Peace Approach Research Articles

Violence a Hurdle for Peace Approach of Youth

Violence a Hurdle for Peace Approach of Youth

OBJETOS, TÉCNICAS E SUBJETIVIDADES DE FORA: A COSMOLOGIA SUL-AMERÍNDIA NO CONTATO COLONIAL DO SÉCULO XVIII

O contato entre os grupos indígenas e os agentes coloniais no Chaco e região platina caracterizou-se por uma relação complexa e instável, constituída por momentos de aproximação pacífica e a retração hostil. Isto ocorreu, em grande medida, pelo fato de que a ontologia sul-ameríndia fundamentava-se na circulação de bens entre grupos e pessoas, tendendo à reprodução social. Pretendo demonstrar que a incorporação de objetos de fora e a aquisição de técnicas ocidentais implicaram remodelações substanciais no sistema sociológico indígena. Por isso, este conflito de cosmologias resultou em uma relação instável entre os nativos e os colonos.

Animal research: the peaceful approach

Animal research: the peaceful approach

The uncritical critique of ‘liberal peace’

AbstractFor many commentators the lack of success in international statebuilding efforts has been explained through the critical discourse of ‘liberal peace’, where it is assumed that ‘liberal’ Western interests and assumptions have influenced policymaking leading to counterproductive results. At the core of the critique is the assumption that the liberal peace approach has sought to reproduce and impose Western models: the reconstruction of ‘Westphalian’ frameworks of state sovereignty; the liberal framework of individual rights and winner-takes-all elections; and neo-liberal free market economic programmes. This article challenges this view of Western policymaking and suggests that post-Cold War post-conflict intervention and statebuilding can be better understood as a critique of classical liberal assumptions about the autonomous subject – framed in terms of sovereignty, law, democracy and the market. The conflating of discursive forms with their former liberal content creates the danger that critiques of liberal peace can rewrite post-Cold War intervention in ways that exaggerate the liberal nature of the policy frameworks and act as apologia, excusing policy failure on the basis of the self-flattering view of Western policy elites: that non-Western subjects were not ready for ‘Western’ freedoms.

Interviewing suspects: Practice, science, and future directions

Crime suspects in the USA are typically questioned in a two‐step process aimed, first, at behavioural lie detection during a pre‐interrogation interview, followed by the elicitation of a confession during the interrogation itself (in Great Britain, the practice of investigative interviewing does not make this sharp distinction). Research conducted on the first step shows that police investigators often target innocent people for interrogation because of erroneous but confident judgments of deception. Research on the second step shows that innocent people are sometimes induced to confess to crimes they did not commit as a function of certain dispositional vulnerabilities or the use of overly persuasive interrogation tactics. Citing recent studies, this paper proposes that laboratory paradigms be used to help build more diagnostic models of interrogation. Substantively, we suggest that the British PEACE approach to investigative interviewing may provide a potentially effective alternative to the classic American interrogation. As a matter of policy, we suggest that the videotaping of entire interrogations from a balanced camera perspective is necessary to improve the fact finding accuracy of judges and juries who must evaluate confession evidence in court.

The Kup Women for Peace approach to peacebuilding: taking the lead in the Papua New Guinea national elections

In seven short years, Kup Women for Peace, a community organisation in Papua New Guinea, has gone from tribal peacebuilding to ensuring a free, fair, and violence-free election in one small part of Simbu Province. The organisation's approach was multi-faceted and locally appropriate, enfranchising many women – and educating men – in the process. In a country where women are marginalised in decision-making structures, the implementation of UN Resolution 1325 could have a major impact on democratic processes and good governance.

Reconstructing post-war Lebanon: A challenge to the liberal peace?

This piece uses the example of reconstruction following the July–August 2006 Israeli–Hezbollah war in Lebanon to reflect on the existence of alternatives to the liberal peace. The term ‘liberal peace’ is used as shorthand for internationally-sponsored peace-support and reconstruction interventions and it is marked by its increasingly formulaic, top–down and ethnocentric nature. Two significant non-western actors were apparent in Lebanon's post-war reconstruction: the Gulf States and Jihad Al Bina (the reconstruction wing of Hezbollah). Using fieldwork, this article examines the extent to which the reconstruction activities of these non-western actors constitute an alternative to the liberal peace. It finds that these activities do not have the critical mass or ambition to form a fully-fledged alternative but argues that they reveal serious limitations in the liberal peace approach to post-war reconstruction.

