Parties In Slovakia Research Articles

Between Conflict and Cooperation: Electoral Strategies of Ethnic Parties

Between Conflict and Cooperation: Electoral Strategies of Ethnic Parties

No school of hard knocks: education policies and ideologies of Slovak far-right parties

ABSTRACT The aim of this paper is to examine the unexplored intersection between the ideologies and education policies of the Slovak far-right party family. From a theoretical perspective, the article draws on the morphological approach to the study of ideology. By using this approach, the main goal of this article is to analyse, map, and compare education policies in the context of the ideologies of three successful yet ideologically distinct examples of far-right parties in Slovakia. The analysis aims to identify the education policies of Slovakia’s far-right parties and define their positions and roles both within and outside of their respective ideologies. On a more general level, by examining the Slovak case, the article addresses the question of whether, and if so, to what extent the far-right’s education policies are also far-rightist education policies.

K slovenským národně‑emancipačním snahám na půdě Československé strany národně socialistické

This study investigates the establishment of the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party in Slovakia during the period of the First Czechoslovak Republic from 1918 to 1938. It examines the centralist approach employed by the party to manage the Slovak provincial organization, which eventually clashed with the predominantly nationalist-driven efforts of the Slovak party leadership. The tensions between the Czech and Slovak parts of the party arose due to the absence of a provincial party executive committee, a lack of programmatic theses that considered the specific needs of the region, unresolved issues of financing the party’s activities, and differing views on the political competences of the central and provincial party centres. These issues led to an internal party crisis in Slovakia in the mid-1930s, which was resolved by loosening the Slovak party organization’s ties to Prague

ETHNOPOLITICAL PROCESSES IN SLOVAKIA (1989-1995)

This article provides the first overview in Ukrainian historiography of the preconditions, emergencу, establishment and initiation of the activities of a political entity representing the Ukrainian population of the Slovak Republic – the Podduklianske Democratic Community (hereinafter referred to as the PDC, original name: Podduklianske Civic Forum). The PDC collaborated with the Regional Government in Prešov, primarily in the socio-economic sphere, and outlined the party’s objectives. The PDC is aimed to address political, economic, social, and national-cultural issues of the Ukrainian population in the Prešov region. At the same time, there is a recognition of the increased political activity of representatives of the Hungarian national minority in Slovakia, resulting in the formation of Hungarian political parties in Slovakia, which emerged immediately after the collapse of the communist regime. It is noted that Hungarian political entities in Slovakia had their representatives in Parliament as a result of the elections in 1990, 1992, and 1994, which allowed them to actively participate in the political life of the state. The positive aspect of the activities of Hungarian political parties in Slovakia was that different party platforms did not prevent them from creating an electoral coalition. It is mentioned that the Roma community was also represented at the level of the Slovak national and regional political arena. However, Roma political parties failed to gain significant electoral support and representation in the Slovak Parliament.

Populist Radical Right Parties and the Rhetoric of Emotions. The Slovak Case Study

This article analyses the emotional rhetoric of the populist radical right parties in Slovakia - the Slovak National Party (SNS) and the People's Party Our Slovakia (ĽSNS) - in their 2016 and 2020 election manifestos. Emotional rhetoric, or pathos, consists of emotional appeals, and this article looks specifically at four discrete appeals to emotions: retrospective anger and enthusiasm; and prospective fear and hope, and connects these emotional appeals with topics according to their relevance. This research utilises qualitative content analysis drawing categories from the field of political psychology. Unexpectedly, it is found that positive emotional appeals are generally more common than negative ones in the election manifestos of the populist radical right. The second finding is that populist radical right parties with government experience apply a very different strategy in their emotional rhetoric. The more extreme ĽSNS, without government experience, relies more on the negative emotional appeal of anger, and SNS, with extensive government experience, relies on the positive emotional appeals of hope and enthusiasm. Furthermore, these cases confirm the hypothesis that a populist radical right party that uses more appeals to anger has greater success in general elections.

Politická spolupráca Andreja Cvinčeka a Jana Šrámka vo svetle nespracovanej osobnej korešpondencie z rokov 1927 – 1929

In this article, we will try to describe and explain the relationship between the Nitra canon Andrej Cvinček (1880 – 1949) and Jan Šrámek (1870 – 1956), the chairman of the Czechoslovak People’s Party (ČSL). It must be said at the outset that this is a rather complex topic, because there are not enough archival sources regarding their cooperation. In particular, sources of a letter nature are absent, which are of key and irreplaceable importance for the analysis of personalities’ relationships. However, the correspondence from the first two years of operation of the Slovak ČSL was preserved. Although the letters are mainly of a formal nature, they also tell about the opinions and plans of both politicians. They reveal their character, human qualities, work commitment and approach to party problems, thanks to which we also gain a better clarification of the beginnings of the ČSL in Slovakia. It is a set of seventeen letters from the period 1927 – 1929, which have not been the subject of deeper reflection in either Slovak or Czech historiography. According to the preserved correspondence, Cvinček and Šrámek met from December 27, 1926 in Brno and worked on the party’s Slovak program. Cvinček was gradually profiled as the spiritus movens of the party in Slovakia. In addition to the creation of the political program, personal matters also rested on his shoulders, which increased his authority. He became the manager of the ČSL in Slovakia. The article shows how Canon Andrej Cvinček was an important and necessary support for the party chairman Jan Šrámek in the beginnings of the Slovak ČSL.

