Party Identification Research Articles

Party identity and ambivalence among Brazilian voters: The lesser of evils?

Estudos sobre eleitores partidários no Brasil mostram o declínio do partidarismo e dos sentimentos em relação aos partidos. Como a identidade partidária se mantém nesse cenário político? Argumentamos que, mesmo quando não avaliam bem o próprio partido, a identificação partidária se sustenta por meio dos sentimentos interpartidários, que se deterioram ao longo dos anos no país. A partir de dados do Estudo Eleitoral Brasileiro (ESEB) entre 2002 e 2018, os dados sugerem que os partidários estão menos entusiasmados com os partidos brasileiros e a relação entre sentimentos partidários se acentuou no contexto eleitoral mais recente. Os resultados da relação entre sentimentos partidários, utilizando um termo quadrático, indicam que as principais alternativas ao petismo justificam uma identidade partidária essencialmente na estratégia do menor dos males: a maior deterioração da imagem dos oponentes políticos como um mecanismo de justificativa da ambivalência em relação ao próprio partidarismo.

Not Bowling Alone: Revisiting Partisan Types and Participatory Behaviors Using the Communication Mediated Model

Drawing on the two-wave 2020 American National Election Studies (ANES) survey, this study revisits partisan types by categorizing individuals’ party identification and positions on party-divided issues. A Latent Class Analysis reveals six types of partisans, which were further clustered into three types: polarized partisans (i.e., polarized Democrats and polarized Republicans, 47.85%), incongruent partisans (i.e., conservative Democrats and liberal Republicans, 28.23%), and floating citizens (i.e., hesitant citizens and apathetic citizens, 23.92%) based on the partisan typology proposed in this study. Employing the O-S-R-O-R model, this study found that polarized partisans (O), who are the most politically active citizens, are more likely than incongruent partisans and floating citizens to seek pro-attitudinal news on multi-platforms (S), then to discuss politics (R), then to be politically knowledgeable (O), which finally leads to higher levels of political participation. The results highlight a worrisome tendency in US politics as participation is largely by biased polarized partisans. Nevertheless, incongruent partisans also have the potential to make contributions to both deliberative and participatory democracy because they are also politically active. Their discussion and participatory behaviors can be attributed to their mixed issue positions and counter-attitudinal news consumption on multi-platforms.

Why vote for an independent? The relevance of negative identity, independent identity, and dealignment in a pro-independent political environment

We know that political parties play a crucial role in the electoral processes of established democracies. However, we know much less about how this role fades away. In this paper, we study the case of Chile, a country that, until a few years ago, was cited as an example of a stable and institutionalized party system. We study how the phenomenon of independent candidates has shaken the national party system. We use two separate strategies to study this phenomenon. First, we measure the marginal effect of the independent label, compared to other party labels, using a conjoint experiment. Our findings show that candidates who are presented as independents have a significant increase in their probability of being chosen. Second, we measure whether this electoral effect relates to party identification. We find that respondents show low animosity towards independent candidates and high animosity towards traditional parties. Furthermore, a majority of the studied population can be classified as negative partisans. These findings suggest that the recent emergence of independent candidates is a result of negative views on parties.

Machine learning model for identification of frontend and backend repositories in Github

Frontend and Backend repositories are the main components of the multi-repository structure. The developers or team managers upfront mostly do the identification of these repositories, but in Github, there is almost no tool or third party identification to identify these repositories. Since Github is the largest open source platform and is used by, many researchers and identification of these two repositories are crucial. This paper shows how this problem can be solved by building a machine learning model based on the file structure of the repository. The model has proven to be very successful with an accuracy of over 90% and can be used not only to identify the repository type, but also to identify the development language and environment.

Ideology Strength Versus Party Identity Strength: Ideology Strength Is the Key Predictor of Attitude Stability.