Dark Histories Overcome? The Legacy of War Crimes and Post‐conflict Peace and Justice in the Balkans and Black Sea Region

This article examines the significance of the peace and justice approach to post‐conflict situations in the Balkans and Black Sea region. In order to achieve long‐lasting peace and stability in post‐conflict societies, justice needs to be pursued in some form. The Balkans and Black Sea region, where history is marked by butchery, has been struggling with the legacy of war crimes and to trying to meet victims’ demands for justice. By analysing the ten articles contained in this issue, this concluding article illustrates the multifaceted aspect of the war crimes legacy and analyses the importance as well as difficulty of addressing such a legacy in the context of the Balkans and Black Sea region, both in terms of the entire region and the future European Union.

International Peace Enforcers and Indicted War Criminals: The Case of Ramush Haradinaj

Since the cold war the deployment of missions that focus on developing peace and the establishment of international criminal tribunals that focus on delivering retributive justice have dominated the international approach to peacebuilding. Referencing the actions of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), and especially the case of Ramush Haradinaj, this article examines how the objectives and actions of these two institutions have adversely affected each other's work. It is important that all international actors follow the same approach in order to achieve a coherent peacebuilding process. The article also explores some of the consequences for international institutions if they are to follow either the peace approach or the justice approach.

Christian-Buddhist Dialogue on Loving the Enemy

Christian-Buddhist Dialogue on Loving the Enemy Wioleta Polinska We are taught to think that we need a foreign enemy. Governments work hard to get us to be afraid and to hate so we will rally behind them. If we do not have an enemy, they will invent one in order to mobilize us. Yet they are also victims.1 —Thich Nhat Hanh We are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation, and for those it calls enemy, for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.2 —Martin Luther King Jr. Literally speaking, Ahimsa means "non-killing." . . . To one who follows this doctrine there is no room for an enemy.3 —M. K. Gandhi In his autobiography, Martin Luther King Jr. comments that he initially considered Jesus's commands such as "turn the other cheek" or "love your enemies" as limited to individual relationships. Only after reading Gandhi in the late 1940s did he conclude that the love ethic had a much broader scope. Love became to him an effective principle applied to racial groups and nations in conflict and was "a potent instrument for social and collective transformation."4 Some years later, King was influenced by another Asian religious thinker, the Vietnamese Zen Buddhist monk Thich Nhat Hanh. Under Nhat Hanh's influence, King repudiated the war in Vietnam by addressing the similarity between the Vietnamese Buddhist peace movement and the American civil rights movement.5 Nhat Hanh and King were both inspired by Gandhi's peaceful approach to social conflicts. All three are exemplary models of love and nonviolence in their respective Buddhist, Christian, and Hindu traditions. Whether ahimsa (or harmlessness) in Hinduism, compassion for all beings in Buddhism, or "love of enemy" [End Page 89] in Christianity, unconditional love signifies the principal concern of these spiritual thinkers. All three men display an uncompromising commitment to the cause of the oppressed and downtrodden, but, at the same time, they refuse to vilify the opponents. In fact, all three speak of the "love of enemy" as the only sure way to ensure peaceful solution to any social crisis. Recent military conflicts prompted by the tragedy of September 11 offer a challenge for rethinking the most effective ways of dealing with international terrorism and other forms of social struggles. In what follows, I will suggest that, like Martin Luther King Jr., Christians can benefit from engaging in a dialogue with Eastern thought. Specifically, by focusing on the writings of Thich Nhat Hanh, I will engage Christian liberation theologies to offer a possible corrective to a theological reflection on social conflict. In conversation with sociological reflection on war, political theorists, and artists, this article will present a fresh reexamination of a nondualistic, nonviolent approach to military and social conflicts. Social exploitation, injustice, and oppression are focal points of many contemporary Christian theologies that are indebted to Latin American liberation theology. Recognizing the suffering of the poor and the failure of the historical Christian church to address the systemic injustice against them, liberation theologians affirm solidarity with the poor. Because of oppression and poverty, the poor have privileged access to the meaning of the Gospel (hermeneutic privilege) and the church needs to commit to a "preferential option for the poor." That is, those "who are privileged must identify with the poor and the oppressed not only because they need us but also because, from their experience of poverty and oppression, they are in a better position to understand the Gospel."6 Learning from the poor implies interpreting Christian faith out of the suffering of the poor; it implies seeing God as the God of the poor and the oppressed. The poor are seen as "the favorites of God"7 because they receive continuous divine attention to their struggle. The liberation of the Israelites from Egypt, Jesus's solidarity with the poor by becoming one of them, as well as his preaching the good news to them, are all examples of God's love for the poor. God's solidarity with the victims of social oppression reaches its zenith in the resurrection of Jesus when God is "doing Justice...

