Political Blocs Research Articles

Проблема выявления источника (атрибуции) кибератак – фактор международной безопасности

The work is devoted to the problem of attribution of cyberattacks as one of the top important issues on the global agenda of world politics. The subject of this research is targeted offensive computer attacks that perform state tasks. The authors have systematically analyzed the conceptual apparatus, classification features and general indicators, a set of problems related to identification of reliable sources of cyberattacks, as well as the features of targeted attacks and cybernetic groups supported by state actors. This allowed to conclude that the problem of attribution is emerging as a new scientific direction in the field of international information security. Based on the analysis of relevant studies of academic institutions and private companies, an attribution classification was proposed. It was utilized to review conceptual informal models of targeted computer attacks. The authors have analyzed issues of the applied methodological apparatus, which may affect the reliability of conclusions on imposing responsibility on the perpetrator of cyber-attack, while noting that there is a contradiction between the perception of the attribution results by various political blocs and unions. At the same moment, the USA and its allies are reported to pursue a policy of dominance in the field of attribution of targeted cyber-attacks. The paper proves the impact of modern breakthrough information technologies of the Fourth Industrial Revolution on the security of cyberspace as well as the impact of the attribution problem on the level of international security and strategic stability. This issue includes a complex set of political, regulatory, organizational and technical tasks with a high degree of uncertainty, where political aspects are playing a central role. The conclusions are confirmed by the statistics of public reports of IT companies and publications of leading research institutes. The main scientific result of the work is formulation of the problem of divergence in the attribution of computer attacks between political blocs and alliances, which negatively affects international security. The authors propose topical measures to solve the problem of attribution of cyberattacks.

К вопросу о государственном устройстве Федеративной Республики Г ермания при принятии Основного закона 1949 г.

The article deals with the issues of state structure of the Federal Republic of Germany discussed in the process of adoption of the Basic Law of 1949. The author examines the constitutional and legal situation within which the Basic Law of the FRG was adopted, analyses in detail the ideas of leading constitutionalists on the issues of state structure that were discussed in the process of drafting the Basic Law of the FRG. Germany's partition was initiated by the West. Recently disclosed archive documents show that Germany's split was predetermined already in the course of the war at the meetings of the "Big Three" - the USSR, the USA and Britain. Then they were joined by France. The accusations that the Soviet Union was responsible for the split of that country are untrue. On the contrary, in the first post-war years, the Soviet government proposed free elections in both parts of Germany, on the condition that the united country would be neutral, that is, would not be part of any military blocs. The West rejected this proposal. The Soviet government has repeatedly stated that Germany must be seen as a single economic and political entity. The position of the Soviet Government is supported by the views of scholars of Soviet state law. The question of German state unity was widely discussed at that time in Soviet periodicals. Soviet scholars L. Bezymensky, B.S. Mankovsky, D. Melnikov, D. Monin, E. Tarle and I. Traynin were in favour of a united German state. On this basis, they concluded that the rejection of the political unity of Germany was directed against the democratic restructuring of the country. A dismemberment of Germany is in the interest neither of the German people, nor of the democratic countries of Europe. Only the re-establishment of a united Germany is in the interest of a lasting peace in Europe, consistent with the historical development of the country and the legitimate aspirations of the German people themselves. There were differences of opinion about the future state structure of Germany. The position of prominent Soviet jurists differed fundamentally from that of Western politicians and jurists. The Western allies were in favour of a federal Germany, while the Soviet scholars were in favour of a unitary form of government. Thus, Germany, divided first into four occupation zones, and then into American and Soviet zones of influence, which not only lost considerable territories, but also completely lost its international standing, ceased to exist as a unified nation state for many years. Two independent states, the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, were created on German territory. There was a de facto split into two states, which found themselves in different military and political blocs. Since that time, all the aspirations of West and East Germans have been directed towards the unification of Germany and the reunification of the German people. The author declares no conflicts of interests.