We investigate the relationship between attitude instability and both party identity strength and ideology strength. We test the explorative hypotheses that higher party identity strength (H1) and ideology strength (H2) predict more attitude stability using intensive longitudinal data collected in the United States every 2 weeks over 1 year (Study 1, N = 552) and in the Netherlands over 6 months (Study 2, N = 1,670). We found mixed support for H1: In the United States, there was no association between party identity strength and attitude stability. In the Netherlands, people with stronger party identity had more stable attitudes. We found stronger support for H2: Individuals with a stronger ideology than average had more stable attitudes in the United States and the Netherlands. The context-dependent nature of relations is discussed.

Konsep Simbolisasi Dan Identitas Politik Sebagai Bentuk Propaganda Di Indonesia

<p><em>Politics and identity are closely related to the practice of power in a particular area. In the 2019 election phenomenon in Indonesia, the concept of symbols and identities of parties and election participants were scattered, both directly and in the media frame. The construction of party identity symbols and figures carried by election participants consists of parties and individuals, for example the PDI-Perjuangan, Democrats and Gerindra. While the symbolic figures are Jokowi, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Prabowo, and Sandiaga Uno. By looking at the level of power relations and the relationship between political symbols, it can be identified the concept of political propaganda through these symbols in order to gain power, or lay the foundation of certain ideologies.</em></p>

Is Affective Polarization Driven by Identity, Loyalty, or Substance?

AbstractPartisan Americans like members of their own party more than members of the opposing party. Scholars often interpret this as evidence that party identity or loyalty influence interpersonal affect. First, we reassess previous studies and demonstrate that prior results are also consistent with what we would predict if people cared only about policy agreement. Next, we demonstrate the difficulty of manipulating perceptions of party identity without also manipulating beliefs about policy agreement and vice versa. Finally, we show that partisans care much more about policy agreement than they do about party loyalty when the two come into conflict. Our analyses suggest that partisan Americans care about policy agreement; we have little convincing evidence that they care about partisan identity or loyalty per se, and scholars will have to find new research designs if they want to convincingly estimate the effects of identity or loyalty independent of policy substance.

SOCIOECONOMIC POLICY EVALUATION: PARTISANSHIP AND PARTISAN BIAS EFFECT

Public support of socioeconomic reforms is one of the most important factors for their successful implementation, and conversely, lack of public approval doesn’t allow achieving the expected effect and may result in negative externalities. In this regard, it is relevant to study the origins of people’s opinions and factors affecting their evaluation of social and economic policies. This paper is devoted to the following aspects of this multidimensional problem as partisanship and partisan bias. Their research has been actively promoted by foreign scientists, but so far presented extremely limited in Ukrainian literature. In this paper the critical review of foreign scientific papers devoted to this topic is presented; the main hypotheses about the influence of party identification on public opinion and the effect of partisan bias are highlighted; features of the methodology are noted and research results are summarized. The methodology used by foreign specialists for research of this problem is based on experimental methods, among them the main place belongs to laboratory experiments. A laboratory experiment means observing people’s behavior (participants’ behavior) under strictly controlled conditions when the influence of uncontrolled factors is limited to a minimum. In foreign studies of partisan bias and its influence on citizens' evaluation of socioeconomic policies, laboratory experiments serve as the main tool for testing hypotheses. The results of the research give evidence, on the one hand, that the partisan bias mechanism provides wide possibilities to manipulate the people’s opinion and public opinion in general, on the other hand, that correct objective information about the policy content and goals can significantly weaken the partisan bias effect. Foreign studies prove that party signal influence depends on the people’s properties, policy content, political systems, and party characteristics. In Ukraine, there is a lack its own research in this field, however, as democratic institutions, civil society, and people’s political consciousness and activity develop, these studies become more relevant to the political and economic life in Ukrainian society.

Public perception of scientists: Experimental evidence on the role of sociodemographic, partisan, and professional characteristics.