Globalization, Ethics and Islam: The Case of Bediuzzaman Said Nursi. Edited by Ian Markham and Ibrahim Ozdemir. Ashgate, 2005. 218 pages. $89.95.

There have been numerous symposia, articles, and books on Bediuzzaaman Said Nursi (1876–1960) whose magnum opus is collectively known as the Risale-i Nur, which has been translated into Arabic, English, and other languages. The international symposia on his life, works, and contributions have been held many times in Istanbul, Turkey. The fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh symposia were held in 1998, 2000, 2002, and 2004 respectively. Moreover, there have been websites dedicated to Nursi. A major website, http://www.nursistudies.com, is available in five languages including Turkish, Arabic, and English and contains symposium papers of 2002 and 2004 meetings as well as books, articles, and theses on Nursi and related matters. Globalization, Ethics and Islam: The Case of Bediuzzaman Said Nursi is co-edited by Nursi scholars Ian Markham and Ibrahim Ozdemir. Both scholars have presented their works at various Nursi symposia in Istanbul. The editors divide the essays in this volume into three different parts with three different themes. The theme for the part one is “Non-Violence and Peace” with three chapters written by Sukran Vahide (3–35), Thomas Michel (37–47), and John Obert Voll (48–62). The three chapters depict non-violence and peaceful approaches found in the life and works of Nursi.

China's Rise in Asia: Promises and Perils

Chapter 1 Salient Determinants of China's Recent Approach to Asia and its Implications for the United States Chapter 2 Recent Chinese Domestic and Foreign Policies and Priorities Chapter 3 China's Relations with the United States Chapter 4 China's Relations with Russia Chapter 5 Relations with Japan Chapter 6 Relations with the Korean Peninsula Chapter 7 China-Southeast Asia Relations Chapter 8 Relations with Taiwan Chapter 9 Relations with South Asia Chapter 10 Relations with Central Asia Chapter 11 Conclusion: China's Peaceful Approach to Asia and its Implications for the United States

Structured Academic Controversy: A Peaceful Approach to Controversial Issues

Structured Academic Controversy: A Peaceful Approach to Controversial Issues

Islamic Fundamentalism and Political Islam

Abstract Political Islam is a movement that began in the late 1920s, after secular governments failed to secure economic independence, prosperity and good governance in the Muslim world. Convinced that a return to the sovereignty of Islamic law would be the only hope for progress in the Muslim world, Islamists – proponents of ‘political Islam’, what Western commentators often inaccurately call ‘fundamentalism’– began to agitate for new, Islamic governments. This article surveys the range of interpretations of this central issue, including traditionalists – those who believe that the law to be reintroduced into society is contained in traditional Islamic legal codes; progressives – those who believe that Islamic codes must be updated through the standard hermeneutic known as ijtihad; those who advocate a peaceful approach to sociopolitical transformation through preaching; and the jihadists – those who believe that only violent revolution will achieve the desired goal. History Compass fourth PODCAST is now available This free podcast offers a discussion between Professor Yoav Di-Capua, co-editor of the Middle & Near East section of History Compass, and Prof. Tamara Sonn, Editor-in-Chief of Religion Compass and History Compass author. Here they skilfully examine the article: ‘Islamic Fundamentalism and Political Islam’. This succinct and engaging podcast explores common misconceptions about political actors from the Muslim world. An important distinction is made between Islamic fundamentalism and political Islam. Click here to download the podcast: http://wiley.cdn.palmerhargreaves.com/podcast/hic3/hic3-04.mp3 (9.7mb, 13 minutes 55 seconds)

Chinese Acquisition of the Spratly Archipelago and Its Implications for the Future

In this study, I first examine the place of the Spratly Islands dispute at the heart of interstate relations between China and its regional neighbors around the South China Sea. In doing so, I trace the varied historical claims and periodic disputes over the archipelago, along with the current state of affairs, which is increasingly dominated by the need for more and cheaper sources of oil and natural gas. This background lays the groundwork for the core of this study, which is a simulation analysis looking at the potential ramifications of a more aggressive Chinese position in the South China Sea. Using computer simulation techniques, I compare the desirability of two scenarios related to Chinese policy in the area. The findings suggest that a more aggressive Chinese policy on the Spratlys would be beneficial in some ways, especially in the areas of energy production and imports over the following forty years. At the same time, there are several potential drawbacks as well, including increased environmental degradation and renewed energy supply problems in the second half of the century. I conclude by examining the implications of both conflictual and peaceful Chinese approaches to policy in the South China Sea, in light of China's obvious ascension as the leading state in East and Southeast Asia, as well as its rapidly improving global position.