СОВЕТСКАЯ ЭКСПЕРТИЗА В ГЛОБАЛЬНЫХ ДИСКУССИЯХ О КУЛЬТУРНОМ НАСЛЕДИИ И РАСПРОСТРАНЕНИИ ГРАМОТНОСТИ НА ПОРОГЕ «ДОЛГИХ 1970-Х ГОДОВ»

The 1970s represent a special phase in the development of the Cold War. It begins with détente and culminates in an escalation of confrontation between the political blocs. Regional integration processes accelerate, economic interdependencies become more intense, the influence of transnational corporations grows and international structures are reshaped. Historians use many metaphors as tools of description and analysis – “the second modernity”, “the second wave of globalization”, “the long 1970s”. All of them emphasize the emergence of new global challenges that are relevant for all countries, regardless of their stereotypical classification as “first”, “second” and “third” world. One of the current issues in the research debate is the role of the socialist camp, and the USSR in particular, in the dynamics of these processes. In recent years, there has been a tendency to revise the point of view about the non-viability of the Eastern bloc in the face of new challenges in favour of a more cautious thesis of its intense participation and even a determining role in shaping the global world. The aim of the paper is to demonstrate the role of Soviet expert knowledge in the creation and dissemination of global concepts of cultural heritage accessibility and universal literacy on the threshold of the “long 1970s”. The author examines the extent to which Soviet experts were involved in international project teams working under the auspices of UNESCO in post-colonial countries. Turbulent internal departmental discussions, the organization's professional publications, and first-person documents reveal to the reader a complex web of ideological factors and personal ambitions within the logic of the Cold War and the ideals of cultural internationalism. Open for further research, according to the author, is the question of retransfer of global cultural and educational concepts into Soviet institutional practice.

“If You Go to the Right, You Will Come to the Left”: The Paradoxes of Chilean Fascism, 1930s–1940s

The period between the two world wars was a time of the emergence and rise of fascism all over the world, including Latin America, where one of the few countries where a mass fascist movement emerged was Chile. In this article the author analyses the ideology and political praxis of Chilean National Socialism in the 1930s. The analysis is based on the Chilean National Socialist political and ideological journalism, the press, and the memoirs of the activists and their opponents. The National Socialist Party (“Creole Nazism”) was formed in Chile, proclaiming nationalism, anti-democracy, anti-liberalism, and anti-communism. It was an anti-systemic movement which rejected the values of liberal democracy, which was associated with the domination of plutocracy and imperialism. They adopted corporatism, anti-Semitism, and racism from European fascists and saw themselves as the only alternative to Marxism, which threatened the Western world. The Chilean Nazis envisioned an anti-liberal revolution, the construction of a totalitarian state. Taken to its logical conclusion, these principles made the movement a dangerous force for the ruling circles, which differed little from the left, Marxist parties, which explains the harsh repression against the “Creole Nazis”, which in turn brought them closer to the left. Chilean Nazism was characterized by its constant evolution towards the left and opposition to traditional right-wing parties, which led this movement to an alliance with the anti-fascist Popular Front, which was created precisely to counter the fascist threat in the face of National Socialism. Thus, the Nazis found themselves in the same political bloc with the communists and the socialists. This unnatural alliance with the left, the preaching of the need for a “right-wing revolution”, as well as the hostility of the traditional right, led to the collapse of the movement and its disappearance from the political arena. Despite the elimination of the movement, the ideas of a right-wing revolution, a totalitarian state, corporatism were firmly established on Chilean soil, and their most striking manifestation was the regime of A. Pinochet in the 70s of the twentieth century.

