Authoritarian Period Research Articles

A imprensa e o gênero jornalismo do mato no regime militar

This article proposes, from the position of the media companies in episodes resulting in the State’s coup overthrowing Joao Goulart of presidency of the Republic in 1964 and validation of the military regime whose validity was extended for 21 years, and retaking the majority position of newspapers in Empire of ratifiers in almost all of the existence of the Brazilian slave system, to conceptualise how the bush journalism the journalistic genre guarantor of the authoritarian period and distinctive dubiousness of the press on to represent themselves as a democratic stronghold of society, while played, actually, the assessor’s office, accomplice and publicist of an autocratic, repressive and segregationist government.

From regime change to paradigm shift: A philosophical perspective on the development of Taiwan's citizenship curriculum

Citizenship education configured according to different curriculum paradigms is expected to produce differing outcomes. Conservative, liberal, and communitarian citizenship paradigms exhibit different varieties of citizens’ characters and social roles. During the authoritarian period in Taiwan, the authorities created a conservative version of citizenship education stressing morality and obligations in order to cultivate ‘obedient’ citizens who would be easy to rule over. In the wake of democratization since the late 1980s, liberal thoughts gradually permeated Taiwanese society. The newest citizenship curriculum, officially introduced in 2010 across senior high schools, swings away from conservatism towards two other types, as the 18 interviewed curriculum designers have revealed in the research. Shifting from an ‘obligations-oriented’ to a ‘rights-based’ curriculum, the new guidelines aim to emphasize the indispensable value of human agency and the critical and reflective capability of the individual. Based on Charles Taylor and Wilhelm von Humboldt's ‘holist individualism’, an integrative approach to overcome the liberal-communitarian tension is created. The new curriculum is rooted in the liberal construct and softened by communitarianism to avoid fostering self-interested individuals and to encourage wider social participation.

La emigración de la población de la Checoslovaquia socialista en el lenguaje de la propaganda comunista

El presente artículo explica los métodos y formas de propaganda de los régimenes no democráticos tomando como ejemplo la propaganda comunista respecto a la emigración. El propósito del artículo es averiguar cómo veía la élite política comunista a la gente que abandonaba el país, contra qué tipos de emigrantes iba dirigida la propaganda comunista y qué medios de expresión se utilizaban en la prensa comunista para caracterizar a los exiliados políticos. Partimos de la hipótesis de que el lenguaje propagandístico de los comunistas en contra de los emigrantes no cambiaba en función de la rigidez del régimen comunista. De este modo, los emigrantes eran considerados enemigos del régimen tanto en el periodo totalitario de los años cincuenta como en el periodo autoritario de los ochenta. En el presente texto se realiza un análisis de los contenidos de los medios de comunicación escritos de ambas épocas. En la primera parte, la parte teórica, se presenta el papel que desempeña la propaganda en los regímenes no democráticos. A continuación, se explican los motivos de la emigración durante la época objeto de análisis y, finalmente, se analiza el lenguaje de la propaganda del partido comunista.

Dictadura, Democracia y Justicia Transicional en Brasil: Trayectoria y Legados del Supremo Tribunal Federal

El objetivo principal de este artículo es contribuir al debate actual sobre justicia transicional, observando la participación del Supremo Tribunal Federal de Brasil en este proceso. Para ello, se analiza la trayectoria y los cambios institucionales del Supremo Tribunal durante el último régimen cívico-militar instaurado en 1964. Particularmente, se observan los medios y los objetos de los cambios institucionales, el escenario político y las continuidades y los legados del Alto Tribunal en la democracia, con especial atención para las violaciones a los derechos humanos producidas por los agentes estatales durante el régimen autoritario. El estudio concluye con un análisis comparativo del tipo de cambio institucional que existió tanto en dictadura como en democracia.