Previous research shows that public trust in scientists is often bound up with the messages that they convey and the context in which they communicate. However, in the current study, we examine how the public perceives scientists based on the characteristics of scientists themselves, irrespective of their scientific message and its context. Using a quota sample of U.S. adults, we investigate how scientists' sociodemographic; partisan; and professional characteristics affect preferences and trust towards them as a scientific adviser to local government. We find that scientists' party identification and professional characteristics appear to be prominent to understand public preferences towards them.

Perceptions of COVID-19 vaccine side effects by political affiliation.

We sought to assess the extent to which subjective experiences of COVID-19 vaccine side effects among US adults are associated with political party identification. An online survey was conducted of a national sample of US adults (N=1259) identifying as either Republican or Democrat. There was no significant difference by party identification in the perceived severity of vaccination side effects; however, Republicans were significantly less likely to recommend the vaccine to others in light of their experience (OR=0.40; 95% CI, 0.31-0.51; P<0.001). Republicans also reported having a larger share of COVID-19-vaccinated friends and family who experienced notable side effects (OR=1.31; 95% CI, 1.02-1.68; P<0.05). There was a positive association between respondents' perceived side-effect severity and the proportion of peers who also reported notable side effects (r=0.43; P<0.001). Subjective appraisals of the vaccinated may affect broader vaccine acceptability.

Does Affective Polarization Contribute to Democratic Backsliding in America?

A notable development in 21st-century American politics is the rise of affective polarization: partisans increasingly dislike and distrust those affiliated with the other political party. We offer a wide-ranging review of the nature of party identification; the factors that contribute to affective polarization; and the consequences of this kind of polarization on electoral politics, democratic transgressions, and democratic functioning. We conclude that there is scant evidence of a direct link between affective polarization and democratic backsliding in the U.S., and we argue that understanding the erosion of democratic norms and institutions means that we should consider a wider range of potential causal factors among elites and the general citizenry. Affective polarization has likely made democratic functioning more difficult, though, so interventions to address it are worthwhile: these should focus on core causes rather than on behavioral symptoms.

Feminism within parties: Implications for political elite evaluations and policy attitudes

Although gender-related attitudes have played an increasingly larger role in recent U.S. elections, the implications of feminist identity beyond electoral politics remain largely understudied. This paper examines how the interaction of feminist and party ID impacts political elite evaluations and policy attitudes that are not gender-based by relying on an original survey fielded as part of the 2020 CES and the 2016 ANES. Our analyses show that feminists of both parties give the highest feminist ratings to co-partisan elites. However, while Democratic feminists rate Democratic elites as more feminist than Republican elites, Republican feminists rate the two similarly. Furthermore, within both parties, feminist self-labeling is associated with increased support for policies that advance social equity and inclusion. This gap in policy preferences between feminists and non-feminists largely persists across ideologies—among liberal, moderate, and conservative members of both parties. These findings suggest that feminist identifiers constitute a distinct group within each party, and fostering feminism across political leanings may strengthen public support for more equitable and inclusive policy goals and outcomes.

ISLAMIC PARTIES AND THE VOTING BEHAVIOR OF CITY MUSLIMS IN WEST SUMATRA

The background of this research is that there are no parties based on Islamic values ​​that dominate the victory in the legislative elections in West Sumatra, especially in the three cities that will be the locations of this research. Where the cities are Padang City, Bukittinggi City, and Pariaman City. These three cities have a very dominant Muslim voting population, but in the implementation of legislative elections, not a single party based on Islamic values ​​was able to dominate the victory in the legislative elections. The Muslim community in this city is very synonymous with the policies of its government which are based on sharia, but their voting behavior in legislative general elections does not reflect behavior that supports parties that uphold Islamic teachings. This study uses the theory of voting behavior with a psychological school, to see how the characteristics of voters in this city's Muslim community use a voting behavior approach based on psychological aspects, with the independent variables Issues in the Campaign (X.1) Identification of parties (X.2) and Orientation towards candidates ( X.3) with the dependent variable, namely the voting behavior of urban Muslim communities in general elections. This research uses a quantitative approach with a survey research design, this type of research is explanatory research. Data was collected by distributing questionnaires, respondents were selected using the probability sampling method, namely, stratified random sampling and simple random sampling and using random numbers in determining the respondents. The analysis model for this research is a frequency table and hypothesis testing using Chi Square. The findings of the data in the field show that in measuring the influence between the voting behavior of urban Muslim communities on party identification (X) and voting behavior (Y), the results of this study found that there was a relationship between the identification of Muslim voters' parties on voting behavior of urban Muslim communities in general elections.

WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN PAKISTAN: THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE

This qualitative research signifies the importance of women’s political participation in all democratic societies in the world is highlighted. To know how and why the participation of women in politics is mandatory, Down’s Theory of Rational Choice is used, and for the recognition of women’s identity in political parties Michigan Model of Party Identification is used as a theoretical framework within the framework of the political party system in Pakistan. Secondary sources are used for data collection. Interpretive qualitative methodology is used to understand the theoretical perspective of this issue. Unlike earlier research, this study discusses the importance of women's participation in Pakistan's politics, in a theoretical framework. The technique of triangulation is used for the validity of data. Keywords: Women’s political participation, theoretical perspective, elections, and party, Downs’s theory of rational choice, Michigan model, party identification,

일본의 2022년 민사소송법 개정에 대한 연구

Electronic litigation ensures the accessibility of trial proceedings and court records to the general public by utilizing electronic documents and an electronic case management system. Information Technology (IT) enables litigation to be conducted expeditiously. In this regard, electronic litigation not only facilitates fair and efficient trials but also enhances public trust in the judicial system. However, the implementation of electronic litigation requires the legislation for electronic litigation and the development of systems to facilitate its operation. Initially hesitating the adoption of electronic litigation, Japan fully embraced it by revising the Civil Procedure Act of Japan in 2022. This revision encompasses a broad range of modifications to the civil litigation system, including not only the digitalization of civil litigation, but also the introduction of expedited procedures, the implementation of a protective measure for party identification, and the establishment of procedures for the investigation of electronic evidence. The primary objective behind Japan's reform of civil litigation adopting electornic litigation is to enhance procedural efficiency and effectiveness, improve litigant accessibility, and ultimately uphold the principles of fairness in trials, thereby elevating the overall quality of the judicial process. This paper focuses on three key aspects: 1) online filing and service, 2) electronic courtroom, and 3) electronic case management. By conducting a comparative study on the provisions of electronic litigation between Japan and Korea, it can be expected to introduce implications with regard to electronic litigation in Korea.

FROM ARMED CONFLICT TO POLITICAL CONFLICT: TERRORIST ORGANIZATIONS TRANSFORMED TO POLITICAL PARTIES

Although the strategy used by terrorist organizations and political parties is different, the most obvious thing in common is that they have a political goal. In countries where terrorism is widespread, it is observed that there are poverty, corruption, injustice in political representation, and instability, and non-inclusive political institutions. In order for a terrorist organization to abandon acts of violence, these reasons must be eliminated to a certain extent. The transformation of organizations into political parties takes place by combining structural and strategic factors. In this context, how and under what conditions a terrorist organization turns into a legal political party identity is the subject of this study. For this purpose, terrorist organizations with a long history and an important sociological basis are examined comparatively. It has been observed that the transformation to political parties takes place through peace processes and self-dissolution. Negotiations with terrorist organizations can start under a combination of conditions as follows; realizing that no solution can be reached with violence, weakening the organization, the emergence of a serious need for reconciliation, the support of the national and international public opinion for this reconciliation, focusing on the solution of the factors that motivate the conflict.

