Party Institutions Research Articles

Third parties, which do not submit the self-permit requirements for the subject of dispute: special questions to doctrines and legal trends

The article is devoted to the study of legislative changes in the institute of third parties that do not declare independent claims on the subject of the dispute that occurred in recent years. The issues of attracting third parties to a civil case on the initiative of the court, participation in the process of the National Agency for the Prevention of Corruption, and the availability of a time frame for third parties to enter the case are considered from a critical point of view.By the current legislation, third parties who do not declare independent claims regarding the subject matter of the dispute, are classified in the civil party. In the context of the modern edition of the CPC of Ukraine, they are considered one of the most important figures in the civil process, they belong to a circle of persons with legal interest in the resolution and consideration of civil cases.A scientific analysis of the legislative trends concerning the institution of third parties who do not declare independent claims on the subject of the dispute allows for significant comments regarding the legislative changes that have taken place in recent years, not all changes can be evaluated positively.Correction of the committed mistakes due to incorrect understanding of the legal personality of third parties who do not declare independent claims regarding the subject matter of the dispute, requires further legislative work.

Is Any Publicity Good Publicity? Media Coverage, Party Institutions, and Authoritarian Power-Sharing

Existing literature identifies nonofficial media as a tool for rulers to gather information from below. We argue that such media also help identify threats among elites. Motivated by profit, partially free media tend to cover politicians who challenge implicit norms of the regime. These political elites are perceived as threats to the power-sharing status quo, which leads peers to sanction them. We test this argument with evidence from the Chinese Communist Party’s intraparty elections of alternate Central Committee members in 2012 and 2007. With Bayesian rank likelihood models, we find that candidates who appeared more frequently in various partially free media received fewer votes from the Party Congress delegates, and this pattern is robust after accounting for a series of alternative explanations. Detailed case studies also show that low-ranked candidates have more partially free media coverage because they broke party norms.

Angebotsseitige Hindernisse der gleichberechtigten Repräsentation in Deutschland

One hundred years after being granted the right to active suffrage, German women remain underrepresented in elective office. Quotas have partially addressed demand-side barriers to gender parity in descriptive representation, but significant supply-side gaps remain. Men comprise over 70% of political party members in the Federal Republic, dominating the bodies that provide candidates for elective office. Solutions to this supply-side problem have often focused on “fixing” women to fit into gendered party institutions, rather than altering these structures to be more welcoming to women. In contrast, drawing on interviews with (potential) party members in Germany, this article identifies informal institutions that deter gender-balanced involvement in political parties and suggests ways in which these norms might be changed.

Autocracy and Variation in Economic Development Outcomes

I discuss and analyze the vast variation in development outcomes among autocracies, focusing on economic growth. I highlight plausible explanations of this variation pertaining to features of the leader, institutions, or the regime’s support coalition. Next, by analyzing data from more than 180 polities and with time series extending back to 1789, I present descriptive patterns and tests corroborating that variation in growth – in the shorter and longer term, across and within countries – is higher among autocracies than democracies. Finally, I assess the explanations for why some autocracies have higher growth than others. This exercise suggests that single-party autocracies have higher growth than personalist regimes and monarchies. Higher degrees of party institutionalization also correlate positively with growth. I find several (surprising) negative and null results. Notably, neither stronger legislative constraints on the autocrat nor the size of an autocratic regime’s support coalition correlate positively with growth.

Models of party institutionalization and problems of democratic consolidation

ABSTRACT The theory of party institutionalization (PI) developed in classical party literature has been a crucial tool for analyzing political parties. This paper aims to introduce how alternative models have emerged in developing democracies, suggesting the main dimensions of PI (‘autonomy’ and ‘systemness’) are not always positively correlated like initially suggested. One of these coined the ‘trade-off’ model, represents a dilemma of leadership where one dimension needs to be traded off to enhance the other. This may occur in parties that have radically motivated activists. Strategic difficulties that it brings, affect ‘professionalization’ of parties and their survivability. The last model (the ‘non-democratic’ model) is an extreme version of the tade-off model and it occurs when ‘autonomy’ is maximized and ‘systemness’ is minimized – a phenomenon that occurs easier under dominant party systems. Last section of this paper focuses on a case study (Turkey) to illustrate these models using primary and secondary sources; theoretical works on parties, the Turkish party system, and empirical data relating to the Turkish case.

