Political Accountability Research Articles

The accountability of politicians in international crises and the nature of audience cost

AbstractWe study the problem of how citizens should punish or reward a leader's choices during international crises. Audiences should impose costs rooted in citizens’ preferences over policy outcomes, but that need not mean that these costs directly reflect the citizens’ preferences over actions. Instead, rewards and punishments are valued for their equilibrium consequences. To understand how citizens’ policy preferences shape electoral accountability, we characterize the retention strategies that maximize citizen welfare. In the optimal strategy, citizens always punish leaders who initiate crises and then back down. This is a robust finding, and true even though the citizens have no intrinsic preferences for policy consistency. Whether they punish leaders for backing down rather than going to war, on the other hand, depends on the status quo and on the costs of war. Importantly, these strategies of rewarding and punishing leaders need not have any immediate connection to voter's ex ante preferences over war and peace, even if preferences over policy outcomes ultimately motivate citizen behavior. This has important implications for interpreting empirical and experimental results related to audience costs.

Naoroji: Pioneer of Indian Nationalism, by Dinyar Patel

Biography is a curiously under-used genre in Indian academic history (in marked contrast to Indian popular history and cinema, where biography and biopics continue to thrive). Whether this absence is because of a dearth of sources, a theoretical scepticism of methods that assume a fundamental unity and narrative coherence of individual lives, or because Indian historians, as Dinyar Patel mordantly puts it, ‘are very prone to the vagaries of academic fashion [and] have been loath to accept biography as a legitimate form of scholarship’ (p. 10), is difficult to say. Whatever the reason may be, there are few biographies of modern Indian figures beyond the now classic studies of canonical nationalist leaders such as Gandhi or Jinnah, a fact that represents a significant gap in the field. Patel’s meticulously researched and elegantly written biography of Dadabhai Naoroji (1825–1917) provides an admirable model of what this genre can offer to the field of modern Indian history. In doing so, the book also narrates a fascinating transnational account of Indian nationalism and wider British imperial politics in the long nineteenth century.

Block Exemption Regulations and Public Policy: in The Defence of BERS

AbstractThis article defends Block Exemption Regulations (‘BERs’) as a legitimate and effective tool for the consideration of public policy within Article 101 of the TFEU enforcement. Going against popular opinion, it argues that as the expression of a clearly defined EU-wide political consensus, BERs carry several advantages over the traditional balancing tools of Article 101(1) and (3) individual exceptions, guidelines, or balancing by the exercise of enforcement discretion. BERs offer pre-determined and transparent rules, safeguarding the independent competition authorities’ political accountability and democratic legitimacy, promoting uniformity and legal certainty, reducing compliance and enforcement costs, inviting scrutiny and debate, and fostering experimentalism and flexibility.

Are they one of us? The effect of political professionalization on the political elite's social closure and the principal-agent problems, 1978–2019

ABSTRACT This article examines the effect of political professionalization on descriptive representation and the principal-agent problems in the European micro-states and six large-scale democracies since 1980. By doing so, the article revisits an ongoing debate about the consequences of having a political elite professionalized. Using an original data set consisting of the individual and legislative professionalization characteristics of twelve European sovereign states and the aggregate socio-demographic characteristics of parliamentarians at national parliaments, this article shows that while legislative professionalization is a determinant for descriptive representation, politicians’ professionalization is a negative determinant for political responsiveness and accountability. Moreover, this article underlines population size as a determinant for the descriptive representation of certain socio-demographic characteristics and it describes the null effect of population size on the negative causal relation of politicians’ professionalization on political responsiveness and accountability.