The ‘War on Terrorism’—Perspectives from Radical Islamic Groups

Contrary to both popular and academic belief, the ‘War on Terrorism’ launched by the United States has one very clear enemy: radical Islamism. The varied and complex world of Islamism has been reduced to one unitary enemy, and that enemy is being fought both militarily and ideologically. This paper analyses the impact that the War on Terrorism is having on its target and contends that the ‘simplification’ of the concept of radical Islamism by the US administration, while beneficial for the purely practical purposes of war, is very much detrimental to the understanding of such a phenomenon and leads to policy choices that deepen the fault lines between Islamists and the West. The paper concludes by arguing that the current War on Terrorism is running the risk of causing a ‘return’ of the jihadi Islamist ideology that had been comprehensively defeated within the vast Islamist world and that has been replaced by a much more pragmatic and much more peaceful approach to gaining political inclusion.

The 'War on Terrorism'-Perspectives from Radical Islamic Groups

Contrary to both popular and academic belief, the 'War on Terrorism' launched by the United States has one very clear enemy: radical Islamism. The varied and complex world of Islamism has been reduced to one unitary enemy, and that enemy is being fought both militarily and ideologically. This paper analyses the impact that the War on Terrorism is having on its target and contends that the 'simplification' of the concept of radical Islamism by the US administration, while beneficial for the purely practical purposes of war, is very much detrimental to the understanding of such a phenomenon and leads to policy choices that deepen the fault lines between Islamists and the West. The paper concludes by arguing that the current War on Terrorism is running the risk of causing a 'return' of the jihadi Islamist ideology that had been comprehensively defeated within the vast Islamist world and that has been replaced by a much more pragmatic and much more peaceful approach to gaining political inclusion.

Repression and Revolt in China's Wild West

A struggle looms within Xinjiang's Uighur population between a no-holds-barred, more violent resistance to Beijing and a more assimilationist, peaceful approach that hopes to win greater political autonomy and economic rights. Unfortunately, too often both Beijing's and Western nations' policies toward Xinjiang only strengthen the hard-liners.

The Returns of Peace in Sri Lanka: The Development Cart before the Conflict Resolution Horse?

The current peace process between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) is unprecedented on several counts: talks have never lasted this long, been this stable, or been at such a high level in the past. Also unprecedented, and perhaps key to the early success of the process, has been an agreement (referred to in this article as the ‘Killinochchi consensus’) between the main stakeholders that the first priority of conflict resolution is realising the ‘peace dividend’. This has resulted in considerable action and cooperation on reconstruction of the war-torn Northeast and development of the island's economy. It is suggested here that, apart from their direct benefits, these efforts have two further aims: to bolster popular support for the peace initiative, and to foster cooperation between the two negotiating sides ahead of discussions on more contentious issues. Also novel in the Sri Lankan case has been the willingness of international donors, particularly the international financial institutions, to get involved in the peace process well before a permanent solution has been achieved. While several questions remain about the nature and scope of the development imperative, whether it has been correctly sequenced, and whether it can deliver a sustainable peace, a constructive and pragmatic approach to peacebuilding through development holds some promise in Sri Lanka and perhaps elsewhere.

Reevaluating the Taiwanese Democracy Movement: A Comparative Analysis of Opposition Organizations under Japanese and KMT Rule

This article reevaluates the first phase of Taiwan's democratization process (1914-1986) by exploring the similarities and differences between oppositional political organizations under Japanese and Kuomintang (KMT) rule. Employing a parallel structure, the article compares two distinct periods of time, 1914-1937 and 1977-1986. Including the Japanese colonial era in the evaluation of Taiwan's democratization process makes it possible to examine long-overlooked issues in Taiwan's political development such as the question of continuity and disjuncture. The author argues that the Japanese colonial era should be recognized as the starting point of Taiwanese political activities and the era of KMT one-party rule that followed as a re-colonization of Taiwan (lasting from 1947 until the early 1980s). The author's analysis reveals that (1) Taiwanese political opposition during both eras originated within rather than outside repressive political frameworks and that moderate opposition organizations emerged as the best possible reaction given those circumstances; (2) domestic organizations had a greater impact on the Taiwanese polity and society than those in exile; and (3) peaceful approaches were an important alternative to revolutionary movements. The author recounts the story of Taiwan's democratization process (until 1986) through the careers of two long-neglected moderate political activists, Lin Xiantang (1881-1956) and Kang Ningxiang (1938-).