in social media as they are informative of the discourse in this heated period. The human rights debate between the two candidates on 17 January 2019 will also be discussed. Although external factors such as the growing influence of conservative majoritarian Islam played a major role in the inability of the human rights movement to stop the weakening of the Anti-Corruption Commission, and the deliberations on the revision of the Criminal Code, I focus here on the fragmentation and polarization of the movement and the failure of the participants to engage in affinity politics based on shared interests.

The Place of Past Events in International Information Wars

This article presents an analysis of the role memory culture plays in information wars. Based on the examples of Lithuania, Russia, Ukraine, Poland and Belarus, it finds that the phenomenon of using the past in information wars can be explained as a fighting measure to entrench the authority of a given country in the eyes of the global community. This requirement emerged among countries in this region following the collapse of the old global systems and with the creation of new political blocs. Associations have been noticed between information wars that exploit the past and the growth of a country’s economic potential. For this reason, this foreign policy tool has not been used to the same degree in different countries in the region, nor did it start being used at the same time. Almost all the countries in the region started to massively exploit the past as a means of soft power only in the 21st century. This tool is especially significant in Poland and Russia, being used less often in Lithuania and Ukraine, and hardly at all in Belarus. The storylines of the past being used in information wars can be divided into two categories: Global identities, whose symbols have become Holocaust and Gulag figures; and symbols associated with the memory cultures and identities of separate societies, such as the idea of Slavic unity (in Russian-Ukrainian relations) or the past of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (in Lithuanian-Belarusian relations). The author predicts that the use of the past in information wars is set to intensify in the future, and as such, the teaching of expert skills is necessary to address this; at present, these skills are lacking in countries in the region.

Oliver Tambo’s International Policy: Unique Features of the South African Foreign Policy Process and Personality Factor

The aim of the work is to develop an understanding of the role of Oliver Tambo as the actual head of the foreign policy department of South Africa during the period of implementation of the policy of apartheid and the process of decolonization of the African continent. The author’s thesis is that the African National Congress (ANC) foreign policy during the period of South Africa’s activities as a state supporting racial segregation was of the nature of external representation. The development of foreign policy was identical to the formation of a new state. The uniqueness of the analyzed situation is expressed in the fact that for the first time in history, international relations were established not only by a party that does not politically agree with state ideology, but also does not show its loyalty to any political blocs. The theses presented by Oliver Tambo in the conditions of the Cold War were democratic, consistent with the principles of civil choice and were not identified as the need for armed confrontation. It is these aspects that enabled the transition of power to the radical majority to avoid prolonged civil wars or conflicts involving international armed groups. The basis of the methodology is the understanding of the international process during the liberation of Africa and the choice of allies for this process by representatives of the leading world powers. The author uses the historical method and the method of direct oppositions of the position of Oliver Tambo and a significant number of ideological proposals from the leading world powers of the time under investigation. The article shows that the activities of Oliver Tambo fully comply with the regulations and traditions in the performance of their functions by the foreign affairs ministries. The author argues that the leading role of the ANC and O. Tambo in particular is to ensure the preservation of stability in the socioeconomic development of South Africa with the transit of power in the 1990s and the preservation of the pace of development of South Africa in the 2000s. The work examines the period from the appointment of O. Tambo to the post of Secretary General of the ANC to his death. It is noted that, in addition to the revealed features of O. Tambo’s activities for South Africa for the general theory of international relations, the above facts showed how to build cooperation with non-institutional actors in world politics.

اثر وسائل الاتصال على السلوك الانتخابي وعلاقته بالتباين السياسي للأسرة دراسة ميدانية لجمهور من طلبة جامعة بغداد

