Party Institutions Research Articles

Local Elections, Local Actors And Political Patronage Networks (Understanding Involvement Of Coal Mining Bosses In The Local Elections In South Kalimantan Province

This article analyses the political drama of the fall Soeharto's government in May 1998, after
 32 years in power, has made a new era of this country democratic life. The fall of the Soeharto’s government which gave to a new era of democratization has changed of political landscape from the authoritarian system to the transition of democracy. The democratic transition has had an impact on the almost uncontrollable political dynamics. It also provides an opportunity for central and local political actors to consolidate power and reposition themselves to capture of power institutions and democratic institutions through contestation of local elections. In the capitalization democracy, political pragmatism structured in democratic behavior has spawned the costly cost of democracy. Therefore, it has become a fact in the current reality of democracy that political actors who occupy the stage of democracy are people who have capital (money) or background as entrepreneurs. The involvement of mine bosses in the local elections in South Kalimantan as sponsors of political fund or as candidats local rulers has spawned a black market of democracy characterized by political concessions and transactions through a network of political patronage. South Kalimantan is known as a coal mining product, mining issues in the local election became political marketing to build political patronage networks among local actors. In the context of open competition in local elections, the issue of political funding becomes the most crucial in the democratic transition. The political brokers will position themselves as shadow government after local election in government and become as a controler in policy government, especially mining policy. The mine bosses have of bergaining position in the political landscape and political patronage network to place the people who occupy the position of the local head by power money and oligarchy of political party. The heads of political parties or political elites in South Kalimantan are majority as mine bosses. Thus, the existence of political parties has been taken drive by capitalist . The cartelization politiacal parties became clearer in the lead up to the elections in which party institutions had become the arena of conspiracy between party regimes and local ruling candidates or local power.

Problematika Kelembagaan Partai Politik

Political parties have functions representation, conversion and aggregation, integration, persuasion, repression, recruitment and selection of leaders, considerations and formulation of policies and control of the government. However, after the reform which was marked by the opening of the widest possible tap of democracy, it did not make all the functions of the political party work. Even today, the number of public dissatisfaction with the performance of political parties is still very high. So the thing that is interesting is why political parties in the reformation period experienced a crisis of representation functions. This study was conducted using qualitative desktiptif analysis methods through literature review. The study found that the crisis of representation functions experienced by political parties during the reform period was caused by the weakness of the political party institutions themselves, including the systemic aspects which caused weak formal representation, low values ​​/ ideology of political parties which caused weak symbolic representation and low authority what political parties have in making decisions leads to low political party substantive representation.

The effectiveness of the parliamentary front on sport in the Brazilian National Congress between the World Cup and the Olympic Games

Abstract Parliamentary Fronts (PF) are supra party institutions in the Brazilian National Congress (BNC) that aim to exert political clout in policies regarding a specific subject. Although seldom studied, these institutions have proliferated, and their number peaked in the 54th legislature (2011-2015) with a tally of 210. In this article, we analyse the effectiveness of the Mixed Parliamentary Front for Sports (FPE), which comprises 198 federal deputies (from 513) and 8 senators (from 81). As method we combined: prosopography of its members; network analysis formed by the decision-making arenas occupied by them at BNC; analysis of their political clout in the legislation for sport. Our results indicate a network mainly comprised of right-wing parties and professional politicians, which suggests a strong potential of political clout. Four theoretical constructs from their profile characteristics were correlated to the centrality within the network, which showed that political expertise and political specialization were crucial factors. We found 8 central members, reinforcing arguments from literature which proposed the existence of an operative nucleus within PF. In relation to the clout in the formulation of sport policy, the representatives belonging to the front were responsible for 94 (61%) proposals of the total of 246 bills presented in the field of sports. Moreover, they are not effective in approving these propositions, although more effective than others PF. Nevertheless, this research gave us a better understanding of policy formulation in complex political arenas, inaugurating a method and a theory to study effectiveness and centrality of this kind of institution.

Intelligence for Sale: The ‘Party–Public Sentiment, Inc.’ and Stability Maintenance in China

Chinese journalism became more professional during the reform era, escaping the old propaganda model under Party control. However, of late a new industry has emerged. Based on interviews, fieldwork, and other material, this article focuses on the Guangzhou provincial party media group and its affiliated “public sentiment” (yuqing) business sector, which arose to cope with the decline in print media by developing a clientelist relationship to Party institutions. The group takes preemptive measures to maintain regime stability by collecting information to help the Party manage crises and troubleshooting potential dangers to the state, representing an innovative paradigm for maintaining stability.

