Party Government Research Articles

Роль TIKA в реализации гуманитарного направления внешней политики Турции в период правления ПСР (2002–2023 гг.)

The article aims to analyze the role of the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA) in the implementation of Türkiye’s humanitarian policy during the Justice and Development Party (AKP) governance. The authors identify three main tracks in the evolution of TIKA during the AKP rule: from an exclusively state body to a connecting institution in the triangle “state – business – civil society”; from the focus on Turkic states to growing attention towards countries of the Middle East, Africa, and the Balkan Peninsula; from an instrument for providing humanitarian assistance to a mechanism for promoting Turkish values in priority regions. The article examines the features of changes in the status, tasks, and functions, as well as the geographical scope of TIKA’s activities as an instrument for implementing humanitarian policy of Türkiye. The authors come to the conclusion that one of the key elements of TIKA’s success is an integrated approach to the implementation of humanitarian projects. This includes not only organization of cultural and educational events, but also its mediating role in the implementation of infrastructure projects, as well as initiatives in the fields of education and religion.

Major Factors that Impede Reforms in India’s Military-Industrial Complex in 2014–2023

This article intends to assess the negative impact of a number of factors on the reforming process of the Indian military-industrial complex (MIC) under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government during 2014–2023. The authors distinguish three groups of factors that mostly affect the whole structure of India’s defence industry at present. Conceptual and institutional factors include the contradictions of the basic laws and regulations of the Indian MIC, absence of the common strategy of the Indian armed forces development, politicising of the protectionist measures, offset policy implementation, bureaucracy’s impact and inter-agency contradictions. Economic factors include the problems with FDI attraction, governmental efforts to change the structure of defence expenditures by reducing the pensions to military personnel and attracting the private sector. The group of technological factors focuses on the problems with the quality and delivery delays of the defence production in India. An applied policy analysis, a retrospective analysis of data and content of the main documents allow the authors to conclude that the considered set of factors bears systemic nature and exerts a substantial negative impact on the Indian defence industry. These factors hinder the implementation of ambitious goals of the BJP government, aimed at achieving the “strategic autonomy” in the crucial fields for its national security. Moreover, the current problems of the Indian MIC are exacerbated by the impact of the domestic political situation. Consequently, resolving these problems in the short and medium term seems unlikely. However, in the longterm the reforms being carried out by the Indian government would largely offset the negative effect of the considered factors.

Participation of Jewish Citizens in the Government Bodies of the USSR

There is a widespread opinion about the predominance of Jews in party and Soviet government bodies, especially the Cheka, in 1917–1939. New sources introduced in post-Soviet historiography does not confirm the fact of Jewish dominance either in the Russian revolutionary movement or in the administration of the USSR in the pre-war period, although they indicate a significant presence of Jews in the ranks of Russian revolutionaries, and from 1917 to the end 1930s — among Soviet officials. During the thaw years (mid-1950s — mid-1960s), discrimination was mitigated, but in a hidden form it existed informally until the collapse of the USSR. Infringement of the rights of Jews was observed in all spheres of life, but especially in the political one. Most discriminatory measures did not have clear legislative or administrative formalization and were disguised as a fight against bourgeois nationalism, cosmopolitanism or Zionism. The correction of the role of Jews in power is based on numerous data, but due to their fragmentation and incomparability, it is not systemic in nature, leaving open the question of the dynamics and scale of Jewish participation in the governance of the USSR not only after 1953, but also in the pre-war period. Turning to mass statistical data from population censuses, containing information on employment, sectoral and professional structure of the employed population at a national level, helps to close this gap. The analysis carried out leads to the conclusion: there is no reason to talk about Jewish dominance in any government body either in the pre-war or post-war period. The presence of Jews in power and their influence is often exaggerated for the reason that the percentage of Jews in leadership was transferred to the entire administrative apparatus.

The course of the communist party of China of leading Chinese people to conquer difficulties over the past century, and its summation of experience, and implication of the times

The experience of the Communist Party of China over the past century is a great course of leading Chinese people to constantly conquer difficulties and finally achieve victory. The Communist Party of China has always adhered to the fundamental guidance of Marxism, kept emancipating our mind and enhancing our theoretical confidence, and formed valuable experience in leading the people to conquer difficulties. In the new era, the Communist Party of China relies on the broad masses, strengthens the “four-sphere confidence”, improves the combination of ideological Party-building and institutional Party governance and other innovations of the times, and starts a new journey of building a modern socialist country in an all-round way.