Political corruption and accounting choices

AbstractWe examine how political corruption affects firms’ accounting choices. We hypothesize and find that firms headquartered in corrupt districts manipulate earnings downwards, relative to firms headquartered elsewhere. Our finding is robust to alternative corruption measures, alternative discretionary accrual measures, alternative model specifications, the instrumental variable approach and difference‐in‐differences analyses based on firm relocation and high profile cases. We find that firms headquartered in corrupt districts prefer income‐decreasing accounting choices and exhibit higher conservatism. Finally, we find that the effect of corruption on earnings management is more pronounced for geographically concentrated firms, for firms without political connections, for firms in politically sensitive industries, for firms with lower transient institutional investor ownership and for firms with less analyst coverage. In sum, our findings suggest that firms respond to corruption by lowering their accounting earnings.

The Christian Structure of Politics: On the De Regno of Thomas Aquinas by William McCormick

Reviewed by: The Christian Structure of Politics: On the De Regno of Thomas Aquinas by William McCormick D. C. Schindler McCORMICK, William. The Christian Structure of Politics: On the De Regno of Thomas Aquinas. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 2022. xiii + 272 pp. Cloth, $75.00 Challenging general assumptions that, because of its genre as a letter to a king in the speculum principis tradition, Aquinas's De Regno is a minor source for Aquinas's political theory in comparison to the political passages from the Summa and Sentence Commentary, William McCormick, S.J. presents a new interpretation of this somewhat neglected text. Though there exist a few classic articles comparing Aquinas's thought in this letter and elsewhere, and substantial introductions to the De Regno in editions by Eschmann (1949) and Dondaine (1979), The Christian Structure of Politics is the first book-length study of Aquinas's letter to the king of Cyprus. In this respect, the volume makes a very welcome contribution to our understanding of Aquinas's understanding of political order, bringing out a dimension of his thought—its awareness of history and its pedagogical sensitivity—not so apparent in Aquinas's other writings. The book is very much what it presents itself as being, namely, a "close reading" of the text, following the letter's two parts (the second of which [End Page 150] Aquinas left unfinished) paragraph by paragraph, considering various interpretative possibilities and suspending judgment—the words "might" and "perhaps" are no doubt two of the most frequent in the book—until more evidence comes into view, and working up to general principles only at the end. McCormick thus eschews substantial engagement with theoretical issues that would form the backdrop to the discussion (for example, the relation between nature and grace, and between practical and theoretical reason), opting instead to focus on a more immediate engagement with what is presented in the text itself. He also does not make more than passing comments on Aquinas's better-known formulations on political matters from the Summa or Sentences Commentary. On the other hand, the "close reading" does not keep McCormick from discerning a general order in Aquinas's letter, which he divides up thematically according to a proposed schema. His approach shows a sensitivity to the historical context in which Aquinas was writing, even if particular details about Aquinas's addressee and the occasion of composition remain uncertain, but his aim is not simply to produce a historical study. Instead, as the book's title itself already indicates, he investigates the De Regno in order to show that the text offers fundamental principles for a distinctively Christian approach to politics, and thus can shed light even on our contemporary situation. The book is divided into five basic chapters, in addition to a substantial introduction and brief conclusion. The first four chapters follow the order of the De Regno, though the basic lines of division are McCormick's own interpretative proposal. Chapter 1 treats the letter's prooemium and the first two chapters of part one (I.1-2) under the title "The Aristotelian State of Nature," showing that, contrary to ideas found in a certain current of Christian thought, political order is fully natural to man and not simply a practical response to violence. Chapter 2, "The Augustinian Earthly City," treating I.3-6, complements the natural character of politics with the realistic acknowledgment of man's fallen nature. While some commentators have worried that the discussion of tyranny in these and subsequent chapters of the De Regno eclipses the positive account of politics given rather schematically at the start, and so diminishes the interest the text might hold for the political philosopher, McCormick argues that the engagement with the tyrant, and the disorder he generates, represents an essential dimension of Aquinas's political vision. Indeed, one of the principal theses of The Christian Structure of Politics is that Aquinas manages to integrate Aristotelian and Augustinian perspectives in an unusually illuminating way: Christian revelation, which introduces the eschatological horizon and foregrounds the historical narrative of sin and redemption, does not supplant but instead grounds and deepens the integrity of politics and...