Iraq has seen many changes at the social, economic and political levels. This led to cause many shifts in the structure of its society and imposed great challenges reflected in the behavior and awareness of that society in general and youth in particular. Those changes made the Iraqi society undergoing the transformation of value and culture aspects formed a political awareness that caused cultural and political diversity within the family and society. A greater openness to the outside world caused by the communication revolution, as the world has witnessed during the past two decades, has helped in making that change. Iraq had its share of media and political openness, which were included after the US occupation in 2003. As a result, those changes left a significant impact on the electoral behavior of the family in the process of electoral participation. The research focused on studying the impact of communication on the dissemination of political awareness and the promotion of political disparity in the family and its relationship to the electoral behavior of students as a result of the exposure to various political programs and topics through the programs they prefer to follow up as a received information for both genders. The study goes further to study the match and the different visions among family members on participating in the political process; to examine the freedom of opinion between students and their families, and to discuss topics or political programs handled by means of different communication. My sample was drawn from the students of the University of Baghdad of Fourth-Year students of both branches: humanitarian and scientific. The researcher concluded that the means of communication is of great importance in spreading political awareness through various programs and topics that included the Iraqi political case, and in enriching the means of communication with the abundant information for the family members. The means of communication have helped to create different visions and ideas among members of the same family and to create a state of political disparity among family members due to dialogues and discussions between students and their families. The presence of the good educational level of the family has helped in stimulating, influencing and imparting a culture of dialogue; and added space of freedom of opinion and other’s opinions. The existence of the intersection, however, facilitated the choices of students and their families in voting. This considered as another indicator of the state of disparity and disagreement in the selection of political blocs, which was done in accordance with the bases and criteria preferred by students, including competence and scientific experience and then political experience.

POLITIK LUAR NEGERI REPUBLIK INDONESIA MASA LAMPAU, KINI DAN MASA DEPAN : SUATU TINJAUAN DAN SARAN KEDEPAN

The Foreign Policy can be defined as a policy and/or action pursued by a government in dealing with other state’s government in order to achieve its national objectives, especially to safeguard its national interests abroad. The Foreign Policy of the Republic of Indonesia is a policy and/or an action to purposedly design by the government of Indonesia to achieve its national objectives especially to safeguard its national interest abroad. The guiding principal which serve in Indonesia’s Foreign Policy excecution is to pursue an independent and active line. The meaning of Independent is the Republic of Indonesia should not join to any political bloc or military pact, however it should be “Active to participate in creating a world peace based on freedom, lasting peace and social justice” (4th paragraph of the Indonesian 1945 constitution preambule). From the time’s point of view, the Indonesia’s foreign policy could be divided into five periods: 1) The period of Independent Struggle (1945-1950); 2) Paliamentary Democracy period (1950 —1959); 3) The period of Guided Democracy (1959-1965); 4) New Order periode (1966-1998); 5) The periode of Reformation (1998 – until now). The execution of foreign policy by the Indonesia’s government in any period through or by diplomacy, taking into account the current issue(s), strategic environment and the agenda priorities which should be accomplished

Israeli political attitudes and income in the 2006–2015 elections

ABSTRACTIt is commonly assumed that in Israel, higher income groups tend to hold more liberal views and vote for center-left parties while poorer segments of the population support rightwing parties. This article analyzes political attitudes and voting in four parliamentary elections by income groups, using the European Social Survey (ESS) data. By relying on transition matrices and mobility analysis, the article examines which income group is more loyal to the parties and political blocs. The results suggest that the percentage of rightwing voters within all classes is higher than that of leftwing voters. In addition, the poorest individuals are the most loyal voters while the richest are the most likely to switch parties and blocs. Finally, logit estimation shows that rightwing and ultra-orthodox voters are more likely to remain loyal to parties.

Response to Caroline West’s 'From Company Town to Post-Industrial: Inquiry on the Redistribution of Space and Capital with a Universal Basic Income'

This reply critically analyzes the concept of “solidarity” in Caroline West’s account of the role that a Universal Basic Income (UBI) could play in Central Appalachian re-development. I argue that a robust structural form of “solidarity” would necessarily play an essential role in formulating a political bloc capable of implementing an ambitious project like a UBI. In addition to this implicit role of a structural form of solidarity that can connect various communities and constituencies together into a powerful political bloc, Caroline West also articulates an important role for highly local forms of community and solidarity in this region's transformation. Given the two distinct ways that “solidarity” functions in her account, I raise questions about how the formal features of a UBI relate to both its local and more structural forms.