ANALYSIS OF LEADERSHIP STYLE ON PERFORMANCE (CASE STUDY EMPLOYEE OF DIRECTORATE OF INFRASTRUCTURE INVESTMENT DEVELOPMENT, MINISTRY OF PUBLIC WORKS AND HOUSING)

ABSTRACT Leadership is a key element in an organization. The soul of leadership must be owned by every leader who has the main task of managing activities in the organization. This study aims to determine the desired leadership style in the working environment of Directorate of Infrastructure Investment Development (DBII), Ministry of Public Works and Housing. This research uses quantitative approach using survey method, priority-scale approach, regression analysis and focus group discussion (FGD). The results showed that there were at least 3 (three) lead ership styles commonly used by leaders namely, authoritarian, delegative and participatory styles. Based on the survey and FGD results, participative leadership style is the preferred style of leadership in the work environment of the Directorate of Infrastructure Investment Development while the regression results show that the leadership style of participatory has a positive influence with performance. Participative leadership style can be implemented in leadership development activities in the working environment of Directorate of Infrastructure Investment Development but still needed coordination and agreement from internal party and related external institution having capacity and competence in human resource development. Keywords: Authoritarian, Delegative, and Participative Leadership Style, Performance.

China’s Massive Restructuring of Party and State Apparatus in 2018

The Communist Party of China has embarked on a massive restructuring of the Party and state institutions. The Party has strengthened its grip over the state, taking over six State Council institutions that had previously dealt with the work of civil servants, the media, ethnic affairs, religious affairs, overseas Chinese affairs, and computer network and information security. At the state level, seven ministries were created while six ministries were abolished.

지역정당 활성화를 위한 제도개선 방안

본 연구는 헌법에서 보장하고 있는 국민의 참정권 확대와 정당정치 활성화를 위해 관련 법률의 문제점을 검토하고 바람직한 개정 방향 제시를 목적으로 한다. 우리 정당법은 수도에 중앙당을 두고 5개 이상 시·도당을 갖추지 못할 경우 정당설립이 불가능하도록 규정하여 실질적으로 국민의 정치참여를 제한하고 있다. 분석의 결과, 지역정당이 존재하는 국가에서는 정당의 법적 요건으로 정치단체의 선거 참여를 규제하고 있지 않다. 일본은 확인단체라는 느슨한 형태의 조건을 제시하고 있다. 독일에서는 정당의 당헌, 정강, 주 지구당의 이사의 명단, 직책 등을 선거관리위원장에게 제출하면, 정당 또는 정치단체의 지위를 인정하고 있다. 미국에서도 자격을 갖춘 정치단체가 공직선거에서 5%의 득표를 얻거나 1,000명 이상의 당원을 확보하면, 지역정당으로 인정받고 있다. 호주에서는 100명 이상 당원, 일정 조건을 갖추고 주 선거관리위원회에 등록을 하면, 정당의 지위를 인정받을 수 있다. 한국도 ①정당법에 의한 정당을 설립하는 방법, ②선거를 통해서 유권자들의 지지를 획득한 정치단체에 정당의 지위를 부여하는 방안 등 이원화 할 필요가 있다. 그러므로 향후 국회의원선거나 대선과 같은 국정선거는 제외하더라도 지방선거에서 다양한 정치집단의 선거참여를 허용하고 국민들의 지지를 일정 이상 획득한 정치단체에게 정당의 지위를 부여하는 방법을 고려할 필요가 있다.