The relationship between politics, legal system and financial reporting on fraud

Motivation: Fraud is a challenging problem. Its economic effects are clear – worse public services, less financially stable and profitable companies, charities deprived of resources needed for charitable purposes and diminished levels of disposable income of everyone. In every sector globally, fraud has an adverse impact on the quality of life. Fraud threatens the effective and efficient utilization of resources and hence is of great concern to industries, the whole community and academia. Research Question: Does political regime moderate the relationship between financial reporting regime and on fraud? Does the legal system moderate the relationship between financial reporting regime and on fraud? What is the impact of financial reporting regime, legal regime and political regime on fraud at national level? Idea: This study investigates how political, legal and financial reporting impacts on fraud at a country level and whether any triangular effects exist. Data: Country level data published by ACFE, World Fact book, Deloitte IAS Plus Report, IFAC Report and Economic Intelligence Unit Report on Democracy Index for 106 countries for the years 2010 to 2014 was used. Tools: To test study’s hypotheses and to determine the interactive effects of legal regime, political regime and financial reporting regime on fraud, a three-way ANOVA is used. To determine the impact of the independent variables on fraud, pooled regression analysis is used. Findings: The findings provide both theoretical and empirical evidence on the interaction effects of political, legal and financial reporting regimes on fraud. Political and legal regime has a significant interaction with financial reporting on fraud as posited by political accountability theory and legal theory. Even the main effects of each regime separately are statistically significant. Contribution: given the complex nature of frauds, the study is relevant to regulators, practising auditors, legal and political experts and politicians engaged in the debate on frauds and how to address this harmful act at a cross country level. When collusion exists between executive, legislative oversight in a full democratic regime is weakened, impacting the mechanism of fraud minimisation.

Outsourcing Governance: Local Government and the Future of Democracy in South Africa

This article analyses the decline and near collapse of local government in South Africa through a political and legal lens. Given the paralysis of constitutionally envisaged political accountability procedures in the post-Mbeki period, residents and local businesses have increasingly resorted to courts and chapter 9 institutions, in addition to local organisation, protest and a range of direct actions. Courts previously afforded municipalities a significant margin of discretion in dealing with local government affairs and stayed out of constitutionally mandated political oversight processes, but have, since 2016, become increasingly interventionist. Some recent judgements go as far as to bypass conventional accountability processes altogether and to endorse community self-help, thereby potentially signalling an evolution in judicial conceptions of civic responsibility. At a political level, however, the future of local government is treacherous, given the loss of faith among voters.

State audit of public–private partnerships: Effects on transparency, auditor's roles, and impact on auditee's reactions

AbstractSupreme Audit Institutions (SAIs) play an active role in the government's accountability to the parliament. Public–private partnerships (PPPs) are a different route used to deliver infrastructure‐based public services by private sector entities compared to traditional public procurement. Due to their nature, PPPs raise specific issues related to transparency for public accountability and SAIs, through the independent and competent audit they provide, may enhance the information content of the accountability relationship between the government and the parliament. We conducted a documentary analysis of 16 PPP audit reports issued by the Portuguese Court of Auditors (CoA) to analyze the audit process and outputs. Overall, our evidence suggests that the CoA, through the audit reports, reduced the information asymmetry by disclosing relevant information for more comprehensive public scrutiny and political accountability of PPPs and made several recommendations towards better PPP governance and management. Furthermore, our findings corroborate the two functions of SAIs, which can both be found in the same audit report: the watchdog function (magistrate and public accountant roles), drawing attention to failures at different stages of the PPP cycle, and the shepherding function (management accountant role), providing advice to the Government towards best practices on PPP governance and management. Considering the Government's reactions to the audit reports and the information available about CoA's recommendations implementation, there are doubts about the desired audit impact on the auditee's change of PPPs governance and management.