Corruption and Governance Improvement in Uruguay

This paper describes and analyzes the transformation of Uruguayan governance institutions with particular regard to corruption and particularism. Uruguay substantively improved its levels of universalism in the last fifteen years. This improvement is due to a prolonged process of transformation in Uruguayan politics from competitive particularism to an open access regime. We claim that the change in the way that parties compete for votes - from clientelistic to programmatic strategy – since 1985 is the cause of this transformation. An economic and fiscal crisis during de sixties, weakened the clientelistic strategy of the traditional parties and enabled the entrance of a new party that built their electoral support based on programmatic claims instead of the distribution of clientelism. In that context clientelism became nor fiscally sustainable neither electorally effective. The traditional parties –after an authoritarian period- had to adapt to programmatic competition and leave aside clientelism. Institutional transformations regarding corruption are in this context the effects rather than causes of universalism. Nevertheless, these new institutions are not irrelevant because they are functional to the new political equilibrium and help to maintain it. This document uses data from a variety of sources - ranging from official figures to public opinion and elite surveys or media reports - to provide descriptive evidence of the main features of this governance regime transformation, and proposes an analytic framework to explain it.

<b>“Yolcu Nereye Gidiyorsun” Romanında II.Abdülhamit Döneminden II.Meşrûtiyet’e Uzanan Süreci Okumak</b><br><i>Reading the Period Throughout the Reign of Abdülhamit II and the II. Constitutional Era from the Novel, “Passenger, Where Are You Going To”</i>

1905-1993 yılları arasında yaşayan mütefekkir, mutasavvıf ve edebiyatçı-yazar Sâmiha Ayverdi tarih, kültür, medeniyet, toplum, tasavvuf ve edebiyat alanlarında yazdığı kırk eseriyle Türk milletinin Osmanlı’dan itibaren getirdiği kültür ve birikimi gelecek nesillere aktarmıştır. Tarih konulu eserlerinde geniş bir tarih bilincine sâhip olduğu dikkat çeken yazar, fikir ağırlıklı romanlarında tasavvuf konusunun yanı sıra devrin tarihi ve sosyal meselelerini de dile getirir. Yazarın Yolcu Nereye Gidiyorsun adlı romanı, Batılılaşmanın olumsuz etkilerini ve II. Abdülhamit döneminden II. Meşrûtiyet’e uzanan süreçte yaşananları aileler üzerinden ele alması bakımından dikkate değerdir. Batılılaşmanın yarattığı züppe tipi ve ikilik meselesi, istibdad dönemi, İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti’nin iktidarı ele geçirdikten sonra yarattığı hayal kırıklığı romanda ele alınan konulardandır. Romanın başkişisi Adlî’nin anne ve babası Batıyı körü körüne taklit etmektedir. Adlî’nin dayısı Nâzım Bey, İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti üyesidir ve yeğenine vatan ve millet bilinci aşılamıştır. Adlî’nin amcası Zîver Paşa ise II. Abdülhamit döneminin hafiyelerinin âmiri olarak istibdat döneminin bütün nimetlerinden yararlanmıştır. II. Meşrûtiyet’in ilânı bu üç ailenin hayatında büyük değişiklikler meydana getirir. Romanda istibdâdın hâkim olduğu 1897’den 31 Mart Vakası’nın bastırılmasından sonraki bir-iki yıllık dönemde yaşanan tarihî ve sosyal olaylar Adlî’nin gözünden verilir ve döneme dair önemli eleştiriler yapılır. Abstract With her forty books on history, culture, civilization, society, mysticism, and literature, Sâmiha Ayverdi, a thinker, mystic and a writer who lived between the years of 1905 and 1993, passed the culture and the accumulation of the Turkish nation to the future generations since the Ottoman times. The author was highly conscious of history, which is obvious in her history books, she also wrote intellectual novels dealing with contemporary history and social matters in addition to the subject of mysticism. The author’s novel, entitled as Yolcu, Nereye Gidiyorsun (Passenger, Where Are You Going To) taking families into consideration is important as it examines the negative impacts of the Westernization and reflects what happened throughout the period from the reign of Abdülhamit II and the Second Constitutional Era. The subjects of the novel are the show off person emerged out of the Westernization and the matter of duality, the period of authoritarianism and the disappointment came after the Committee of Union and Progress had taken the power. The protagonist of the novel is Adlî and his parents blindly imitated the West. Adlî’s uncle from mother side, Nâzım Bey was the member of the Committee of Union and Progress and he made her nephew conscious of the fatherland and the nation. As being the head police officer, Adlî’s uncle Zîver Paşa fully benefitted from the authoritarian rule of the Abdulhamit II. The declaration of the Second Constitutional Era brought about great changes in the lives of these three families. Historical and social events from the hot period of the authoritarian rule from 1897 to one or two years following the Event of March 31, 1909, are given in the novel from the eyes of Adlî and important criticisms of the period are made.