Reputation as Articulation: Alliance Building of Career Politicians in the Jim Crow South

Studies of political articulation focus overwhelmingly on the role of parties in constructing political identities and group interests, relying on inter-party competition, given a sharp partisan divide. However, where party identification is less salient, local politicians forge alliances from disparate constituencies, cultivating varying political reputations that personify the concerns of distinct groups. By examining Alabama politics in the 1920s, focusing on the dramatically different relations with the Ku Klux Klan and business elites of Alabama’s three senators, we address how politicians generate supportive alliances in the absence of party competition. To this end, we extend articulation theories by examining how political actors—and not only their parties—cultivate support by presenting the concerns of local publics through their electoral persona. Drawing on archival material, we explore how Senators Oscar Underwood, J. Thomas Heflin, and Hugo Black came to represent key interest groups, forging distinct paths to electoral success. An exclusive focus on parties overlooks politicians’ reputation-building as a mechanism of political articulation.

Disagreement Does Not Always Mean Division: Evidence from Five Decades of American Public Opinion

Abstract Are those things on which Americans most disagree the same things that divide liberals and conservatives or Democrats and Republicans? How has this changed over time? To answer these questions, I use 350 subjective items from five decades of the General Social Survey. Estimating disagreement with ordinal dispersion and using a novel measure of sorting by party and ideological identification, I find an increasing positive association between the two phenomena. In the 1970s, the likelihood that opinion on contentious items divided partisans was low. Since then, this probability has increased. Disagreement has been more consistently associated with higher levels of ideological sorting, though this relationship has also strengthened since the 1980s. I then ask which items and substantive domains have propelled the politicization of disagreement. I decompose the estimated coefficients between disagreement and sorting by item to quantify their contribution in each decade. I find that opinions from two domains play a large role throughout the period: public spending, and sexuality and abortion. Nevertheless, there is a great deal of heterogeneity within domains and over time. Though disagreement between Americans has increasingly sorted, a relatively small number of items drive this relationship in any one decade. Even among voters, a good proportion of disagreement remains unrelated to ideological or partisan divisions.

Does partisanship shape public support for suspending U.S. federal gas tax? A survey experiment

In the wake of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the national average gasoline price in the U.S. rose sharply. In response, President Biden wanted Congress to temporarily suspend the 18.4 cents per gallon federal gasoline tax. However, critics pointed out that gas tax suspension could: (1) undermine U.S. climate policy goals by encouraging the use of gasoline cars, (2) threaten U.S. national security by providing additional oil revenue to the Russian government for expanding its military capabilities, and (3) undermine the economy by defunding federal highway infrastructure. To systematically test how these critiques influenced public support for gas tax suspension, we administered an online survey experiment in May 2022 to a representative sample of U.S. respondents (N = 1,705). We found that in spite of high inflation during the months when the survey was conducted, in the aggregate, national security and the economy frames reduced public support for the gas tax suspension while the climate frame had no such effect. Yet, at the disaggregated level we find important partisan differences. When we interact treatment frames with respondents’ party identification, the national security and the economy frames reduced public support for the gas tax suspension among Republicans only, while the climate frame reduced public support among Democrats only.

A Rumbling from Below? Opposition Party Rebranding, Regional Elections, and Transforming the Regime in Russia

In this paper we examine whether opposition parties, particularly the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF), can promote transition in the electoral authoritarian regime in Russia. We use the example of the National Action Party’s (PAN) evolution as an “official opposition” party in Mexico and discuss how its campaign strategy and party identity evolved. Using a framework derived from the political marketing literature on party branding and rebranding, we argue that the PAN successfully rebranded itself via the electoral opportunities afforded by structure of Mexican federalism, which ultimately led to the democratic transition in 1999. We then address the possibility of a similar evolution occurring in Russia, by examining how the CPRF altered its national campaign message between 2015–2018. Finally, we speculate whether local opposition victories will spark the kind of transition in Russia that occurred in other electoral authoritarian regimes, such as Mexico.