Revisiting demand, politicization and externalization in authoritarian political regimes: policy advisory system in Russian practices

ABSTRACTThis study contributes to debate on three related questions in Policy Advisory System research. Is the Policy Advisory System concept applicable in countries other than developed democracies? How does it function in a state-centred authoritarian regime? How does the authoritarian environment affect tendencies such as “politicization” and “externalization”? These questions are addressed using materials on the current Russian governance structure and advisory practices, focusing on two broadly defined “governance subsystems” in the Presidential Administration of Russia, “Political Bloc” and “Economic Bloc”, both acting as regular customers for advisory communities. One finding is the phenomenon of “Dual Demand” from the same centre of power—“stability” for “Political Bloc” and “innovation” for “Economic Bloc”—which contributed to creation of two different clusters of policy advisory agencies with different statuses. Other findings include transformation of “politicization” to policy control mechanisms and attempted “externalization” turning into the reverse—“internalization”—bringing independent advisory organizations under the supervision of government structures.

Cooperation and Struggle: Rethinking the Impact of the American Zionist Leadership on the Twenty-Second Zionist Congress

Cooperation and Struggle:Rethinking the Impact of the American Zionist Leadership on the Twenty-Second Zionist Congress Zohar Segev (bio) On December 9, 1946, the twenty-second World Zionist Congress, the first since the outbreak of World War II, opened in Basel, Switzerland. This Congress, whose deliberations took place in the shadow of the Holocaust, was crucial for the future of the Zionist movement. Previous scholarship has underscored the growing rift between David Ben-Gurion, the chairman of the Jewish Agency Executive Committee, and Chaim Weizmann, the president of the Zionist Organization, during the 1940s, describing at length how the former's political stature grew while Weizmann's position deteriorated, leading to his de facto deposition at the Zionist Congress in 1946. Despite Weizmann's dwindling power in the 1940s, it was only in 1946 that Ben-Gurion was able to marginalize him totally.1 In this article, I rethink the effect that American Zionist leaders had on the twenty-second Zionist Congress in general and on Weizmann's ouster in particular. I will show that Weizmann's waning prestige, along with the growing power of Zionism in the United States, in general, and of its leader, Abba Hillel Silver, in particular, require a different assessment of the political realities at the Congress. Many of Weizmann's supporters concluded that it would be futile to persist in their efforts to secure his reelection as president of the Zionist Organization; Weizmann's unwillingness [End Page 75] to cut ties with Great Britain made him politically unpopular with delegates to the Congress. As a result, several of Weizmann's erstwhile supporters who opposed Ben-Gurion decided to cooperate with Silver. In spite of Silver's efforts to depose Weizmann, the two men shared a similar ideology of liberal, General Zionism, in opposition to Ben-Gurion's labor Zionism on the left and Vladimir Jabotinsky's Revisionist Zionism on the right. This broad ideological congruence made it easier for some of Weizmann's former supporters to choose Silver as their champion. The result was a political bloc that, at least potentially, posed a challenge to Ben-Gurion's dominance within the Zionist movement, the Yishuv, and the state in the making. The significance of Weizmann's political decline should be understood in the light of his extraordinary importance in the Zionist movement. As one of the chief architects of the Balfour Declaration, Weizmann's authority to lead the movement was widely recognized. Indeed, Weizmann was the president of the Zionist movement for most of its existence from 1921 till 1946.2 Weizmann believed that the best way for the Zionist movement to further its goals was to cooperate with world leaders. In particular, Weizmann was disturbed by Ben-Gurion's strategy of getting the United States to pressure Britain to agree to the establishment of a Jewish state. He was certain that this would lead nowhere and implored Justice Felix Frankfurter to impress upon Ben-Gurion and the other Zionist leaders that the idea was doomed to failure.3 Weizmann's criticism of the Zionist [End Page 76] strategy in the United States was not confined to the debate over the nature of political activity there and extended to the damage sustained by Britain as a result of the pro-Zionist activity in Washington, an issue that continued even after the war.4 Most Zionists disagreed with Weizmann's stance, and so, while rank-and-file members of the movement still venerated him, a majority of Zionist Congress delegates found Weizmann's perspective unacceptable, and came to view Silver, who advocated for more pressure on Britain and a more aggressive push for a Jewish state, as a reasonable alternative. The machinations of the twenty-second Congress reflected these shifting political calculations. Weizmann and American Zionists Before 1946 American Zionists played a major role in the dramatic events that occurred in the Yishuv and the arena of international Zionist politics during the 1930s and 1940s. Their growing weight within the Zionist movement was in part a consequence of the deteriorating situation of European Jewry, as well as a reflection of their country's enhanced stature and increasing involvement in the international sphere. But it...