Unimportant Contests? Why Government Parties Lose Votes in Local Elections

Unimportant Contests? Why Government Parties Lose Votes in Local Elections

정부당파성에 따른 교육시장화 비교 분석 연구 : 유럽 및 북미 국가의 민간교육 투자와 사립학교 등록 비율을 중심으로

This paper purposed to analyze the marketization of education according to education policy determined by political factors by presenting changes in private education investment and private school enrollment rates in European and North American countries according to government partisanship. As with other policies, it was derived that fundamental changes occur in educational policies because of political factors rather than fragmentary educational considerations.
 Based on the main support of the high-income class, the right-wing party revitalizes the education market. It lowers education regulations to increase the effectiveness of private investment in education. As a result, there is a high possibility that education marketization will intensify. On the contrary, the left-wing party supported by the low-income class tries to reduce the effect of private investment. Rather than segmentation according to the special separation of secondary education, integration and education regulation are strengthened to reorganize the system to lower the marketization of education.
 This article, I looked at education marketization according to government partisanship and analyzed changes in education policy. Regarding education marketization, the ratio of private education expenditure and the ratio of private school student enrollment were used as dependent variables, and the cabinet composition ratio of left-wing and right-wing parties was used as independent variables. Through panel statistical analysis, this article obtained significant results on the changes in education marketization that differ depending on the left and right-wing government partisanship.
 In conclusion, it can be seen that the partisanship of the governments of the left and right has changed the education policies to realize the policies of their constituencies.

1950~60년대 주석균의 농업정책론과 농정 관계 활동

Chu Sok-Kyun was a former colonial bureaucrat, and based on his career, he served as the president of the Irrigation Association and the vice minister of the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry after liberation. Also from this experience, he acquired a distaste for administrative control of the economy and a conviction of the unworkability of controls. Based on this, in the 1950s, he organized the theory of agricultural policy into the three axes of democracy, free economy, and self-sustaining economy, while organizing the Agricultural Problem Research Group to criticize the government's agricultural policy. He considered rural democratization as a prerequisite for rural rehabilitation, saw that farmers should be organized into cooperatives for this purpose, and emphasized the principle of democratic operation of cooperatives. He also found the cause of the food policy confusion in the immaturity of the grain market, and saw that it should be resolved based on the principles of free economy, such as fostering wholesalers and establishing distribution order. On the other hand, his orientation toward self-sustaining economy moved from the position of ‘acceptance of aid based on the spirit of self-reliance’ in the early 1950s to the criticism of importing foreign grains as the side effects of aid deepened. He participated in the agricultural policy of the Democratic Party government after 4·19, and also participated in the agricultural policy formulation of the military government after 5·16. However, his fundamental points such as rural democratization, fostering of the grain market, and reduction of importing foreign grains were not accepted, so he criticized the Park Chung-hee government’s agricultural policies.

Culture for the Masses: Building Grassroots Cultural Infrastructure in China

This article focuses on the development of “grassroots cultural infrastructure”—namely, “cultural halls” and “cultural stations”—at the county level and below since the Mao Zedong era. Since their formation, the party-state has accorded cultural halls and stations a critical role in propagating policies, educating citizens, and conducting cultural activities. Based on historical gazetteers, Chinese Communist Party histories, government policies, handbooks, and statistical yearbooks, this article shows that frequently changing policy priorities meant cultural halls and stations were wedged in between the demands of the party-state and the people and were ill-equipped to fulfill their role. Mass political campaigns during the Mao era wrought havoc, and commercialization during reform and opening up undermined their relevance. In the mid-2000s, a focus on service provision resulted in higher expectations that were impossible to fulfill. As a remedy, after 2015, cultural infrastructure has been reorganized and increasingly deployed via volunteers and technology. This article therefore sheds light not only on the history of grassroots cultural infrastructure but also its future.