Articulating the Pueblo Cubano: Women’s Politicization and Productivity in Revolutionary Cuba, 1959 to 1969

How do political actors forge social solidarity across preexisting axes of social difference? This article investigates how political elites undertaking projects of political articulation—understood as linking together diverse constituencies to create integrated political blocs—contend with preexisting cultural constraints embedded in the social fabric. I do so by tracing how the post-1959 Cuban regime attempted to build a population-wide revolutionary identity despite persisting cultural understandings of women primarily as apolitical housewives. Through systematic analysis of a large corpus of state discourse in the form of speeches and women’s magazines, I show how regime leaders negotiated, with varying degrees of success over time, the cultural constraints that gender posed to their unifying project. Ultimately, the regime’s initiatives to politicize women through including them in mass campaigns and radicalizing their traditional household tasks were relatively successful, but cultural backlash against women’s increasing presence in the labor force prompted the institutionalization of a gendered division of labor in the economy that traditionalized their initially radical entry into the workplace. Analyzing how political elites confront and manage social differences within political blocs promises to contribute to a better understanding of the political production of social solidarity and its downstream effects on categorical inequalities.

Radical Islam and Insurgency in Northern Nigeria: Tensions and Challenges

Located within a broad appraisal of Nigeria’s nascent democracy, this paper examined the roots and triggers of radical Islam and religious extremism in Northern Nigeria. It also investigated its implication in the region through the lenses of religion and politics. Since 1804, a tradition of jihadist Islam in the north, introduced by Sheikh Uthman dan Fodio, has shaped not only the politics of the region but has festered into modern-day insurgency. This radicalism enthroned an intolerant, anti-Western and violent Islamic ideology used against minorities within and against other religions, ethno-regional groups, and political blocs in Nigeria. What exactly are the triggers of religious violence in today’s Northern Nigeria? Furthermore, if any, what are the implications for this region? Drawing on archival materials and secondary sources, findings reveal deep-seated, anti-southern sentiments in the north, complicated by religious, cultural, and economic suspicions, whipped up at political intersections. Evidence also indicates significant leadership failures. This internal complexity holds back Northern Nigeria’s overall economic and social modernisation pace. This paper recommends state-sponsored awareness campaigns that emphasise diversity, integration and unity. To overcome insurgency, politics must deliver dividends of democracy to all. Governance must become a means to economic ends and not an end in itself.

Democracy and Capitalism in the Interregnum: Trump’s Failed Self-Coup and After

This paper addresses Trump’s failed self-coup, its authoritarian backwash, and threats to democracy. It analyzes his handling of the coronavirus pandemic, which contributed to his 2020 election loss and deepened the political polarization that led to the January 6 Capitol insurrection. The essay also discusses how the forty-year acceleration of economic inequality and sociopolitical de-democratization generated a legitimacy crisis of the hegemonic, neoliberal regime that opened way for Trumpist ethnoracial nationalism. The Trump presidency and pandemic increased the intensity of the political-economic contradictions and transparency of the attenuated relationship of democracy and capitalism. In the consequent “interregnum,” fundamental threats to democratic electoral institutions persist, yet a clear, realistic vision of an alternative democratic regime and the political bloc to bring it into being have yet to be forged. The fate of American democracy rides on overcoming the remarkable denial and normalization of the Trump coup attempt and on forging new safeguards for electoral institutions. Preventing a recurrence, however, requires a progressive transformation of Trumpism’s de-democratized seedbed – neoliberal capitalism.

Lebanese Republic: between Political Confessionalism and Political Pragmatism

One of the most interesting phenomena, that were associated with the functioning of the Lebanese power structures, is the principle of consociative (consociational) democracy in the country. It is expressed in the form of political confessionalism. At the same time, the principles of the functioning of political system of Lebanon have experienced and continue to experience significant changes during the almost 80 years of the history of Lebanese Republic. The understanding of the nature and the definition of the stages of this evolution will allow us to get the understanding of the prospects for further political development of this country, which is important for a Middle East region.
 The author of the articles hares the opinion of the researchers who believe that Lebanon is gradually transforming from a consociational to a majority democracy. Already at the time of the formation of the Lebanese Republic on the basis of a confessional principle, a declarative recognition of the temporary nature of the using of this principle was announced. In 1990, the amendments made to the Lebanese constitution contained provisions that are creating real opportunities for the implementation of the course of the deconfessionalization. In 2005, a radically new political system of Lebanon was formed on the wave of the Cedar Revolution. Although in the basis, it retains a confessional aspect, however, at the same time it represents a confrontation between wopoly-confessional political blocs. This (2021) year, a very small, but real, anti-confessional opposition political bloc has formed on the wave of mass dissatisfaction with the existing political system in Lebanon. This block plans to take part in the parliamentary elections in 2022. At the same time, the use of a anti-confessional rhetoric is often practiced in the highest political circles of the country. This phenomenon testifies to the growth of the popularity of a above-stated rhetoric. Finally, the influence of the external factors often promotes the overcoming the interfaith barriers by local political elites.
 Today, a Lebanese society finds itself half way between a traditional political confessionalism and a non-confessional political pragmatism. This political modus vivendi can be defined as a pragmatic confessionalism.