The Potential of Using Websites for Communication of Political Parties: The Case of Slovakia Before the 2020 Elections

Technological advances and the use of websites have become mandatory tool for any political entity trying to succeed in the competition for votes. The main objective of the study is to identify the level of effectiveness of political communication on the websites of selected political parties in Slovakia. The evaluation is based on the application of the framework for functionality and effectiveness of communication of political parties and their candidates on websites. According the framework applied, the partial objectives represent the identification of information flows on website in five different ways: from the bottom up, from the top down, horizontal, asynchronous and synchronous. A structured review of the research on the issue provides a basic perspective for identifying similarities, differences, challenges, and positives, as well as the possibility to carry out a comprehensive confrontation with the study’s findings. The analysis focuses on the environment of the Slovak Republic, looking at the example of eight selected political parties from the period of the last elections – 2020. The data collection used techniques according to the nature of the examined indicators set according to the framework. To evaluate the data, we apply basic statistical analyses with a comparative form of presentation. The findings demonstrate a medium to higher degree of effectiveness of the communication of selected political parties on the websites. The quality and scope of the information provided on websites is also currently related to the length of time in the party system, regardless length of representation in the parliament. According to study results the deficits primarily appear when providing answers to questions outside of published information, using an interactive form of content or more active cooperation with partner websites. The observed state of the selected cases demonstrates the one-way nature of the provision of information from the subject to the recipient.

DEFENDER OF CZECHOSLOVAK UNITY. A PROBE INTO THE POLITICS OF THE CZECHOSLOVAK NATIONAL SOCIALISTS IN SLOVAKIA BETWEEN 1918 AND 1938

Until 1989, the reformist current of the National Socialists was one of the backbone elements of the Czech/Czechoslovak party-political system. The political party of the Czech National Socialists was formed in the 1890s and during the years of the First Czechoslovak Republic (1918 – 1938) under the name Czechoslovak National Socialist Party (CSNP) was a regular part of government coalitions. The historiographical description of their activities and their contribution to solving the political, economic, social, and cultural problems of state formation corresponds to this fact. An exception in this context is the history of the party in Slovakia between 1918 and 1938, a period when the party leaders decided to extend the organization's reach to the entire territory of the newly formed state. Apart from partial mentions, we have only a few short historical studies, which are inaccurate in their findings and give only the most basic outline of the Party's policy in this territory. Therefore, the present study is one of the new probes into the Party's activities in Slovakia, aiming to reduce the historiographical debt. Given the limited scope, this article analyses the party's profile in Slovakia intending to evoke its Czechoslovakist programme, the programme of Czechoslovak national and state unity, which was not accepted with understanding in the conservative and especially nationalist and autonomist-oriented Slovak environment or was fundamentally rejected. In the field of political practice, the party projected the concept of unity into the issue of the search for the optimal administrative system of the Czechoslovak Republic. It was opposed not only to the vision of an autonomous Slovakia within Czechoslovakia, which she correctly perceived as the first step in the process leading to the state-law separation of Czechs and Slovaks, but also the provincial system. The ideal, fulfilling the idea of self-government, autonomy, and independence, was the county system. As a probe into the aforementioned topic, this study also analyses the relationship of the National Socialists in Slovakia to Hlinka's Slovak People's Party, which had the most significant electoral support of the population and differed with them programmatically and politically on the issues addressed in our study. It was their primary political opponent.

Where is the populist radical right successful? Spatial analysis of populist radical right parties in Slovakia and Czechia

ABSTRACT When the popularity of the populist radical right increases, questions arise. Where are these parties successful? Does the geographic distribution of their support change along with changes in their primary issues? This article analyzes spatial aspects in the support of populist radical right parties in Slovakia and Czechia and their change over time. The spatial distribution was examined using spatial autocorrelation.The results showed that these parties have strong support in “left-behind” regions and peripheral rural regions and weak support in the surroundings of largest cities. The distribution of support for parties also changed more significantly when the parties changed the presented main issues. In Slovakia there was visible spatial competition between the traditional populist radical right party, the Slovak National Party (SNS), and newer and adaptable party, the People’s Party Our Slovakia (ĽSNS). ĽSNS succeeded in areas with traditionally strong support for SNS thanks to changes in its main electoral themes. In Czechia, the distribution of support between Dawn and Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD) has changed. Dawn had a support distribution similar to the populist party Public Affairs, which shared ideas of direct democracy. SPD’s support distribution was closer to areas traditionally supporting the populist radical right.