Soviet Intelligence Discourse about Caliphate Question in 1920s: Musa Bigiev, Eastern Department OGPU and Islamic political unity

This article deals with the study of the views of the Soviet intelligence on the so-called short-lived “Caliphate movement”, which originates from the then British India. Even after its official abolition in 1924, this institution did not lose its symbolic appeal for Muslims across the world. As an idea it continued offering the Muslims a sense of the umma i.e. the global community of Muslims. The author offers the Soviet intelligence interpretation of the idea of the Caliphate movement in the context of the Soviet “eastern” foreign policy. The article describes this issue through the prism of interaction between the Eastern Department of the OGPU (USSR Secret service) and Musa Bigiyev, a prominent Russian Muslim leader of the 19th–20th cent. Based on hitherto unknown archival materials and the most recent Russian and foreign historical studies, the author offers a comparative analysis of the attitudes of various Soviet and Communist Party institutions to the Caliphate idea and the Caliphate movement in the context of anti-colonial, anti-European struggle. In conclusion article shows the discrepancy between the strategy and tactics of Soviet intelligence services as opposed to the views of European (in particular, British) intelligence services. As a result, these activities contributed to the restriction of independence of the Russian Muslim elite on one handside, strengthening the anti-Caliphate feelings and Islamophobic views among the Soviet management elite on the other.

An exploratory case study focusing on the creation, and development of a new political brand: The case of Aam Aadmi Party

In the backdrop of India's rising prominence in BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), understanding of its political environment, electoral competition, and constituent parties with their political ideologies contesting to form government attracts immense interest from the researchers in political science, political marketing, and public policy. Although literatures in political marketing are more than two decades mostly carried out in developed democratic systems like the United States, United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand, India as a posttransition democracy received relatively less attention. The article has been conceptualized in the context of 2014 Indian general elections Lok Sabha 2014 as an attempt to study application of political marketing principles in a cross‐cultural democracy. The author has probed the emergence of new political party Aam Aadmi Party riding on the success of Janlokpal (civil society movement), the marketing approach used by Aam Aadmi Party, essentially positioning and branding strategies, during the national elections and party institutionalization. Research strategy followed secondary research of published data for examining the new party creation from a marketing perspective.

Party institutionalization and intra-party preference homogeneity

This paper studies the relation between party institutionalization and intra-party preference homogeneity in democracies. In weakly institutionalized parties, it cannot be taken for granted that party actors have similar policy views because they lack the capability or motivation to coordinate agreement and to recruit personnel in line with this agreement. This should matter most when other safeguards against preference heterogeneity are missing. Empirically, we explore the association between institutionalization and intra-party preference homogeneity at the level of candidates to the national legislature based on survey data. In a single-country study, we first look at the case of Germany in 2013 and 2017, contrasting the young and weakly institutionalized Alternative for Germany (AfD) with the older, established parties. In a second step, we study the link between party institutionalization and preference homogeneity in a cross-country analysis of 19 established democracies. We find that parties with high value infusion—parties whose candidates are committed to the party—are generally more homogenous in their policy preferences. Moreover, value infusion is more consequential when the issues in question are not constitutive for the party and when candidates are selected in a decentralized way. Similarly, routinization of internal party behavior—the second dimension of institutionalization that we account for—seems to contribute to preference homogeneity only when parties are less policy oriented and have decentralized candidate selection procedures.

Timing, sequences and new party institutionalization in South America

While party system institutionalization is widely addressed in the literature, the conditions of institutionalization on the level of individual parties are still insufficiently explored, especially for Latin America. The region provides a broad variety of new parties, whose divergent developments cannot be explained by structural or institutional factors. Recently, a range of genetic explanations has been proposed, which attribute new party institutionalization to their conditions of emergence. These accounts, however, leave questions about later stages of party institutionalization open. We propose a more comprehensive approach, integrating different dimensions and covering the whole path of new party institutionalization. We start from the proposition that in the process of party development, tensions and contradictions arise between internal, organizational consolidation on the one hand and external relations to voters and competitors, on the other, which make it difficult to institutionalize in both dimensions at the same time. We, therefore, argue that new parties are only able to institutionalize successfully when institutionalization proceeds in a sequential way, with internal institutionalization preceding electoral rise and external institutionalization. We substantiate our supposition by matching the expected sequential pattern of institutionalization to four empirical cases, the Brazilian Workers’ Party (PT), the Uruguayan Broad Front (FA), the Argentine FREPASO and the Venezuelan Causa R. Based on these cases we will show that successful parties indeed follow this script, while new party failure can be attributed to their lack of institutionalized internal structures in the moment of electoral rise.