When White Americans see “non-Whites” as a group: Belief in minority collusion and support for White identity politics

White Americans may find diversity threatening in part because they construe non-White Americans as a coherent social and political force. We argue that this perception manifests in a belief that minority groups collude against White people and that White people should act as a political bloc to defend ingroup interests. In a 3-year longitudinal study, the belief in minority collusion and support for White identity politics increased significantly among a nationally representative sample of 2,635 White Americans. Compared to White Democrats, White Republicans more strongly endorsed minority collusion beliefs and White identity politics, and increased more in these beliefs over time. Essentialist perceptions of the White ingroup were associated with longitudinal increases in minority collusion beliefs, but not in support for White identity politics. Endorsement of minority collusion and support for White identity politics both predicted lower support for Black Lives Matter and greater support for the Alt-Right movement. Implications for race relations, stigma-based solidarity, and the psychology of partisanship and ideology are discussed.

EXPANDING THE POWERS OF THE TURKEY’S PRESIDENT: NEW LEGAL ORDER AND ITS CONSEQUENCES

The article provides a comparative legal analysis of the articles of the Constitution of Turkey in 1982 and amendments to it in the executive branch, which were submitted to the national referendum of Turkey in 2017. The consequences of the constitutional reform on the further democratic development of Turkey are analyzed, as well as the possible transformation of Turkey into a country with an authoritarian form of government. The article examines the work of Turkish and foreign researchers on the impact of the new political system on the independence of all branches of government, and analyzes the international legal position of the European Union on constitutional changes in the context of fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria for Turkey’s membership in the European Union and the possibility of closing negotiations on Turkey’s accession to the European Union. It is stated that under the 1982 constitution, Turkey was a parliamentary republic in which real power belonged to the head of government, and the country’s president performed mainly representative functions. The latest amendments to Turkey’s basic law were made after a referendum on September 12, 2010 to bring it in line with European Union standards. The referendum began the demilitarization of the 1982 constitution and changed the foundations of Turkish statehood, laid in the 1920s by the founder of the Turkish Republic, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. In particular, the influence of the army on the political and social life of the country has decreased. It is said that by applying draconian laws and judicial repression the President seeks to reduce the influence of the democratic opposition, which will not have the courage or ability to challenge the growing authoritarianism in the country. For this reason, the party’s legal regime combines the full subordination of the judiciary to the executive with a combination of strategies to use judicial repression to demobilize all sources of opposition and to suppress any possible alternatives within the current political bloc.

أسباب تأخر إنجاز القوانين الأساسية والمكملة لدستور العراق لعام 2005

The change that took place in Iraq in (2003) and the political and armed conflicts that accompanied it, opened the door to a set of challenges and obstacles, making the House of Representatives an arena for these conflicts. It therefore suffeed from the slow pace of resolving laws that are central to the stability and future of Iraq on the political and economic levels. All social issues, such as the oil and gas law, the Federation Council law, and other important laws referred to in the Iraqi constitution of (2005), to be regulated by a law are among the obstacles that accompanied the legislative process. There is still the absence of a legislative policy that takes into account the priority laws that contributes to building State institutions and meet the desire of the individual and society.This absence is due to the preoccupation of the members of the legislative authority in a struggle to share political interests arising from participation in power, not in order to prepare for the building of a stable institutions state. Add to that the preoccupation of the members of the House of Representatives to meet the demands of their constituents and their absence from attending the sessions of the Council made them far from their main duty which is to legislate. The legislative process faced great challenges represented in the failure to properly implement the political consensus that Iraq adopted after 2003, which led to delaying the enactment of many laws, or the enactment of laws with special benefits for the political blocs participating in the political process at the expense of society. The lack of trust between the political blocs represented in the House of Representatives constitutes a major challenge in enacting laws that affect the lives and dignity of individuals. All these obstacles and challenges have led to the failure to enact laws that contribute to building a state of institutions that guarantee the rights and freedoms of individuals.