Violence in the Arab Revolutions: The Paradigmatic Case of Egypt

Arab Revolutions promoted non-violence (selmiyah) at their outset, in conjunction with thedignity of the citizen (karama). These mottoes did not resist for a long time against theviolence of the Deep State, the intolerance of the revolutionary actors, and the geopolitics ofthe region, with the notable exception of Tunisia, where geopolitics were not paramount. Thisarticle aims at analyzing the manifold features of violence during the transitional period, fromthe ousting of the President Mubarak in February 2011 up to the third anniversary of theRevolution in January 25, 2014. It purports to show that grass root level actors (the BlackBloc made of Football fans, the secular youth building up the social movement Tamarrod...)and institutional ones (the Judiciary, the security forces representing the Interior Ministry, andthe military at the highest level) rejected the new President from the Muslim Brotherhood.The latter acted in an inept and partisan manner, dialogue becoming impossible and violentrupture becoming unavoidable. The two types of violence (from below and from the DeepState) made democratization impossible. The door was opened for a new period ofauthoritarianism under the aegis of the army.The article does not deal with the geopolitics andtheir role in the radicalization within the Egyptian society.

Os partidos de oposição e seu papel fiscalizador (1995-1999)

It focus on the National Congress as redemocratization brought a revitalization process and, since the nineties, the Brazilian Legislative Branch has been analyzed through various studies in the Political Science area. This paper brings two manners of analysis: (a) the first has the aim of analyzing the Brazilian Congress’ structure and modus operandi, showing a comparison between two different moments: the authoritarian period and the subsequent democratic moment; and (b) study the group of legislative decisions taken by the opposition parties, aiming to check the government acts between 1995 and 1999.

Labor Unions and Firm Profitability under Different Political and Economic Environments: Evidence from Korea

This paper analyzes the effect of unions on the profitability of firms under different political and economic environments in Korea. During the authoritarian period (1981–1986), unions lowered firm profitability despite the repression by the state, due to the strong protection of individual workers and the weak discipline in the financial market. During the democratization period (1988–1996), unions lowered firm profitability, but only marginally more than they did during the authoritarian period. In the post-crisis period (1999–2007), unions did not lower firm profitability any longer given the relatively weak protection of individual workers and the stronger discipline in the financial market.

DO LUTO À LUTA: um estudo sobre a Comissão de Familiares de Mortos e Desaparecidos Políticos no Brasil

Analisa-se as formas como os familiares de pessoas mortas e desaparecidas durante a ditadura civil-militar no Brasil (1964-1985) se organizaram para reivindicar: 1º) o reconhecimento da responsabilidade do Estado brasileiro pelas violações aos direitos humanos praticadas; 2º) a apuração das reais circunstâncias em que estas mortes e desaparecimentos ocorreram; 3º) a responsabilização dos culpados; 4º) o resgate e a preservação da memória relativa a estes fatos. Fortalecida na primeira metade da década de 1970, a luta dos familiares organizados em torno da Comissão de Familiares de Mortos e Desaparecidos Políticos (CFMDP) estende-se até a atualidade. Em mais de três décadas, a CFMDP trabalha de forma insistente junto à sociedade na tentativa de fazer com que os crimes ocorridos não sejam esquecidos e buscando ampliar seu apoio com vistas à construção de políticas que atendam suas demandas. Apesar das conquistas obtidas, a CFMDP ainda lida com legados do autoritarismo que limitam visivelmente a obtenção de avanços significativos para a causa.

City and desire in Indonesian cinema

This article examines the ways in which desire in/for the city is projected in contemporary Indonesian cinema in comparison with the authoritarian New Order period (1965–1998). Despite the government's visual investment to project the image of a unified, stable, and modern nation, filmmakers of the New Order period sought ways to capture ‘national reality’ that was incongruous to the official version of national ideals by portraying the urban space, particularly Jakarta, as a site of social/economic disjuncture and moral contradiction produced by Suharto's developmentalist paradigm. The post-New Order era is characterized by the emergence of a new generation of filmmakers whose cinematic imaginations were shaped by the promises of political reform, the global flows of images and capital, and the dissolving image of a coherent nation. Whereas the previous generation treated subjects who pursue their desire in the city with suspicion, contemporary Indonesian filmmakers embrace the city and the production of various forms of desire: sexual desire, desire for consumption, and desire to reclaim the space. This article further discusses ‘coming out within the closet’ as a spatial strategy that reveals the agency of new urban subjects on the one hand, and, on the other, the defining limits in which such agency could be fully articulated.

