Background: Earlier research has indicated that patients with agrammatic Broca's aphasia have problems with constraints on the intra-sentential interpretation of object pronouns, incorrectly allowing them to refer to the subject of the same sentence. However, these studies do not show how agrammatic patients deal with constraints on the extra-sentential interpretation of pronouns. Also, studies that did investigate patients' extra-sentential interpretation of pronouns were on English and Dutch, languages with a pronominal system that differs substantially from the pronominal system of Romance languages, such as Spanish. Aims: To test Spanish agrammatic patients on the interpretation of stressed and non-stressed subject and object pronouns in coordinated structures (the Spanish counterparts of sentences such as “First the girl pushed the mother, and than she / SHE pushed the boy”), in order to investigate whether they exhibit the same referential preferences as non-brain-damaged individuals and English- and Dutch-speaking patients. Methods & Procedures: In the present study seven Spanish patients with agrammatic Broca's aphasia and six non-brain-damaged adults were tested with a picture selection task on their interpretation of non-stressed and stressed pronouns in coordinated sentences. Patients were presented coordinated sentences and were shown four pictures, one on the left page, three on the right page. The left page picture represents the first conjunct of the test sentence, the right page represent the two theoretically possible referents of the pronoun (subject of the first conjunct, or object of the first conjunct) and a non-related picture. The patient's task was to indicate out of the three pictures the one that correctly represented the meaning of the second conjunct of the test sentence. Outcomes & Results: Agrammatic individuals exhibit difficulties with the interpretation of non-stressed object pronouns, and even more difficulties with the interpretation of contrastively stressed pronouns. An additional finding is that they tend to prefer subjects as the antecedents of pronouns. Conclusions: We claim that patients' problems with the interpretation of pronouns are not the result of missing syntactic knowledge, but are due to patients' limited ability to keep syntactic configurations in their syntactic working memory. We argue that their preference for subjects as antecedents for pronouns reflects a fall-back strategy in agrammatic patients when, as a result of limited processing resources, syntax-based interpretative operations fail.
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