Is It Still a Mandate If We Don’t Enforce It? The Politics of COVID-related Mask Mandates in Conservative States

Questions of whether to enforce COVID-related mask mandates are complex. While enforced mandates are more effective at controlling community spread, government imposed behavioral controls have met significant opposition in conservative states, where a political bloc on the right is skeptical that COVID presents a significant and immediate threat. The authors conduct a split sample survey in order to examine how inclusion of a fine provision attached to mask mandates affects support. The survey was conducted in Idaho (a Republican dominated state) at a time when a mask mandate was a central debate. Unsurprisingly, respondents were more supportive of a mask mandate if a fine was not included. Further investigation indicates this is primarily a result of shifting Republican attitudes, which highlights the complex political situation in conservative states as leaders consider best mechanisms for battling COVID.

Romania's National Security Policy 1990-2020

Security is a complex, multi-dimensional approach context. In broad terms, it represents the ability to protect its citizens. The sole holder of the legitimate right to use intra-state and inter-state force is obliged through the consequence and expression of its sovereignty to protect and guarantee its citizens’ rights and freedoms and ensure the conditions for the exercise of their rights and freedoms. After the dissolution of the communist political and military bloc, security develops as a global concept that tends to include traditional political and military dimensions, new dimensions, such as economic, energy or security, individual rights, and freedoms. This study addresses Romania’s security policy, its evolution after 1990 and until now. The paper aims to highlight Romania’s position as a territory and its role in the regional context regarding security. Its statute as a NATO and E.U. member, and strategic partner of the United States, determined a permanent update of its security policy and proposed objectives, correlated with those of the entities to which it belongs. From the point of view of security policy, Romania has an important geostrategic role and can stand out as a regional leader due to the threats it could be subjected to. The study will highlight that its security policy provides many benefits for the country’s citizens and its institutions.

THE IRISH REPUBLICAN ARMYʼS «GREEN BOOK»: POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC GOALS OF THE ORGANIZATION

THE IRISH REPUBLICAN ARMYʼS «GREEN BOOK»: POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC GOALS OF THE ORGANIZATION

تداعيات جائحة كورونا على الأمن القومي وتأثيراتها على دول العالم في ضوء أحكام القانون الدولي

This research aims to discuss the national security measures under international law and the threats to peace and security, now-days which include not only wars and conflicts at the international level but also terrorism, environmental breakdown and infectious diseases, etc. Infectious diseases are non-traditional threats to national security while at the same time they are threatening international peace and security. With the emergence and rapid spread of the (Covid-19), it has become noticeable threat to the international community and has political, economic, and health impacts. Therefore, this research focuses on the effects of the Corona-virus and the role of international and regional organizations in confronting it. It also indicates incompatibility of international co-ordination, especially the major countries in facing this epidemic. Consequently, this led to the failure of the political blocs that formed in the second half of the twentieth century and split some of them, as the European and African Union, the Arab League and other formations in other areas of the world. Key words: coronavirus (COVID-19), National Security, International and Peace Security.