Toward a Theory of Pernicious Polarization and How It Harms Democracies: Comparative Evidence and Possible Remedies

This article compares the dynamics of polarization in the eleven case studies analyzed in this special issue to draw conclusions about antecedents of severe political and societal polarization, the characteristics and mechanisms of such polarization, and consequences of severe polarization for democracy. We find that the emergence of pernicious polarization (when a society is split into mutually distrustful “Us vs. Them” camps) is not attributable to any specific underlying social or political cleavage nor any particular institutional make-up. Instead, pernicious polarization arises when political entrepreneurs pursue their political objectives by using polarizing strategies, such as mobilizing voters with divisive, demonizing discourse and exploiting existing grievances, and opposing political elites then reciprocate with similarly polarizing tactics or fail to develop effective nonpolarizing responses. We explain how the political construction of polarization around “formative rifts” (social or political rifts that arise during the fundamental formation/reformation of a nation-state), the relative capacity of opposing political blocs to mobilize voters versus relying on mechanisms such as courts or the military to constrain the executive, and the strategic and ideological aims of the polarizing actors contribute to the emergence of its pernicious form. We analyze the consequences for democracy and conclude with reflections on how to combat pernicious polarization.

Party System Institutionalization and Pernicious Polarization in Bangladesh

This article traces the development of political polarization in Bangladesh since its 1971 war of independence. I show how polarization is elite-driven, hinging mostly on competing views of the foundation myth of the nation. One major political bloc has emerged that ties national identity tightly to religion (Islam), where the other bloc prefers a national identity tied to ethnicity and use of the Bengali language. I show how an underdeveloped party system has contributed to the resulting political and societal polarization that stems from this ideological divide, which was created by elites as they attempted to consolidate party power. Further, I make a case that the activities of the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT)—established in 2010 to prosecute those who aided the Pakistani army in committing war crimes during the 1971 war—actually increased polarization and made it pernicious. Instead of healing the nation, the ICT exacerbated old political cleavages and instigated violence and social tension, making Bangladesh’s young democracy more unstable and careening.

NATO vs. SCO: A Comparative Study of Outside Powers’ Military Presence in Central Asia and the Gulf

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) both have geopolitical interests in Central Asia and the Gulf. The former is a military alliance, whose members have built substantial presence in the Greater Middle East, including the US military presence in Afghanistan, Djibouti, Iraq, Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Bahrain and Oman; the British military presence in Afghanistan and Bahrain; the French military presence in Afghanistan, Djibouti and the UAE. In comparison, SCO is a political bloc, whose members are at a low level of military integration. Like Russia’s military presence in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, China has logistics base in Djibouti; India has military presence in Tajikistan. The three SCO members enjoy better geographical proximality, while the three NATO members are stronger in military deployments and power projection capabilities. The SCO major powers have consolidated their respective land power in Central Asia, while NATO members have obtained both land power in Afghanistan and marine power in the Gulf. While the SCO’s and NATO’s respective military positions have been strengthened, Central Asia and the Gulf are faced with serious economic, political and social problems and inter-state conflict. In the light of this, the military presence of outside NATO and SCO powers may rest on a weak foundation and may face various hurdles in the future.