Buddhism Revamped for Socialism: The Monastic Economy on Mount Jiuhua from 1949 to 1966

This article explores rarely accessed local archives to reveal the fate of a renowned area of Buddhist activity—Mount Jiuhua—from 1949 to 1966 and the impact of the Chinese Communist Party regime’s economic and religious policies on the region’s religious communities. Specifically, it examines how the authorities attempted to utilize all the tangible and intangible resources of the Buddhist communities on Mount Jiuhua—including human capital, land, buildings, religious instruments made of metal, and cultural and historical status—to consolidate their grip on power and stimulate the area’s economic development. While the local cadres encouraged young clerics to disrobe, forced others to engage in physical labor, confiscated monastic landholdings, and expropriated metal instruments, they also dispensed relief to elderly and disabled clerics and funded the renovation of key monasteries. In the face of this unprecedented interference, the clerics made full use of the mountain’s reputation to argue with the authorities and renegotiate the boundaries of legitimate religious activities.

Behind the technocratic challenge: Old and new alternatives to party government in Italy

The growing presence of technocrats in contemporary governments has emerged as a relevant phenomenon worldwide. Italy, once known as a paradigmatic case of party government and now identified as the promised land of technocracy, constitutes a crucial case to test the major short-term (critical junctures) and long-term (complexity of policy-making; party decline) factors identified to explain this phenomenon. Our analysis is based on two innovative tools: a new dataset updated to the current back-to-politics Meloni Italian government, including all the cases of the ‘technocratic decade’ (2010s); and a new typology combining partisanship and expertise, which allows us to overcome dichotomous categorizations equating technocrats and non-partisans. This more accurate and updated picture of minister profiles in Italy unveils unexpected dynamics and allows us to reassess both previous findings on the Italian case and the explanatory power of the tested theories on the growing diffusion of technocrats in contemporary governments.

HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL-POLITICAL CAUSES OF THE COUP ATTEMPT FAILURE IN TURKEY ON JULY 15, 2016

This article describes the attempted military coup by Turkish army officers on July 15, 2016. It reveals the preconditions and reasons for the defeat of the rebels. It analyzes the actions of the government, media, society, pro-government structures and opposition parties on the day of the uprising and the course of events. Little is known about the culprits behind the overthrow of the government in Ankara, but the attempt has immediately sparked a debate across the international community, especially regarding those who ordered it. On the one hand, opponents of Turkey's ruling government suggest that the coup attempt was a skilful, state-directed scheme to consolidate Erdogan'spower. On the other hand, the Justice and Development Party government blames Erdogan's political rival, Fethullah Gulen, a cleric now living in the United States, and other shadowy foreign enemies and supporters of Turkey's Ataturkist secular establishment for the coup attempt. There are many theories, but one thing is certain: Erdogan won. The entire world was struck by the unity of politicians and civilians across the ideological spectrum in opposing the coup attempt. Despite the position of opposition figures on the actions of Erdogan's government, all major political parties condemned and refused to support the coup plotters.

Negative campaign statements, coalition heterogeneity, and the support for government parties

European party systems have become increasingly complex in recent years, resulting in ideologically more heterogeneous coalition governments with far-reaching policy compromises. Consequently, an important goal of the parties' electoral campaign strategies is to present the voters a distinct policy profile on which the electorate can evaluate the competing parties. We argue that voters reward those coalition parties that attack their government partners in the election campaign and try to clarify their programmatic positions with the help of a more aggressive campaign strategy. Based on data from the CSES, the Comparative Manifesto Project database and a novel data base on party campaign statements in seven European countries from 2007 to 2018, we find that voters’ support for coalition parties increases if the latter attack their partners in the last four weeks before election day. Yet, this relationship is only observable in contexts when the ideological diversity of the incumbent coalition government is rather low.