Taking Stock: Transitional Justice and Market Effects in Latin America

The relationship between transitional justice and economic development has recently attracted the attention of academics and policymakers. An emerging literature highlights the tension between the forward-looking economic goals of growth, development, and investment and backward-looking trials and truth commissions. Current research focuses on the impact transitional justice choices may have on a state's ability to compete for international assistance or to embark on economic reconstruction following periods of civil war and authoritarianism. This article broadens the scope of the study of the political economy of transitional justice by examining the effect of transitional justice on the perceptions of private investors. Specifically, we articulate two competing theories of investor preferences toward transitional justice—“Development through Stability” and “Development though Justice”—and explore how stock markets in Argentina, Chile, and Brazil have responded to efforts to address past human rights abuses over time. The article argues that investor reaction is country specific: Investors in Argentina view trials as destabilizing and have reacted positively to amnesties; in Chile, investors view trials positively; and in Brazil, investors viewed early efforts to pursue the truth or grant reparations negatively, but these reactions have tempered over time. The article concludes by suggesting future avenues for research on the relationship between transitional justice and private investors.

Análisis comparado del sistema de partidos y las elecciones generales en Chile 1989

The current Chilean process is an agreed and slow transition, characterized by the resurrection of the party system. In this paper, the framework prior to the presidential and parliamentary elections is presented and data from the 1989 plebiscite and mass polls are used to answer the question of how a party system will be projected after the authoritarian period. We maintain that the military regime polarized the political spectrum with the electoral system in place. Using various comparative graphs and tables, the electoral results are analyzed and it is concluded that since a binomial majority electoral system was adopted, the parliamentary representativeness was distorted, it was derived to a type of bipolar competition and that the structure of this system will depend on how the parties can fill the empty space of the center-right electorate.

Telenovela writers under the military regime in Brazil: Beyond the cooption and resistance dichotomy

This article aims to analyse the strategic choices made by left-wing telenovela writers during the military regime in Brazil, their complex relationships with their employer, Globo Network, and the regime’s various forms of censorship. The arrival of many critical cultural producers in the television industry during the authoritarian period in Brazil (1964—85) and the alleged close links between Globo Network and the military regime stirred an intense debate among the Brazilian intelligentsia. The participation of these cultural producers in the small-screen arena during the authoritarian period has been almost invariably considered by their detractors in terms of cooption/domination, or as a form of resistance by their defenders. The recent opening of the Censor Division Archives and the deluge of biographies, autobiographies and testimonials of key television figures during the authoritarian regime, have opened up new perspectives for examining Brazilian television history. Instead of the seemingly almost perfect harmony between the military regime and the television industry, as represented by Brazilian communication giant Globo Network, the present analysis focuses on some of the tensions, subtle struggles and spaces of relative autonomy within the telenovela field during the period of authoritarian rule in Brazil.

Cultura e cotidiano nas minas de ouro: trabalhadores em tempos de experiências autoritárias e suas resistências plurais

O artigo pretende analisar algumas questões fundamentais para a compreensão da vida cotidiana dos trabalhadores da mina de Morro Velho (Nova Lima, Minas Gerais), nas décadas de 1930 e 1940 (primeira fase do governo de Getúlio Vargas), destacando as antidisciplinas que esses trabalhadores foram construindo em seu cotidiano. O exame das diferentes formas de recepção às ideias divulgadas pelo Estado Novo permite identificar certas práticas presentes nesse meio operário: pequenas resistências face ao "colonizador" inglês; manifestações de insubmissão às ideologias presentes no Estado varguista, em seu período autoritário.