Intrusion of international law into the national legal system

The subject of the research is the peculiarities of the implementation of international law in national legal systems, the law enforcement practice of the implementation of international legal obligations of the state, doctrinal approaches to the interaction of the norms of international and domestic law. The purpose of the article is to confirm or disprove the hypothesis that the limits, forms and methods of the ex-ante intrusion of international law into the national legal system are determined not only as a result of the agreed will of States, but also against such will, under the influence of the interests of individual States or their political blocs that occupy a dominant position in an international organization. Methodology. The authors use such general theoretical and specific scientific methods as comparative analysis, generalization, interpretation and classification as well as systemic analysis and formal logical methods. The main results. The forms and methods of intrusion of international law into the legal systems are diversified. International law is not limited to interstate relations. Global processes require the development of new scientific approaches to understanding the processes of intrusion of international law into the legal systems of States. These processes require the study of the forms and methods of the impact of international law and international institutions on the national legal order. States are sometimes forced to implement measures developed in the international implementation mechanism (due to the need for international financial assistance as well as the inability to single-handedly defeat internal corruption, create a favorable international image, etc.). The international legal invasion exist already ex – post through the decisions of international judicial bodies or the assertive recommendations of international organizations. Their demands are made not just to comply with international obligations, but to change national legislation. The implementation of the norms of international law in national legal systems should be carried out at the domestic level just as much as it is necessary to fulfill these international obligations. The law enforcement practice in the state is based solely on national principles of law, and it is unacceptable to comply with the requirements from the outside to change them from the point of view of the independence of the state. It is the exclusive right of each State to determine the content of acts of interpretation of international bodies in relation to the decisions and actions of specific States from the point of view of their national interests. We prove that every state has the important right to determine the limits of the invasion of international law in their national legal system: the contents of implementing legislation; the completeness of implementation of the decisions and recommendations of international bodies and courts; the recognition of the extraterritorial validity of foreign law and forms of its implementation. Conclusions. The fundamental principle of international law- pacta sunt servanda – is transforming into a practical imperative – national legislation must change. This is due to the recognition of the jurisdiction of international judicial bodies. This is due to the extraterritorial effect of foreign law; it is connected with the transnational character of the law of international integration entities. This is due to the inability of individual States to resist exponential corruption. The continuous nature of the intrusion of international law into national legal systems is reflected in the various methods of such interference. The article proves the importance of each state having the right to independently determine the limits of the intrusion of international law into their national legal system.

Economic and commercial convergence in Latin America. How are these countries doing so far?

This paper aims to analyze economic and commercial convergence in the three active integration agreements in the region: Central American Integration System, Southern Common Market, and Pacific Alliance. To this end, we estimated the Economic Convergence Index and correlations among the main macroeconomic aggregates. The empirical evidence reveals that, apart from Venezuela, Latin American countries have a high potential to form a common market. This potential derives more from the dynamics of their economies than from the political blocs or agreements that States want to pursue.

The Presidential System with a Multiparty System is Based on the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia

Coalitions of political parties built within the presidential system, especially in Indonesia, are non-binding and permanent. If government policies or programs are not famous or inline, political parties tend to engage in opposition. This study aims to determine the implementation of the presidential system with a multiparty system and efforts to realize a stable and dynamic government based on the Indonesian constitutional system. This research uses a normative approach. Types and sources of legal materials consist of primary legal materials, secondary legal materials, and tertiary legal materials. The analysis technique used in this research is the hermeneutic analysis method. The study results concluded that with the implementation of the presidential system with a multiparty system, it is rare for a President to be elected and from the majority party. Furthermore, with the election of a minority President and a majority in Parliament, the President will strengthen his position by forming a coalition. However, building a stable coalition is difficult in a multiparty presidential democracy. In this regard, the institutional engineering agenda that needs to be designed includes simplifying the number of factions in Parliament by tightening the threshold requirements for fraction formation; parliamentary coalition regulations aimed at both political blocs (coalition and opposition); strengthening the institution and authority of the Regional Representative Council to balance the House of Representatives so that checks and balances not only occur between the President and the House of Representatives but also between the House of Representatives and the Regional Representative Council.