Populism and Political Party Institutionalisation in the Three Baltic States of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania

The three Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania make for interesting comparative case studies in the rise of contemporary populism in Europe. All three countries share a similar modern history, democratic political system, level of economic development and are in the same western-oriented regional clubs (NATO, European Union, OSCE, European Council and, in the case of Estonia and Latvia, OECD, etc.). However, they do differ in the extent to which populism has played a role in their national politics. Populism has played a marginal role in Estonian politics, but has long been central to the Latvian party system and influential in Lithuanian politics. This article tackles two key issues in the study of populism. First, it focuses on political party institutionalisation as the key variable in explaining the differing impact of populist political parties across the Baltic states. It examines and explains the higher turnover of political party creation and destruction in Latvia and, to a lesser extent, Lithuania and argues that institutions—and particularly the laws that frame party organisations and participation in elections—create political opportunities for populist parties. The second part of the paper considers the different types of populist parties to have emerged in the Baltic states in recent decades. While previous studies of populism in the Baltic states (such as Auers and Kasekamp in J Contemp Eur Stud 17(2):241–254, 2009; Auers and Kasekamp, in: Wodak et al (eds) Right wing populism across/beyond Europe, Bloomsbury Academic Press, London 2013) have explicitly focused on Radical Right Populist parties, this article additionally identifies a number of parties in the region that are not explicitly radical right, but are certainly populist.

К вопросу об институциональных основах государственной инновационной политики в современной России

The subject of this study is the institutional basis of public innovation policy in modern Russia. The relevance of this topic is due to both the attention to it from the political leadership, and the pressing needs of the Russian economy. By the authors’ opinion, a full analysis of this policy area should be based on consideration of its institutional foundations from the point of view of interaction of political institutions both in the process of forming the respective priorities of the innovation policy and in the process of its implementation. The place of partial and functional representation of public interests in the existing system of innovative activity management is indicated. The novelty of the study is a detailed analysis of the role of government bodies at various levels, institutions of civil society, political parties, and business structures in the formation and implementation of public innovation policy.

Party Institutions and Authoritarian Power-Sharing: Evidence from China's Provincial Leader Appointment

AbstractRecent scholarship of comparative authoritarianism suggests that party institutions contribute to regime resilience by facilitating power-sharing among the party elites and preventing the paramount leaders’ abuse of power that undermines political stability. Existing studies tend to focus on the empirical association between party organizations and regime resilience, whereas the actual effects of institutions on elite behavior receive less attention. This paper conducts an in-depth study of China's appointment system to examine whether the CCP's power-sharing institutions indeed constrain the person- nel authority of the party's paramount leader. Using a unique dataset of provincial leadership appointment from 1992 to 2014, the empirical analysis reveals that the General Secretary enjoys what can be described as ‘constrained supremacy’ in the making of personnel decisions: the leader can boost his own position by providing favorable treatment to key supporters, but the formal arrangement of collective decision-making constrains rampant reward of patronage that would unsettle the balance among the regime's top elites. The findings of the paper lay bare the diffculty of capturing the inner workings of authoritarian politics with broad, cross-national indicators of regime type; they also illustrate the complicated interaction between formal institutions and informal, personal logic of exercising power in authoritarian regimes.

THE NATIONAL POLICIES OF THE RUSSIAN AND AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN EMPIRES’ IN VOLHYNIA AND GALICIA (at the beginning of the ХХ century): A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS

In the article, by means of a comparative confrontation, the national policies of the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires in Volhynia and Galicia at the beginning of the ХХ century are analyzed, in particular, what concerns the three greatest ethnic groups of these lands, namely, the Ukrainians, Poles, and Jews. The territorial borders of the research under view cover the Volhynian gubernia of the Russian empire and the eastern part of Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomerіa (the eastern Galicia) of Austro-Hungarian empire. A comparative analysis of the national policy of the two aforementioned empires in concern of the three most numerous ethnic groups of Volhynia and East Galicia testifies to the presence of considerable differences in the methods of actions of the Russian and Austrian governments. The Romanovs’ monarchy craved to unify the national structure of the population of the Volhynia gubernia by the assimilation of the Ukrainians, Poles, and Jews, as well as by the restriction of their economic and cultural-educational interests. The majority of the Ukrainian population of the Volhynia gubernia were treated by the Russian officials as the “little Russians”, that is, as the part of the uniform Russian people. The struggle was conducted against the Ukrainian intelligentsia which supported a national-cultural separateness of the Ukrainian people. The Poles and the Jews were unequivocally treated as « foreigners» towards whom the government carried out an overtly discriminational national policy. At the same time, the Habsburg monarchy, having transferred in 1860 th into the parliamentarism line, recognized the national-cultural rights of the Ukrainians, Poles and Jews of Galicia. However, in a politically-administrative plane, the Austrian power relied on the Polish minority in Galicia, especially on its political, social and economic elite. In these conditions, the Ukrainians and the Jew, showing loyalty to the Austrian authorities, were actively engaged in the development of their own political, party, public, economic, and cultural institutions. In spite of all obstacles, the national policy of the two empires has something in common, namely, the problem of self-preservation as the monarchic states and an ideology of the fidelity to the monarchical house.

Proposal of an indicator to measure the professionalization of election campaigns: The case of Colombia

An indicator is proposed that measures the degree of professionalization of presidential campaigns in political systems where there is high personalization and low institutionalization of political parties. The professionalization of Colombia’s 2014 presidential campaign is measured: describing both the organizational dimension and internal structure of the campaign, and the communication strategy used to persuade the voters. Dimensions and categories are established that show the development and evolution of the techniques used in the presidential campaign.

Carreras legislativas discretas en contextos de débil institucionalización partidista: Propuesta teórica y evidencia empírica aplicada a la legislatura de Ecuador, 1979-2007

Este articulo analiza las carreras politicas de aquellos actores que, tras cumplir un solo periodo en la legislatura, no vuelven a ocupar otros espacios de eleccion popular o de influencia publica. Para el efecto, se recurre a un modelo de investigacion mixto en el que se vincula una base de datos inedita sobre la trayectoria de los legisladores del Ecuador entre 1979 y 2007 con entrevistas, revision de medios de comunicacion escrita y fuentes secundarias. De forma contra intuitiva, los hallazgos empiricos sena­lan que casi la mitad de los diputados ecuatorianos reproducen este tipo de compor­tamiento politico, al que Schlesinger (1966) denomino carreras legislativas discretas. Adicionalmente, el articulo argumenta que la debil institucionalizacion de los parti­dos, entendida como la monopolizacion de los mecanismos de seleccion de candida­tos alrededor de las cupulas, explica la presencia de este comportamiento politico. Bajo este argumento, y contrariamente a lo que plantean las teorias de la conexion electoral y de la ambicion politica, las carreras legislativas discretas constituirian un patron de conducta sistematico en algunas legislaturas de America Latina.

Why do Democracies Experience Antisystem Movements: Statistical Analysis from Interwar Europe (1919-1939)

Why do some democracies experience antisystem movements whereas others do not? Enlisting novel cross-national data from Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) project and empirically focusing on interwar Europe, this article statistically tests widely-accepted theoretical claims in the literature on political authoritarianism. Logistic regression models applied on 22 interwar European democracies reveal that economic crises are a major cause behind antisystem movement emergence whereas the evidence for attributing causal effect to party institutionalization is not strong enough. Furthermore, the results show that in polarized party systems, the support of center-left/right parties is a crucial factor that leads to antisystem movement emergence in democratic polities.