Political Crisis in Slovakia in 1947

The article is devoted to the coverage of the political crisis in Slovakia in 1947, which for the Czech and Slovak communists, became a kind of dress rehearsal for the future nationwide putsch of 1948. The research methodology is based on general scientific and special scientific methods, allowing the authors to avoid inconsistency, imprecision, and detachment from the objective historical process. The article's authors note that the impetus for the political crisis of 1947 was the victory of the Democratic Party in the parliamentary elections of 1946 in Slovakia. This prevented the further strengthening of the position of the communists in the national system of state power by creating the prerequisites for forming an anti-communist bloc of Czech and Slovak parties. The victory of the Democratic Party in Slovakia also stood in the way of the rapid implementation of socialist transformations on the Soviet model. To avoid political isolation and clear the way for the communization of Slovakia, the communist parties of the republic started a struggle against the Democratic Party to remove it from power. The article highlights the communists' accusation against the Democratic Party of supporting the reactionary forces of the state, connections with the people's underground and emigration. The authors did not ignore the influence of external factors and attempts of the communists to use in the fight against the democrats the dissatisfaction of partisans and the left wing of the Resistance movement with the course of “purges” of Slovak national bodies from reactionary elements. The authors of the article state that the DP leadership was not ready for an aggressive communist attack, and the expected help from the Czech democratic parties did not come. The latter believed the claims of the communists that there was a real threat of separatism and a repetition of the events of “March 14, 1939” in Slovakia. As a result, through a discrediting campaign, fabrication of cases of state “enemies”, threats of mass strikes by supporters, and provocation of a government crisis, the communists managed to eliminate the majority of the Democratic Party in the Slovak national bodies, legitimately existing as a result of the 1946 elections, and to strengthen their own positions in Slovakia. The political crisis of 1947 opened the way for Slovakia to slide from democracy to dictatorship

How (Un)Freedom is Being Developed: The Linguistic World of One Political Party in Slovakia Concerning Liberalism

Abstract In the globalised world connected via communication technologies and social media, this paper endeavours to understand how politicians succeed in influencing peopleʼs linguistic worlds through their public communication. The patterns in politiciansʼ precise verbal usage convey intended connotations and redefine how people naturally experience the expressions concerning their conceptual knowledge associated with words. The paper thus suggests adjusting the schema of lexical meaning based on the biology of cognition, which acknowledges the uniqueness and diversity of how people understand received expressions and convey various contents in communication.

"The Emergence of the First Post-November System of Hungarian Political Parties in Slovakia"

"The Emergence of the First Post-November System of Hungarian Political Parties in Slovakia"

Postoj kanonika Andreja Cvinčeka k procesu s Jozefom Tisom

The main goal of this contribution is to expand the existing knowledge about the largest retribution process in the history of post-war Czechoslovakia by looking at the commitment and attitude of the Nitra canon Andrej Cvinček, who at the time of its preparation and proceedings was the vice-chairman of the Slovak National Council and the vice-chairman of the Democratic Party in Slovakia, that is, the association that participated in the creation, approval and adoption of the regulation on retribution courts, and played a role in the process itself.

Karol Anton Medvecký v slovenskej politike po roku 1918

The following article is devoted to a personality important for the Slovak environment, especially in the period of the so-called revolutionary changes since 1918, but not only during them. Karol Anton Medvecký first became the secretary of the Slovak National Party, later also the secretary of the Slovak National Council, a member of the Revolutionary National Assembly, deputy minister with power of attorney for Slovak administration for Catholic Church Affairs, vice-president of the Czechoslovak People's Party in Slovakia or its deputy in the regional council. The aim of the paper is to present Medvecký, his activities, tasks and problems that he was solving in the political field. We will try to answer questions that mainly concern his political activities. We will rely primarily on periodicals and the current state of historiography in the event of a significant shortage and dispersion of preserved archival sources.

Information Sources Shared on Facebook and Networking by Populist Leaders and Populist Parties in Slovakia

Information Sources Shared on Facebook and Networking by Populist Leaders and Populist Parties in Slovakia

Leading the Way, but Also Following the Trend: The Slovak National Party

Despite spells outside parliament, with its blend of nationalist and populist appeals the Slovak National Party (SNS) has been a prominent fixture on Slovakia’s political scene for three decades. Unlike some of the newer parties in Slovakia and across the region, partly as a product of the point of its (re-)creation, SNS has a comparable organizational density to most established parties in the country and has invested in party branches and recruiting members. Although ordinary members exercised some power and influence during the fissiparous era of the early 2000s, SNS has been notable for the role played by its leader in decision-making and steering the party. Each leader placed their stamp on the projection, pitch and functioning of the party, both as a decision-making organization and an electoral vehicle. Ordinary members have been largely—but not exclusively—relegated to the role of cheerleaders and campaigners for the party’s tribunes; a situation which has not changed significantly in the era of social media. The pre-eminent position of the leader and the limited options for “voice” has led unsuccessful contenders for top posts and their supporters to opt instead for “exit.” Despite having some of the traits of the mass party and having engaged in some of the activities common for mass parties, especially in the earlier years of its existence, in more recent times in particular, SNS falls short of the mass party model both in aspiration and reality.