The Saadabad Pact of 1937as an example of regional political integration in the period between the two world wars

The quadripartite nonaggression pact signed on July 8, 1937 in the Saadabad Palace of the Iranian Shah in Tehran, which ended the long process of formation of a regional political group comprising Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Afghanistan, was named by the contemporaries, and later in the scientific literature, "Saadabad Pact". The mere fact of the formation in the Middle East of a political bloc of states at a time when the gradual "crawling" of mankind and individual states in World War II is of considerable interest to the historian. However, the history of the creation of the Saadabad Pact remained for a long time a little-known and weakly studied topic. Meanwhile, the tendencies towards rapprochement and cooperation in the relations of the countries of the Middle East are still in effect. In this regard, knowledge of the history of the emergence, existence and influence on international relations of regional groups such as the Saadabad Pact becomes important. The Speaker sought to clarify the prerequisites and reasons for the formation of the Saadabad Pact in the light of the development of international relations in the Middle East, to determine the stages in the formation of this regional grouping, to show the attitude of the great powers, especially the Soviet Union and Britain, to it, and clarify the role of its individual participants in the creation of the pact.

Optimizing Political Capacity of the Pro-Democracy Actors Through the Welfare Political Bloc

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Timor-Leste’s Challenged Political Process: 2016–17

As 2017 unfolded, Timor-Leste appeared to be consolidating its democratic embrace, with peaceful, locally organized democratic elections. Medium- to longer-term prospects for the recently independent country, however, were more ambiguous, with the country's reliance on oil receipts being tested against still low levels of development. This article proposes that, despite a decade of stability, material improvement has been limited for many of Timor-Leste's people and exacerbated by growing perceptions of corruption among the country's elite. TimorLeste's social and political stability, therefore, by conventional criteria, appeared vulnerable and its democracy potentially fragile. All of this was exacerbated by the formation of a minority government which failed to achieve the type of inclusion that would have secured a higher degree of political certainty and stability. Instead, the majority opposition formed a political bloc to challenge the government's programme, including its budget, voting it down twice and hence establishing grounds for the formation of a new government or fresh elections. Set against increasingly confrontational rhetoric, the country's political stability was, by the end of 2017, in tatters, with a return to the type of bitter divisions that marked the political environment just over a decade ago.

In more ways than one. Recenzie - Oana Fotache, Magda Răduță, Adrian Tudurachi (eds.), Dus-întors. Rute ale teoriei literare în postmodernitate, București, Editura Humanitas, 2016, 331 pp.

It is no longer a secret in the history of thought that a theory, a thesis, a proposal is often both borrowed and accommodated; the transit of a set of ideas from one cultural place to another may be easy, but it isn’t in itself enough for validation or, indeed, even for disgruntled acceptance. And it is even less of a secret that what it takes for a theory to catch on is sometimes so obscure or relying on such complex arrays of social, historical and intellectual circumstances that some have given up on defining them and have relegated them to chance. The book being reviewed here has a more optimistic outlook and, through the many contributions from its various authors, puts forward instances of how theories – literary, psychological, philosophical – are carried over the boundaries of nations or of political blocs, how they’re being driven through the more pervious, but not always more accessible, boundaries of arts or art departments and disciplines.

Cuba’s Critical Juncture: Main Challenges

Cuba is rapidly approaching a critical juncture, where a complete and generational change of leadership is unavoidable (between 2018 and 2021). The country and its Revolution is up against some unavoidable and complicated choices in the coming four years. With the rapidly approaching end of the Castro era, without any clear new leadership structure in sight, and with an apparently unsolvable economic crisis and rapidly shrinking confidence in the political power bloc particularly among the younger generations, a deep legitimacy crisis is looming. What are the principal challenges ahead, and how can and will they be solved?

Game of Seats: Electoral Rules, Revolutions, and Affiliation Switching in Ukraine, 1990–2014

Since gaining its independence in 1990, Ukraine has experienced two revolutions and a war in the east of the country. Meanwhile, it has sampled all three major electoral systems (majoritarian, proportional, and mixed) and has created dozens of major parties and political blocs. Such a volatile context has consequences for such crucial political issues as accountability and circulation of the political class. At the same time, it allows researchers to address questions concerning the sources of change and stability in the politics of countries in transition. In particular, the case of Ukraine allows us to pinpoint the effects of popular upheavals and changing institutional arrangements on the stability of a political scene and the population of politicians. Data limitations of previous studies have prevented such a necessarily detailed temporal accounting. We analyze it for all Ukrainian MP hopefuls during the 1990–2014 period using the East European Parliamentarian and Candidate data (EAST PaC). The issue of political stability was approached by examining affiliation switching and dropping out in all consecutive elections to the Verkhovna Rada. The results reveal that revolutionary events had relatively minor immediate effects on the circulation of the political class, while individual strategies were highly dependent on the electoral rules working in conjunction with other traits of the political system.