“To Wage a War”: Crime, Race, and State Making in the Age of FDR

AbstractThe FDR administration waged a war on crime starting in 1933. I argue that this war on crime had three primary effects. First, it created a ratchet effect whereby expanded institutions did not return to previous levels after the campaign ended. Second, it instilled enduring institutional and racial logics into law enforcement in America. By building a state through a war on crime, these leaders constructed a criminal justice system designed to make war. Moreover, they perpetuated the surveillance of Black leaders and eschewed calls from Black organizations demanding protection from widespread racial violence. Third, these political entrepreneurs induced an issue realignment that defined crime policy around a politics of consensus—a consensus that included every major political bloc but Black Americans, who unsuccesfully called on the federal government to hold local police accountable and address racial inequality. This coalition diffused their methods to states and deployed future wars on crime, and the racial logics cemented in the FDR era set the stage for these future wars to be deployed disproportionately against the Black community.

Abuse of Punishment in Transitional Justice And Its Damage to Construction Democratic Political - The Iraqi Experience after 2003 as a Model

Objectives: The importance of the study stems from the fact that the region with all its countries, including Iraq, was and still lacks political stability, whether due to internal factors or external influences, or the conciliation of workers, and since transitional justice is an important idea, and essential in managing the stages of change, a solid democratic state that concerns everyone and cares, Everyone participates, from here, and through the centrality of the issue of change and the importance of the issue of transitional justice in it, and through the fact that the transitional experience in Iraq is a practical experience that took place early in the region, and in a pluralistic society that reflects the previous regime in which there are many features, and common to most of the prevailing political systems in the region This makes the study of his experience in this topic and the problems he encountered a suitable case for a useful study with an impact on more than one level. The research paper aims to study the negative aspects of Iraq's experience in the field of transitional justice, and its transformation from a transitional justice case into a tool of factional and partisan revenge, whose procedures are marred by a lot of arbitrariness, which makes the topic useful for those who work to implement these programs in the future in order to avoid problems and mistakes . Methods : The study adopts an analytical, inductive approach that relies on uncovering facts by starting from the details, then proceeds gradually to laws, general rules, and the college, where the Iraqi experience, its details, and the internal and external influences that accompanied it will be examined, down to the features and features And the facts of this experience, especially the negative aspects of it that affected the state of stability and construction in it, and this is particularly evident by analyzing the trends, paths, and problematic of transitional justice interventions in the current political transformations in Iraq after 2003, because understanding the course of the struggle for power and the influence between the components It will help us understand the dimensions of the competition for power and influence between these political blocs that represented the Iraqi opposition during the days of the political system under the rule of the (Baath Party) before its fall in 2003. By perpetuating the phenomenon of competition and conflict between political blocs, including the perpetuation of two phenomena: The first is uncertainty about the possibility of renewed violence in the future. The second is the intense competition over how to institutionalize the balance of power in Iraq after 2003. Results: The failure of transitional justice in Iraq, and the failure to implement its real mechanisms that do not contradict human rights principles, was the reason for Iraq to reach its current stage, and the increase in impunity and injustice of persons who were not the cause of committing any human rights violations. The results indicate that the last feature is indeed important because the deep partisan motives linked mainly to sectarianism, ethnicity, nationalism, and to a lesser extent regionalism, are the main determinants of the competition between the Iraqi political blocs that took over the rule of Iraq after 2003. The reasonable explanation is that a sense of the narrow political and partisan gains of these Iraqi political blocs may compensate for the debts owed due to past violations and urge a preference for avoiding the pursuit of truth or punishment for fear that political gains may be threatened in some way. Conclusions : Failure to resort to fair legal accountability causes new human rights violations, so the following question can be raised: Does ignoring legal accountability increase the number of perpetrators of violations, and help some of the perpetrators in the previous regime to get away from punishment, and wrong others? And that the negative engagement in transitional justice file, ignoring legal mechanisms, and to obey the wishes of the party, and lead to factional influence in the political process and thus stumble in the democratic transition? Keywords : Democratic political Iraqi punishment transitional justice damage construction DOI: 10.7176/EJBM/13-6-03 Publication date: March 31 st 2021