Public Service Performance Accountability: Case Study at Surabaya Zoo, Indonesia

The importance of accountability in the performance of public services greatly affects the trust and competence of the organization, especially PDTS Surabaya Zoo. This study aims to describe, interpret, and analyse the accountability of public service performance and analyse the accountability model of public service performance at the Surabaya Zoo. This study uses a qualitative research method with a case study approach. There are 4 types of accountabilities used to answer the research formulation, namely bureaucratic, political, professional, and legal accountability.

ON THE DECLINE IN STATE POPULATION DISTRIBUTION: A COASEAN ROLE FOR SECTION 111 OF THE AUSTRALIAN CONSTITUTION?

Since Federation,22The Federation of Australia was the culmination of a series of constitutional conventions held in Melbourne, Sydney and Adelaide between 1890 and 1898. In the first convention, politicians from New South Wales, Victoria, Tasmania, Queensland, South Australia, Western Australia, and New Zealand affirmed their intention to enter into a political union. Later conventions were attended by elected delegates. New Zealand, however, decided not to continue with the proposed scheme for federation, mainly due to its geographic isolation from the Australian continent. The conventions culminated with the adoption of a draft constitution that was eventually adopted by all six Australian States. It is also worth noting that the first Commonwealth between Australian states came in 1885, with the passing of the Federal Council of Australasia Act 1885 (Imp), 48 & 49 Victoria, c. 60 (U.K.). This confederal union came to an end with the coming into force of the Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act 1900 (Imp), 63 & 64 Victoria, c. 12, § 9 (U.K.). The Commonwealth Constitution came into force on 1 January 1901. the ratio of people living outside capital cities to those living within these cities have been declining in all six States. Historically, Australia opted for a regulatory approach that favoured in favouring satellite towns around state capitals, such as Newcastle and the Gold Coast, over the alternative of decentralised regional urban centres, such as Wagga Wagga or Townsville. The latest phase of this planning paradigm envisages integrating these satellites and their capital cities into mega-metropolises. Notwithstanding the benefits from agglomeration, rectifying the observed imbalance assumes an urgency not only through a national security imperative but also through social equity. To analyse the cause of this population decline, I use a theoretical model to explain how sub-national state political accountability distorts incentives when it comes to the provision of public goods. The equilibrium provision is not Pareto optimal given the observed population distribution externality. The inefficient provision of public goods is causing more people to choose to live in the capital city, which in turn creates a vicious circle of worsening population distribution. The model suggests that breaking this circle requires Coasean bargaining so that eliminating the externality is assigned to the Australian jurisdiction that can do so at the lowest cost. Surrender and acceptance agreements under section 111 of the Australian Constitution furnish a modality for the envisaged bargaining to the end of transforming regional Australia into a national jurisdiction. Whether this efficiency can be realised remains a question of transaction costs and income effects flowing from such jurisdictional reassignment.

Political Accountability and Selective Perception in the Time of COVID

Abstract That voters punish the incumbent president in bad times, and reward them in good times, has become a stylized fact of elections. Despite COVID-19 representing an unprecedented catastrophe, Trump’s approval ratings, unlike other world leaders, remained stable throughout 2020. To explore this puzzle, we surveyed the same Americans twice before the 2020 election—a period when COVID cases spiked. Instead of finding that the crisis’s severity affected Trump’s approval, we find the reverse—perception of the crisis depended on one’s prior political predispositions. People who already supported Trump were more likely to underestimate COVID fatalities and case rates, and less likely to perceive the crisis as worsening over time (daily infections doubled between interviews). Those who perceived the crisis to worsen, but continued to support Trump, expressed unwillingness to blame the president. A public so polarized that it fails to acknowledge disaster, or attribute blame, cannot hold its government accountable.

Accounting for what and to whom? Accountability tensions in collaborations addressing long‐term unemployment

AbstractAcross Europe, public employment services are experimenting with more holistic and cross‐sector collaborations to tackle the wicked problem of long‐term unemployment. These collaborations operate in a context characterised by tensions produced by multiple demands for accountability. Based on case studies of the accountability relations and challenges in five such collaborations in the Netherlands, Belgium (Flanders), Estonia, Scotland and Denmark, we found that: rigorous use of quantifiable measurement regimes made it difficult to attribute salience to important aspects of the progress made by the unemployed citizen; standardised accounts come with the risk of reductionist understandings of the citizen's social circumstances and resources; superficial participation by local politicians resulted in rather weak political accountability and a marked ambiguity of the role of the client as both accountee and accountholder.