Upsetting the Establishment

The Guanlong Bloc has been widely believed to have enjoyed significant advantages in the dynasties founded between the Western Wei and the Tang. Based on an analysis of the sociopolitical framework and geo-strategic factor before the Taiyuan Uprising, this article aims to explain how in order to strike a severe blow against the Sui. Li Yuan, a core member of the Guanlong Bloc, made use of forces alienated by, or simply unrelated to, the establishment. In addition to showing their considerable resentment against the establishment, a substantial number of meritorious officials collaborating with Li Yuan during the Sui were not directly affiliated with the Guanlong Bloc in terms of family and regional backgrounds; some of them were from humble origin or even desperados not tolerated by the establishment. Amongst the desperados, some were originally members of the Guanlong Bloc but committed crimes while the others were local bandits and chivalrous swordsmen. During his time governing Taiyuan and leading the troop to march towards Chang’an, Li Yuan had managed to recruit local bandits and chivalrous swordsmen. During the medieval era, aristocratic elites played a dominant role in shaping both politics and society; class differentiation was considered a major feature characterized by aristocratic preference. This prevailing mindset, however, did not seem to place any restrictions on Li Yuan in his efforts to recruit locals from humble origin. This practice was instrumental in drawing local supports, thus tremendously strengthening his military force to overthrow the establishment. The method adopted by Li Yuan highlights the point that despite his deep connection with the Guanlong Bloc, he adopted a policy of drawing on local human resources rather than relying on the military strength of the Guanlong region in the process of establishing his own authority. Another major point of discussion is the weakening of the Guanlong Bloc during the Sui. Yang Jian and his sons had counted heavily on those who were not the Guanlong Bloc members; some members of the Bloc had even become the target of purges during the reign of Yang Guang. In this sense, the strategy of using forces outside the establishment to overthrow it was not Li Yuan’s creation; instead, Li simply followed what Yang Jian and his sons had been doing in their endeavors to overthrow the existing order. The above historical facts are sufficient to cast doubt on the advantageous position that the Guanlong Bloc was supposed to be enjoying during medieval China. As a whole, similar to all other military and political blocs in history, the Guanlong Bloc passed through the stages of both establishment and transformation before stepping out of the historical arena.

The Effect of the Electoral System on Political Representation in Iraq Post 2003

The study discusses the influence of the electoral system on the political representation of the social compositions of the Iraqi people, and the nature of their political participation in the ongoing political process in Iraq, by means of structuring entities and parties on basis of subsidiary identities, aside from the national identity. The study is divided into two research objectives. The first research objective is examining the nature of the political representation of the social compositions after the American invasion of Iraq in 2003, through exploring the religious and nationalistic diversities of the social compositions of the Iraqi society, in addition to discussing the political blocs and parties in the Iraqi system post 2003. The study realizes that these parties and political blocs depend on the sectarian and doctrinal dimension as well as the nationalistic ideology shedding its shadow on the entire political process. In turn, the political process employs quota systems as an approach towards its formation, which also brings about weak leadership and personnel loaded with personal gain against loyalty and citizenship. The second research objective is discussing the development of the electoral system and its effect on the representation of social compositions within the political process, through tracing three legislative elections taking place after 2003. The study reached several points of results, the most important of which is the influence of the electoral system on the political process and its effect on the nature of political representation of social compositions, since this system produces a majority out of a single composition at the expense of other social compositions in the Iraqi society. As a result, it gave rise to a house of representatives unable to fulfill its legislative and inspective functions, and that operates as a field for settling preset agendas and expressing authoritative judgments.