Turkiye – Sudan Relations in Post-Bashir Era

The aim of this study is to scrutinize the diplomatic relations between Turkiye and Sudan post the era of Omar al-Bashir. Historical relations between the Republic of Turkiye, established in 1923 as the successor to the Ottoman Empire, and Sudan have had a positive impact in contemporary times across political, economic, socio-cultural, and security domains. While the relations during the Republican era were relatively limited when Sudan gained independence from Britain, they saw a significant improvement with the administration of Omar al-Bashir and Hasan al-Turabi, who came to power in 1989. Following Turkiye's declaration of "Africa Year" in 2005, Sudan emerged as a prominent country in Ankara's Sub-Saharan Africa policy. Particularly, the African Opening Action Plan initiated in 1998 and the deepening of policies by AK Party governments strengthened relations with Sudan. However, following the overthrow of Omar al-Bashir in 2019, transitional periods and political crises in Sudan have adversely affected Turkiye – Sudan relations. This study will address these relations during this period, initially focusing on political, economic, security, and socio-cultural parameters. Subsequently, the study will examine the causes of the crisis in Sudan and the trajectory of the relations. Findings from the post-Bashir era indicate that despite challenges, the relations between the two countries have endured. Nevertheless, the escalation of internal disputes in Sudan into conflicts casts uncertainty on the future of these relations.

Trust, Corruption, and Tax Compliance in Fragile States: On a Quest for Transforming Africa into Future Global Powerhouse

This study explores the complex relationship between trust, corruption, and tax compliance in fragile states. It examines factors influencing public trust in three government branches: the ruling party (a proxy for the executive), the parliament, and the local government, and examines whether trust in these arms of government impacts tax compliance. We conducted this investigation using Afrobarometer survey data from Guinea, Mali, Sudan, and Zimbabwe as case studies. The study found that restoring public trust and promoting tax compliance are tangible outcomes arising from a steadfast commitment to electoral integrity, transparency, and accountability. This interplay becomes more vital within the framework of state fragility, where institutions are highly strained. The study highlighted that the existence of rampant corruption reduces trust in the ruling party, parliament, and local government council. Furthermore, the joint interaction between corruption and lack of trust significantly undermines the willingness of taxpayers to adhere to tax administration laws. These insights emphasise that combating corruption becomes not only a governance step but also vital to state stability. Thus, African governments should prioritise electoral integrity and combat corruption through enhanced accountability to pave the way for improved governance, enhanced trust, and a more stable path toward a global powerhouse.

Thorns in the side: Strategies of populist parties against local public administrations

AbstractThe success of populist parties in national elections puts pressure on political leaders and their administrations, both at the central and sub‐national levels. This paper explores the political tensions between two administrative levels—a central level governed by a populist party, and the city level headed by a liberal party—and the strategies populists use to challenge local political leaders and their city administrations. This paper analyzes three case studies: Prague, Warsaw, and Budapest. In all three cities, opposition candidates are visible challengers to the populist parties in government. The results show that city administrations face increasing tasks, cuts in budget transfers, higher scrutiny from central government, and administrative bottlenecks.

Digital Public Health Marketing of Physical Activity and Its Effect on Wellbeing in Saudi Arabia

Developing countries experienced insufficient levels of physical activity, particularly Saudi Arabia. In recent decades, Saudi Arabia has been experiencing a significant change in economy, urbanization, modernization, extensive and rapid demographic changes, and lifestyle transformation. These changes had negatively increased sedentary behaviors, inactivity physical activity, and lifestyle. Physical inactivity increases the risk of non-communicable and disease chronic diseases. Objectives: To highlight the gap in information such as gender inequality, cultural sensitivity, and social norms, including geography. Methods: Saudi Digital library, Google scholar, and UOW library. The terms used are “physical activity”, and “exercise” and research strategy were also adopted. Results: The recent Household Sports Practice Survey Bulletin in 2019 showed significant inequality between males and females. Also, the data showed different results relative to school type and gender. There are specific socio-cultural factors that limit women to participate in physical activities. Females have a low rate of total labor participants in the country. Geographical factors should be considered when establishing a promotion plan for physical activity, and there are no studies that focus on the effect of climate on participation in physical activity. Conclusion: The Saudi country has commenced numerous initiatives to improve people's health and well-being, and hopes to achieve this by 2030. It is important to build a community health center for females because there is a segregation policy to separate males from females in public places and workplaces. Having a national policy or promotion plan and collaborating with government parties is important. In addition, monitoring and evaluating the programs is important to ensure their success.