Electoral violence during party primaries in Kenya

ABSTRACTSince the restoration of multi-party democracy in Kenya in 1991, elections have witnessed intra-party violence during the primaries for selecting parliamentary and civic seats candidates. This article addresses the question of why electoral violence occurs during party primaries in Kenya and argues that violence is an outcome of the organization of political parties, which has revolved around personalities identified with ethno-regional interests rather than institutionalism. The upshot has been the absence of party institutionalization to establish structures for recruitment of members and organization of primaries. Such organizational weaknesses have denied parties the capacity to match the intense competition for tickets of ethno-regional dominant parties that guarantees nominees to win seats in their strongholds. Intra-party violence has followed. The article submits that intra-party electoral violence in Kenya is a function of the politics of clientelism and ethnicity, both of which have severely hampered the institutionalization of political parties and their capacity to cope with the stiff competition for the tickets of ethno-regional dominant parties.

Pengaruh Multiple Intelligences Terhadap Prestasi Belajar Mahasiswa:Studi pada Mahasiswa Jurusan Sejarah IKIP Budi Utomo Malang

This research aims to determine the effect of Multiple Intelligences toward learning achievement in college history and sociology department IKIP Budi Utomo Malang. The method used in this study is the experimental method kind of explanatory research. The data obtained from the analysis of Multiple Intelligences questionnaire and analyzed using multiple linear regression. From the results of this research showed no significant difference between linguistic intelligence, logic and intra personal on learning achievement college student history and sociology department IKIP Budi Utomo. From the analysis of the data obtained coefficient R2 of 0.079 indicates variable linguistic intelligence, logic and intrapersonal have an influence on the learning achievement of 7.9% while the remaining 92.1% is influenced by other variables not examined. Suggestions from this research are expected to party institution is willing to conduct training on making and writing papers or scientific work so that students are able to make posts or tasks properly. were all students majoring history and sociology department IKIP Budi Utomo Malang.

Why Populism? How Parties Shape the Electoral Fortune of Populists

Much of the literature on populism restricts itself to specific regional contexts. Due to this approach, theories of populism have difficulty explaining cross-regional similarities or differences (such as the prevalence of exclusive populist parties in Europe but inclusive parties in Latin America). Using cross-regional data and exploratory case studies from multiple regions, we provide evidence that the prevalence of populism in a given party system is a function of both party institutionalization and electoral institutions. The combination of these factors we term institutional hostility. In laying out our theory we identify three ways in which populist parties enter party systems and contest elections: populist entry, populist targeting and adaptation, and populist capture.

Elite Investments in Party Institutionalization in New Democracies: A Two-Dimensional Approach

This article conceptualizes party institutionalization and theorizes the conditions under which party elites invest in institutionalized parties in new democracies. We specify routinization and val...

Денационализация и аренда в мелкой промышленности Сибири при переходе от военного коммунизма к новой экономической политике (1921—1923 годы)

Study of the processes of denationalization and rent in small industry of Siberia during transition from war communism to new economic policy allows to more fully reveal the essence of the NEP and Bolsheviks’ purpose in relation to smallholders, to show the implementation of these NEP areas in Siberia, to highlight its features. The main sources of study were the published papers of the regional Soviet and party institutions, as well as materials from the holdings of Russian state archive of economy and the State archive of the Novosibirsk region, part of which were introduced in the scientific usage for the first time. The article gives a brief description of the state of artisan production in the region in 1921. The conclusion is made about presence of conditions for the restoration of small industry. The process of denationalization, its dates and objects are analyzed. The return of the cooperative industry is discussed. The peculiarities of the lease campaign, its scope, prospects and role in the Siberian economy are revealed. Priority methods of the policy of denationalization and rent are described. Attention to regional approaches in their implementation from 1921 to 1923 is paid. The author comes to the conclusion that, despite some positive aspects in the implementation of the data in the NEP areas, they were limited and in the beginning of the new economic policy often continued to coexist with the military and Communist methods of management in the Siberian small-scale industry.