Party institutionalization as multilevel concept: base- versus elite-level routinization

This article adds to the refinement of the concept of party institutionalization by focusing on its multilevel character, capturing possible variation between the institutionalization of the party elite and a party’s base. Hence, we argue that debates around party institutionalization as an analytical concept can profit from clarifying whose behavior we actually theorize when specifying and operationalizing the concept’s various dimensions. We illustrate this by focusing on different configurations of the internal property of routinization, more specifically, the presence or absence of elite-level and of base-level routinization. We hypothesize that distinct combinations influence whether and to which extent a party’s overall organization can be considered routinized or not, which, in turn, affects intra-organizational dynamics. We illustrate the usefulness of our conceptual distinctions using comparative case studies of parties characterized by either elite-level or base-level routinization—from both established and new democracies—to illustrate each dimension’s distinct implications for patterns of intra-party conflict and stability.

Party institutionalization in new democracies: The threat of power personalization

This article puts forward a proposal aimed to improve the measurement of party institutionalization. Unlike most related studies, it takes the structure rather than the amount of power of party organizations as the main determinant of their institutionalization. It argues that within the context of recently pluralized political systems in which party organizations regularly serve as the personal political tools of those in charge, party institutionalization primarily relates to the process through which a given party acquires political influence irrespective of its leaders. The article provides a detailed comparison of the developmental trajectories of the ruling parties in Serbia (Socialist Party of Serbia) and Croatia (Croatian Democratic Union) in the 1990s. It shows that, albeit different origins (communist-successor vs. anti-establishment party), the ruling parties ended up with very similar internal organization as a consequence of power personalization, which hindered the process of their institutionalization and determined the course of their political development.

Definitions and measures of party institutionalization in new personal politics: The case of the 5 star movement

The emergence of personalized party organizations has called for a redefinition of the concept of party institutionalization (PI). This article brings different strands of literature together and proposes a new multidimensional index of PI. PI is conceived of as the interplay of objective and internal party features with the external environment. The viability of the index is tested through its application to a prominent case of personal party, the Italian Five Star Movement (5SM). Through a detailed analysis of its history, we show that the 5SM has become more institutionalized over time; however, this has especially affected its external facet, while other specific party traits have been less involved. Findings suggest that the stabilization of internal structures to connect party echelon and rank-and-file remains a challenge.

Konzepte der Parteieninstitutionalisierung. Eine vergleichende Perspektive

Concepts of party institutionalization and party change were developed during the 1980s with regard to the European mass party model of party organization. Since then we have been observing the breakthrough of new political parties from the whole political spectrum in both, ‘established’ and ‘young’ democracies. But the birth and institutionalization of parties has been analyzed separately in different world regions. The focus of analysis in these research studies is either on Western parties and established party systems or on parties and party systems in ‘young’ democracies.

Podemos’ and Ciudadanos’ multi-level institutionalization challenges

So far, the party institutionalization literature has not properly analysed the challenges posed by the multi-level nature of many Western democracies to new parties’ institutionalization processes. The aim of this article is to introduce a theoretical framework combining both internal (e.g. party origins, party branch autonomy) and external factors (e.g. cross-level contamination, electoral threshold) to better understand this phenomenon. We hypothesize that through the formative stage and cross-level contamination the party institutionalization processes at the national and regional level will be aligned. They will also be stronger in those regions with better electoral performance and higher levels of branch autonomy. These expectations are then illustrated through the comparative analysis of the origins of the Podemos and Ciudadanos parties and their early evolution in Spain. The main results point out that national and regional institutionalization processes are evolving in the same direction, although not at the same pace. They also suggest that the electoral threshold and the autonomy of the regional branch might also be shaping the way both parties are developing in different regions.

Inequality under Authoritarian Rule

AbstractSince the turn of the century, much comparative politics scholarship has examined whether and how income inequality affects the prospects of democratization and, to a lesser extent, whether democracy reduces inequality. What is lacking, however, is a close examination of the extent of income inequality in authoritarian regimes. This article examines the variation in inequality across authoritarian regimes and argues that electoral competition – in conjunction with party ideology and the extent of party institutionalization – helps explain the pattern of inequality under authoritarian rule. I find that electoral authoritarian (EA) regimes – regimes in which multiple parties legally compete in elections – have lower levels of inequality compared to non-EA regimes. I further find that inequality is lower in EA regimes with left-leaning ruling parties and more institutionalized party systems. This analysis highlights the value of exploring the dynamics and contingent effects of electoral competition in authoritarian regimes.

The metamorphosis of social movements into political parties. The Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood and the Tunisian al-Nahda as cases for a reflection on party institutionalisation theory

ABSTRACT The article studies newly established parties with roots in social movements. Using the post-Spring development of Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood and Tunisian al-Nahda as in-depth empirical cases, the study reflects on prevalent theoretical explanations for the transitions of social movements into political parties. The paper argues that extant literature on party system institutionalization and the development of social movement organizations do not adequately explain the driving factors for the transition process of movements into parties. A focus on party systems does not take note of the dynamics of movement-party relations, while social movement theory remains steeped in conceptions of institutional evolution and ‘natural progression’ in politics. When rethinking party institutionalization, it needs to be recognized that it is a precarious process during which features of social movement activism overlap with the formalized engagement that characterizes political parties. The comparative study of the Muslim Brotherhood-led Freedom and Justice Party and the Tunisian al-Nahda Movement and its al-Nahda Party exemplifies that the degree to which leading parties emancipate themselves from the guardianship of their ‘mother-organizations’ is an essential factor for democratic state-building.