Turkey’s Foreign Policy Toward Africa: Three Levels of Analysis

Turkey has been actively engaged in African politics since the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government announced the year 2005 as the Year of Africa. The strategic importance of Africa for Turkey has significantly increased during the AK Party governments. The number of Turkey–Africa studies done both in Turkey and in the West has increased since 2010, but most of these studies dealt with Turkish foreign policy toward Africa from a narrow perspective. This study highlights that there are complicated, hidden, and interrelated factors and dynamics driving Turkey–Africa relations. In particular, the systematic factors are the most overlooked dynamics in the studies carried out. This study endeavors to explore these complicated dynamics in a systematic and holistic approach by using the three levels of analysis. The main research question in the study is, “What are the individual, state, and systemic factors shaping Turkish foreign policy toward Africa?” In this research, primary and secondary sources and the “process-tracing research method” were used.

IDENTITI SOSIAL DAN TINGKAH LAKU PENGUNDI DALAM PILIHAN RAYA NEGERI (PRN) KEDAH 2023

The Kedah State Election (PRN) 2023 is one of the 6 states that will be held simultaneously on 12 August 2023. There are several controversial issues throughout the campaign in the state, including the issue of the leadership of the Kedah Menteri Besar from PAS, Datuk Seri Sanusi Mohd Noor, the REE metal mining issue, logging issues, water supply issues, development issues and State Government cooperation issues with the Federal Government. All these issues shape the social identity and political behavior of voters in the state. Therefore, it is the purpose of writing this article to analyze the social identity and political behavior of voters in the State of Kedah in 2023. Based on data analysis of PRN 2023 results in Kedah, observations in the field and analysis of secondary sources such as journal articles and conference papers, the findings of the study show that the social identity of the Malays based on religion, rights, status, culture, language and social values has been used as political capital by the PN party to ensure that they are seen as a party that champions the Malays compared to the unity government party. The communication machinery of the unity government, especially UMNO and Pakatan Harapan (PH) is very weak and not well organized, causing them to fail to respond to the perceptions presented by the National Alliance Party (PN). The Malay Proclamation launched by PN especially PAS has succeeded in touching the hearts of young voters who are indeed the king makers who decide which party can form the Government.

Comparative Analysis of the Pre- and Post-soviet Caucasian Press at the Example of Georgian Newspapers: “Sakartvelo” (Georgia) (1918) and “Kviris Palitra” (2022)

In the present reality, the stability of the Caucasus region is essential for the correct and democratic development of the post-Soviet area countries. The press reflects the reality of what is happening, therefore, studying its quality and content always gives an opportunity to draw the adequate conclusion.Goal of the research is to determine to what extent the Caucasian (in particular, Georgian) press missed the path of its natural development due to appearing in the Soviet reality. What was the pre-Soviet and post-Soviet Georgian press like?The research was conducted on the basis of a comparative analysis of the content of the National Democratic Party newspaper “Sakartvelo” (Georgia) (1918) and the modern free public-political newspaper “Kviris Palitra” (2022).Before the forced unification of the Transcaucasian region into the Soviet Union, the local press was developing democratically. There were party newspapers, government and opposition publications. In modern reality, in the post-Soviet space, in the conditions of freedom of the press, newspapers show the tendency of total tabloidization. Irrelevant, unverified and biased information is often published.As a result of the research, it was determined that the pre-Soviet press was of high quality and developed democratically, and the Soviet experience had such a negative impact that in the post-Soviet reality, the Transcaucasian press did not have three decades to return to its natural development path.

How to Get Coal Country to Vote for Climate Policy: The Effect of a “Just Transition Agreement” on Spanish Election Results

Enacting stringent climate policy has proven politically challenging, not least because of concentrated losses in fossil fuel-producing communities. “Just transition” strategies have been proposed to mitigate this distributional challenge. Yet, little is known about how such strategies affect voting behavior. Using a mixed-methods approach, we exploit a local climate policy in Spain—a “Just Transition Agreement” (JTA) to phase out coalmining, support affected workers, and invest in affected municipalities—which was negotiated by the incumbent Socialist Party (PSOE) government with affected unions and businesses shortly before a national election. A difference-in-differences study shows that PSOE’s vote share in coalmining municipalities increased at the 2019 election relative to similar municipalities, implying that the JTA was electorally successful. Further statistical tests and elite interviews suggest that this electoral boost was driven by unions’ support of the JTA. Our findings have implications for how parties can craft popular climate policy.