Re-Envisioning an Early Years System of Care towards Equity in Canada: A Critical, Rapid Review.

Background: Many children in high-income countries, including Canada, experience unjust and preventable health inequities as a result of social and structural forces that are beyond their families’ immediate environment and control. In this context, early years programs, as a key population health initiative, have the potential to play a critical role in fostering family and child wellbeing. Methods: Informed by intersectionality, this rapid literature review captured a broad range of international, transdisciplinary literature in order to identify promising approaches for orienting early years systems of care towards equity in Canada. Results: Findings point to the need for a comprehensive, integrated and socially responsive early years system that has top-down political vision, leadership and accountability and bottom-up community-driven tailoring with an explicit focus on health promotion and maternal, family and community wellness using relational approaches. Conclusions: Advancing child health equity in wealthy countries requires structural government-level changes that support cross-ministerial and intersectoral alliances. Employing intersectionality in this rapid review promotes contextualized and nuanced understandings of what is needed in order to advance a responsive, comprehensive and quality early years system of equity-oriented care. Further research is needed to prevent child health inequities that are disproportionally experienced by Indigenous and racialized children in wealthy countries such as Canada. olicy and research recommendations that have relevance for high-income countries in diverse global contexts are discussed.

Are the Fingerprints of WTO Staff on Panel Rulings a Problem? A Reply to Joost Pauwelyn and Krzysztof Pelc

Abstract By employing stylometric data analysis, Joost Pauwelyn and Krzysztof Pelc underpin the narrative of a power-mongering World Trade Organization (WTO) Secretariat. As ‘holder of the pen’ in writing WTO rulings, the Secretariat would absorb control over WTO adjudicators and the dispute settlement procedure. This reply disagrees. First, with stylometric analysis informing style rather than substance, this technique does not encrypt the intellectual ownership of WTO rulings, nor does it offer account of the deliberation between bureaucrats and adjudicators. Second, with public power typically deriving legitimacy from both political or judicial accountability as well as rational and de-politicized bureaucracies, an assertive WTO Secretariat under the direction of panellists is normatively desirable. Third, a WTO Secretariat pursuing consistent application of the growing WTO acquis does not impair the members-driven adjudication process.

The Value of Corporate Political Donations: Evidence from the Capitol Riot

Corporate political action committees donate about $300 million to federal political candidates each election cycle, but research offers mixed evidence on the value of these contributions. We estimate the value of firms' campaign contributions by studying the decision of 159 S&P 500 companies to stop donations following a riot in the U.S. Capitol building. Average cumulative abnormal returns over the two days following firms' announcements to halt donations were -0.6 percent. There is no significant relationship between the magnitude of abnormal returns and (a) the amount of political contributions, (b) the intensity of regulation in a firm's industry, (c) the firm's lobbying expenditures, or (d) the firm's score on governance and political accountability indexes. Analysis of campaign donations following the riot shows that firms mostly honored their pledge to stop donations, at least for the first quarter of 2021. Together, the results suggest campaign donations by corporate political action committees have small effects on firm value.