The Dynamics of Welfare Policy-Making in South Korea: Social Movements as Policy Entrepreneurs*

This paper analyzes the role of social movements in the creation and evolution of a welfare state in South Korea. We begin with a theoretical overview of the existing works on policy change, highlighting concepts such as ideas, policy paradigms, and windows of opportunity. We then examine state institutions, hegemonic policy paradigms, and the specific dynamics of welfare policy-making during South Korea’s authoritarian period (1961–1987). Next, characterizing the democratic transition in 1987 and the economic crisis of 1997–1998 as “windows of opportunity,” we probe how social movements emerged as “policy entrepreneurs” and played crucial roles in building welfare institutions and promoting welfare policies. In particular, we focus on the role of social movements in legislating the National Basic Livelihood Security Act in 1999 and consolidating fragmented health insurance systems in 2000. We conclude that social movements in democratized South Korea have assumed the role of policy entrepreneurs, filling the vacuum left by the central government and elite bureaucrats in the field of social welfare policy-making.

The Authoritarian Past and Contemporary Greek Democracy

In Greece after the 1974 democratic transition the Karamanlis government prioritised political stability and foreign policy issues over transitional justice. The punitive process in the army was extensive, while in the police, the gendarmerie, the justice system and the universities the process was less comprehensive. Greek socialists demanded a more thoroughgoing ‘cleansing’ of the state apparatus than some Greek communists. In the following decades, public opinion research showed a variety of responses towards the junta of 1967–74, including confusion about the facts of the authoritarian period and a decline in the rejection of authoritarianism.

Women's movements in twentieth-century Taiwan

This book is the first in English to consider women's movements and feminist discourses in twentieth-century Taiwan. Doris T. Chang examines the way in which Taiwanese women in the twentieth century selectively appropriated Western feminist theories to meet their needs in a modernizing Confucian culture. She illustrates the rise and fall of women's movements against the historical backdrop of the island's contested national identities, first vis-a-vis imperial Japan (1895-1945) and later with postwar China (1945-2000). In particular, during periods of soft authoritarianism in the Japanese colonial era and late twentieth century, autonomous women's movements emerged and operated within the political perimeters set by the authoritarian regimes. Women strove to replace the Good Wife, Wise Mother ideal with an individualist feminism that meshed social, political, and economic gender equity with the prevailing Confucian family ideology. However, during periods of hard authoritarianism from the 1930s to the 1960s, the autonomous movements collapsed. The particular brand of Taiwanese feminism developed from numerous outside influences, including interactions among an East Asian sociopolitical milieu, various strands of Western feminism, and even Marxist-Leninist women's liberation programs in Soviet Russia. Chinese communism appears not to have played a significant role, due to the Chinese Nationalists' restriction of communication with the mainland during their rule on post-World War II Taiwan. Notably, this study compares the perspectives of Madame Chiang Kai-shek, whose husband led as the president of the Republic of China on Taiwan from 1949 to 1975, and Hsiu-lien Annette Lu, Taiwan's vice president from 2000 to 2008. Delving into period sources such as the highly influential feminist monthly magazine Awakening as well as interviews with feminist leaders, Chang provides a comprehensive historical and cross-cultural analysis of the struggle for gender equality in Taiwan.

Ideological Dimensions of Party Competition in Korea: A Comparison between Authoritarian and Democratic Periods

Ideological Dimensions of Party Competition in Korea: A Comparison between Authoritarian and Democratic Periods

The International Criminal Court: An Analysis of Republican Liberalism Perspective

The establishment of International Criminal Court (ICC) is hidden wish after 50 years convening the International Military Court in 1946. The court faces the obstacles from the big countries but they execute their function well in the international justice enforcement on against the human rights crimes which has knows in international law. Nowadays, the court prosecute in Democratic Republic of the Congo case and another case in Pre-Trial Chamber. In fact, there are much the party of the Rome Statute 1998 is the violators of human rights. The States like Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic, and Colombia is the state parties of Rome Statute 1998 but they have problems on the violators in their country. Compared to Indonesia which is not the party of Rome Statute but still has the same problem. Indonesia is intend to be the party of Rome Statute in 1998 and 2008. This article is explain how the reaction of the states, especially those who are in the internal armed conflict and in the transition period, with the new development in international law, especially human rights. Writers is using the theory of Andrew Moravcsik in his article “The Origins of Human Rights Regimes: Democratic Delegation in Postwar Europe”, where the countries is in the traditional phase to “lock in” in the international law. with that way, Moravcsik thinks the countries can not go back to the authoritarian period.