Party Institutionalization and Women’s Representation in Democratic Brazil. By Kristin N. Wylie. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2018. 290p. $99.99 cloth.

Party Institutionalization and Women’s Representation in Democratic Brazil. By Kristin N. Wylie. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2018. 290p. $99.99 cloth.

PELAKSANAAN PENDIDIKAN POLITIK OLEH DPD PARTAI GERINDRA JAWA TIMUR DALAM RANGKA MENGHADAPI PEMILU SERENTAK 2019 (Studi Pada DPC Partai Gerindra Kabupaten dan Kota Mojokerto)

General election Simultaneously 2019 is a challenge and opportunity for all elements of the nation in improving the political system and democracy in Indonesia, that is the reason that became the basis of the East Java Gerindra Party to carry out political education in Mojokerto. This study aims to describe the implementation of political education for three times with qualitative descriptive methods and interactive analysis. The results of this study reveal that the objectives and material presented in the implementation of political education are still oriented towards strengthening internal party institutions as an effort to strengthen ideology, winning strategies and internal party consolidation. In addition, the obstacles that arise are methods of inappropriate communication and limited time of activity.

A Transformation From Within? Dynamics of Party Activists and the Rise of the German AfD

This paper studies the changing composition of activists of the German challenger party AfD during its formative period. Drawing on the spatial density of party activists linked to socio-contextual variables and a pre-post design, we demonstrate that the challenger party's member base has significantly transformed in the course of the party's institutionalisation. Owing to a rapid influx of new members and the withdrawal of others after an internal split of the party, the share of activists in high-income areas decreased significantly, while it increased in socio-structurally disadvantaged areas within Germany. The findings suggests that the changing member base has fuelled the programmatic radicalisation of the party.

KOMODIFIKASIAN OJEK PANGKALAN DALAM ARENA DEMOKRASI LOKAL (Studi Kasus di Pemilihan Walikota Sorong Tahun 2017)

This research is entitled: Commodification of Base Ojek Services in the Arena of Democracy (Case Study of Sorong City Election in 2017). Researchers try to review local political phenomena in Sorong West Papua by utilizing social solidarity ojek base in the interests of political power. Because ojek services are not just public transportation services but now base motorcycle taxi services are now a new social strength and capital that can be commercialized in political interests. In this study, the researchers formulated two questions: (1) How was the involvement of base taxi drivers in the elections in the city of Sorong in 2017? (2) What is the impact of modification of base taxi in the elections in Sorong city in 2017? With the existing research focus, the researchers used modification theory, political theory, social solidarity and knowledge of ojek services as theoretical legitimacy to direct and analyze this research so that it could provide adequate outcomes. This study uses a qualitative approach and descriptive method, with the aim of describing existing phenomena, which occur at this time or in the past. This study does not carry out manipulation or alteration of independent variables but tries to describe in accordance with the real reality, about content and research focus. Of course with great hope that this research can provide scientific and beneficial effects for many people and become an evaluation material for party institutions (political parties) in providing political education to the public. Especially for people who move as ojek (motorcycle taxi) bases. The output of this study can also add to the discourse and study of local politics which is increasingly complex to the social foundations of society.

Reformation of the judicial appraisal adoption system used by party institutions entrusted by the investigation agency in criminal proceedings

The new requirements of trial-centered litigation in China are a concrete manifestation of the reform of the rule of law under Xi Jinping's new socialist era. The effective implementation of judicial appraisal lays a solid foundation for the correct identification of facts, accurate conviction, and sentencing, and technically, it should guarantee a fair trial. However, in practice, judicial appraisal opinion carries the risk of a diminished trial that deviates from the trial-centered requirement to substantiate a charge and can easily lead to unjust cases. This paper seeks to discuss the system of identification of property loss involved in criminal proceedings, which is implemented by a third-party appraisal institution entrusted by the investigation agency, and highlights the fact that the third-party appraisal institutions in judicial practice are currently reliant on cooperative thinking, but countenance the lack of a mechanism for effective accountability, and the court's propensity for their support. This leads to the verification components of the trial being depreciated, which may lessen the validity of the appraisal opinion (substantiation). In response to this problem, the author hopes to provide some suggestions to assist third-party appraisal agencies in the completion of judicial appraisal and achievement of their trial-centered reform goal by rationalizing the relationship between the investigation agency and identification institution, establishing a hierarchical accountability mechanism, and improving the rules governing testimony in court.