Impact of Vernacular Radio Regulatory Policies on Peacebuilding During 2007, 2012, and 2017 Conflicts in Presidential Elections in Kisumu County, Kenya

The purpose of this study was to investigate the role of the Ramogi Vernacular FM Radio Station and peacebuilding interventions during conflicts arising from presidential elections in 2007, 2012, and 2017. Specifically, the study aimed to assess the impact of Vernacular Radio regulatory editorial policies on peacebuilding. The study was guided by Agenda setting theory. The study used a mixed method (triangulation) research design. Purposive, Stratified, and Simple random sampling techniques were used to select the sample size of 384 respondents. However, 345 (89.8%) respondents from the sample were injected into the study whereby 104 were Head teachers of Primary Schools; 44 principals of secondary schools; 7 Sub-County Administrators; 67 Market Chairpersons; 38 supermarket Proprietors: 56 Bodaboda (Motor Cycle) Operators; 25 Bodaboda Sacco Chairpersons in Kisumu County and 4 Media Persons returned questionnaires and a ration of 1:10 was interviewed. Data for the study was collected by the use of questionnaires, interview schedules, and document analysis. Pearson’s r for the reliability of piloted data was +0.89 for educationists and +0.82 for business fraternity which indicated good internal consistency. Quantitative data was analysed through descriptive and inferential statistics and presented using tables and pie charts. Qualitative data was thematically analysed using NVIVO and presented through thematic narratives, which involved the identification and interpretation of patterns and themes whereby inferential statistics were used to gauge influence. The finding showed that the media outlets freely broadcast to residents. Further, social actors’ utterances were not monitored and this was a recipe for chaotic outcomes. This research recommended that there is a need for policy formulation to fill gaps in media policies to facilitate freedom of the press, need for political accountability, and need to adapt inter-cultural dialogue to enhance social cohesion.

Vymožiteľnosť politickej zodpovednosti v prípade korupčného konania na slovenskej politickej scéne

Tackling corruption regularly appears on the agendas of almost all governments. Anti-corruption public policies aim to prevent corrupt behaviour both at the highest levels of government and in everyday social life. On the one hand, corruption seriously undermines the democratic principles of the rule of law; on the other hand, the enforceability of political accountability linked to the rule of law determines the level of corruption. The aim of the study is to identify the enforceability of legal responsibility for corrupt acts against public officials in the Slovak political arena during the electoral periods from 1994 to 2020. This objective is fulfilled by answering research questions focused on the incidence rate and definition of corrupt conduct in the Slovak Republic environment. The main method of the paper is a collective case study conducted on 219 cases. The results showed that the societal pressure for accountability of political accountability is increasing over time. Hence, the importance of anti-corruption public policy is growing, but its effectiveness remains questionable. The results of the research point to low levels of accountability, especially under left-wing governments.

Impeachment: A Mechanism between Political Accountability and Legal Responsibility? Common Law Sources and the Brazilian Originalist Model

Abstract This paper seeks to analyze impeachment as a mechanism of institutional control of political actors, searching for its historical and theoretical bases in common law, so as to uncover the sources of the Brazilian originalist model. The Brazilian model deserves special attention due to its highly distinct, descriptive constitutional hypotheses. Before attempting to define the nature of impeachment, the main objective was to place the general idea of responsibility within the theoretical scope of representative democracy, accounting for potential failures resulting in frustration of expectations of constituencies and/or abuse of power by representatives. While identifying structural distinctions between political accountability and legal responsibility, it was appropriate to bring forth the requirement of legal violation in classical Athenian precedents (eisangeliai). In the end, this analysis goes over historical mutations of the impeachment mechanism: a) establishment of procedural parameters (British first cases); b) inceptive prerequisite of legal violation (Stuart period); c) attemptable specification of appropriate legal hypotheses (US); d) constitutional provision of precise categories of legal violation (Brazil).

Social Justice and Native American Political Engagement

Abstract The run-up to the 2020 election in the United States was marked by an unprecedented health pandemic and a social movement to challenge structural racism and advance social justice. Record numbers of Americans risked their health by protesting and voting in 2020. We analyze the relationship between a desire to advance social justice and Native American political behavior and political accountability utilizing data from the 2020 American Election Eve Survey’s large sample of Native American voters. We find that in 2020, both perceptions of racial discrimination and the COVID-19 health pandemic had a significant effect on Native American mobilization and political accountability. We also advance the limited research on the Native American electorate by finding that living on or very near tribal lands is a consequential factor for Native American political behavior and their pursuits for justice through political participation.