EU integration, regional development problems and the rise of the new radical right in Slovakia

AbstractThe rise of the radical right in Slovakia is associated with stronger attitudes against the European integration and globalization. In this paper, the authors examine the role of the regional factors associated with EU membership in the voter support of the traditional and the new radical right political parties in Slovakia. The main finding is that while the support for the traditional radical right is mostly based on cultural and nationalistic factors, the support for the new radical right is associated with the regional economic factors such as the unemployment rate and wages. The electoral results of the radical right are more influenced by the unemployment rate just after joining the EU than by the situation during elections. Results also show that in the analysis of the impact of investments from the European Structural and Investment Funds (ESIF) on voter support of the radical right, it is useful to distinguish between investments from the ERDF and CF and from the ESF.

‘Slovak, not Brussels Social Democracy’. Europeanization/De-Europeanization and the Ideological Development of Smer-SD Before 2020 Parliamentary Elections in Slovakia

This paper is focused on the evolution of the ideology of Smer - Social Democracy (Smer-SD) party and its positions on European integration before the political elections in Slovakia in February 2020. As the ‘social-democratization’ of Smer-SD was the result of party’s Europeanization, the article explores the dimensions of de-Europeanization in the politics of this party in 2017–2020. Since 2006, Smer-SD has occupied a dominant position among political parties in Slovakia. However, a substantive decline in the electoral support of the party took place after 2016. Smer-SD faced a significant political challenge during the political crisis after the assassination of the journalist Ján Kuciak and his fiancée Martina Kušnírová in February 2018. The result was the resignation of Prime Minister Robert Fico. The appointment of party vice chairman Peter Pellegrini as Prime Minister created a new situation within the party, as for the first time the positions of Prime Minister and head of the party were separated. The political crisis in 2018 revealed the presence of internal conflicts within the party and the weakening of the authority of its chairman, Robert Fico. The establishment of two centres of power within the party resulted in competition between Fico and Pellegrini and, finally, in June 2020, a split, as Pellegrini announced the founding of a new political party.

Mapping the 2020 Slovak Parliamentary Election. Analysis of Spatial Support and Voter Transition

This contribution is a complex analysis of the geographic voting patterns in the 2020 Slovak parliamentary election using methods such as Geographically Weighted Regression, Hierarchical Regression Models, and Ecological Inference. It is focused on the winner of the 2020 parliamentary election, the populist OĽaNO, and on the loser, the traditional left-wing SMER-SD – within the context of electoral support and voter transition in comparison to the 2016 parliamentary election, and in part to the 2019 presidential election. The article contributes to the underdeveloped discourse relating to the spatial support of political parties in Slovakia and finds how the selected socio-economic indicators explain the varying voting patterns. The main finding is that Slovakia is an internally heterogeneous country. The socio-demographic factors have a differentiated (either positive or negative) effect on the electoral support for Slovakian parties. As a result, voting patterns differ not only between the western and eastern parts of the country but also between districts within a common geographic area or region. This reveals the complex set of dividing lines in the country and indicates future trends in Slovakian politics.

It’s My Generation, Baby! How Different Are (New) Parties in Slovakia in Terms of Descriptive Representation?

Party systems all over Europe are becoming more unstable, as new parties win representation. Many of these parties have few members and little or no presence ‘on the ground’ and they tend to present themselves as an alternative to the old, corrupt, and/or incompetent elites. But are they really? In this article I investigate how the parliamentary elites of new parties differ from the elites of more established parties, using the 2020 election as a point of departure. Slovakia is a particularly interesting case, because since 1992, at least one new party has entered parliament in every election bar one. I find that new and/or populist parties are not necessarily much more representative, but most of them do represent an alternative to the established elite in some respect. Strikingly, genuinely new parties not only have younger legislators, but also literally represent a new generation: the generation of the party leader. However, as new parties grow older, so do their parliamentary elites. In leadership-dominated parties the composition of the party leader’s inner circle clearly matters for candidate selection and hence, for the social bias of the parliamentary elite. Finally, the idiosyncratic nomination practice of OĽaNO, the new prime minister’s party, is part of the reason for the party’s relative social pluralism, as well as for high turnover, ideological diversity and low party loyalty.